第一篇：肯尼迪在美國大學(xué)的演講詞

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John F.Kennedy

American University Speech

約翰．肯尼迪 在美國大學(xué)的演講詞

肯尼迪對和平的愿望像一條縷縷不絕的線貫穿著他的許多演講詞。但他于一九六三年六月十日在華盛頓市美國大學(xué)所發(fā)表的這篇演講中對和平愿望所作的闡述，是最激動人心不過的了。

伍德魯．威爾遜教授曾經(jīng)說過，每個大學(xué)畢業(yè)生都應(yīng)是愛國者，應(yīng)有時代精神。我堅信，從本校榮幸畢業(yè)的男女學(xué)生，會繼續(xù)把年華和才智奉獻(xiàn)出來，悉心為公眾服務(wù)，充當(dāng)社會的棟梁。

約翰．梅斯菲爾德在給英國各大學(xué)題辭時寫道：「世間事物幾乎沒有什么比大學(xué)更美好的。」他的這番話在這里也同樣適用。他指的不是高聳的塔尖和巍峨的高樓，也不是綠樹成蔭的校園和長滿常春藤的圍墻。他說。他贊美大學(xué)的美，因為那是「痛恨愚昧的人孜孜求知之所，領(lǐng)悟真理的人誨人不倦之處」。

因此，我選擇此時此地來討論一個問題，對這個問題，目前無知者太多，悟理者太少。然而它卻是天下頭等重要的課題，那就是世界和平。

我所指的是什么樣的和平呢?我們所尋求的又是什么樣的和平呢?不是那種靠美國的戰(zhàn)爭武器強(qiáng)加于世界的美國統(tǒng)治下的和平。不是墳?zāi)拱愕钠届o，也不是奴隸式的安全。我所講的是真正的和平，是使人活在世上有意義的那種和平，是使人和國家能夠興旺發(fā)達(dá)，滿懷希望，并為子孫后代創(chuàng)造更美好生活的和平；不僅僅是美國人的和平，而且是所有男女的和平，不僅僅是我們這一時代的和平，而且是永久的和平。

我所以要談?wù)摵推剑且驗閼?zhàn)爭的面貌不同了。在大國能夠維持龐大而較難擊破的核武力，并且不會在使用這些武力之前投降的時代里，在一枚核武器的爆炸力幾乎十倍于第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間所有盟國空軍所投炸彈的爆炸力總和的時代里，在核戰(zhàn)爭產(chǎn)生的致命毒素將被風(fēng)、水、土和種子傳播到地球每個角落并將影響尚未出世后裔的時代里，總體戰(zhàn)已失去了意義。

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現(xiàn)在每年要花數(shù)十億美元來生產(chǎn)武器，目的是為了確保我們永遠(yuǎn)不需要使用這些武器，這對維持和平是必要的。但是貯存這些閑置不用的武器，而且這些武器只能破壞而不能創(chuàng)造財富，這肯定不是唯一的、更不是最有效的維護(hù)和平的手段。

因此我認(rèn)為，和平是有理性的人應(yīng)該追求的合理目標(biāo)。我知道，致力于和平事業(yè)不像從事戰(zhàn)爭那樣引人注目，而且人們對于呼吁和平往往置若罔聞。但我們現(xiàn)在沒有比這個更緊迫的任務(wù)了。

有人說，談?wù)撌澜绾推健⑹澜绶珊褪澜绮密姾翢o用處，將來也毫無用處，除非蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人采取較為開明的態(tài)度。我希望蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人那樣做。我相信我們能夠幫助他們那樣做。但是我也認(rèn)為，我們個人和國家也必須重新檢討一下自己的態(tài)度，因為我們和他們的態(tài)度一樣關(guān)系重大。本校的每一個畢業(yè)生，每一個反對戰(zhàn)爭希望和平的有識之士都應(yīng)該內(nèi)省，檢查自己對和平的可能性、對蘇聯(lián)、對冷戰(zhàn)進(jìn)程和對本國的自由與和平的看法。

首先，讓我們檢查一下對和平的看法。我們當(dāng)中認(rèn)為和平不可能保持的人太多了，認(rèn)為不可能有真正和平的人也太多了。然而這是一種危險的和失敗主義的想法。它會使人得這種道理結(jié)論：戰(zhàn)爭是不可避免的，人類注定要滅亡，我們被一種無法控制的力量支配著。

我們沒有必要接受這種看法。我們的問題都是人為的，因而能夠由人來解決。事在人為。有關(guān)人類命運的問題，沒有一個是人所不能解決的。人靠自己的理智和精神解決了一些似乎無法解決的問題。我們相信，他們還能這么做。

我所講的和平與善意，不是一些幻想家和狂熱分子所夢想的那種絕對而無限的普遍和平與善意的概念。我不否認(rèn)希望與夢想的價值，但如果把它作為我們眼前唯一的目標(biāo)，那就只會帶來沮喪和懷疑。

讓我們把注意力集中在比較實際的、比較能實現(xiàn)的和平上。這種和平不是建立在人性突變的基礎(chǔ)上，而是建立在人類制度逐步演變的基礎(chǔ)上，建立在符合眾人利益的一系列具體行動和有效協(xié)議的基礎(chǔ)上。要實現(xiàn)這種和平，沒有任何快捷方式可走，也不是一兩個大國采用任何宏偉、奇妙的方案所能實現(xiàn)的。真正的和平是許多國家采取許多行動才能實現(xiàn)的。它必然是充滿活力而不是靜止的，并能不斷變化以應(yīng)付每一代新人所提出的挑戰(zhàn)，因為和平是解決問題的過程和途徑。

有了這種和平，仍然會有爭論和利害沖突，就像在家庭和國家內(nèi)部那樣。世界和平有如社會安寧，并不要求每個人愛他的鄰居，只要求他們互相寬容共處，并用公正和平的方法解決糾紛。歷史教導(dǎo)我們，國與國之間的仇恨如同人與人之間的仇恨一樣，不是永世不能消除的。不管我們的愛與憎看起來多么根深蒂固，但隨著時間的推移和事態(tài)的發(fā)展，國家之間和鄰居之間的關(guān)系常常會發(fā)生意料不到的變化。

所以讓我們堅持不懈地努力下去。和平不一定是不能實現(xiàn)的，戰(zhàn)爭也不一定是不

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可避免的。只要我們更加確切地表明我們的目標(biāo)，使之顯得較易處理，不那么渺茫，我們就能幫助各國人民看清目標(biāo)，從中獲得希望還勇往直前。

第二、讓我們重新檢查一下我們對蘇聯(lián)的看法。想到蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人有可能真的相信他們宣傳家的宣傳，確實使人感到喪氣。看到最近列登在蘇聯(lián)權(quán)威刊物[軍事戰(zhàn)略]上的一篇文章，就很使人失望。文章通篇都是毫無根據(jù)、難以置信的論斷，諸如「美帝國主義集團(tuán)正在準(zhǔn)備發(fā)動不同類型的戰(zhàn)爭……現(xiàn)在存在著美帝國主義先發(fā)制人向蘇聯(lián)發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的真正威脅……美帝國主義的政治目標(biāo)是在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上奴役歐洲和其它資本主義國家……并借助侵略戰(zhàn)爭達(dá)到其統(tǒng)治世界的目的。」

古語說：「作賊心虛。」確實如此。然而讀到蘇聯(lián)的這些言論，意識到我們之間鴻溝為阻，卻是很令人沮喪的。但這也提醒美國人民不要像蘇聯(lián)人那樣上當(dāng)，不要只看到對方那種歪曲和極端的觀點，不要把沖突看成不可避免，不要把和解看成絕不可能，不要把對話看作只不過是相互威脅而已。

沒有一個政府或社會制度會邪惡到這種程度，致使人們可以把那里的人民也看成乏善可陳。我們美國人，認(rèn)為共產(chǎn)主義否定個人自由和尊嚴(yán)是極易令人反感的。但是我們同時也為俄羅斯人民在科學(xué)和太空、經(jīng)濟(jì)和工業(yè)發(fā)展以及文化方面取得的許多成就和英勇的行為而歡呼。

在我們兩國人民所具有的許多共性中，最突出的莫過于憎恨戰(zhàn)爭。我們兩國之間從未交戰(zhàn)過，這在世界列強(qiáng)中幾乎是絕無僅有的。在戰(zhàn)爭歷史上，還沒有哪一個國家比蘇聯(lián)在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中所遭受的苦難更深。至少有兩千萬人喪失了生命。不計其數(shù)的家庭和農(nóng)場或化為灰燼，或被劫掠一空。全國三分之一地區(qū)，包括將近三分之二工業(yè)基地成了廢墟，受害面積相常于我國芝加哥以東的整個地區(qū)。

今天一旦再爆發(fā)總體戰(zhàn)，不管是怎么發(fā)生的，我們兩國都會首當(dāng)其沖。這兩個最強(qiáng)大的國家遭受破壞的危險也最大，這似乎有點反常，但事實的確如此。我們的建設(shè)成果，我們努力獲致的一切，將會在最初二十四小時的戰(zhàn)斗內(nèi)被摧毀殆盡，甚至在那給許多國家(包括我國最親密盟國在內(nèi))帶來風(fēng)險和負(fù)擔(dān)的冷戰(zhàn)中，也是我們兩國的負(fù)擔(dān)最重，因為我們兩國都把大量金錢花在武器上，而這筆錢本來是可以用來克服愚昧、貧窮和疾病的。我們雙方都被卷進(jìn)一個危險的惡性循環(huán)里，一方的疑心馬上會引起另一方的猜測；一方有了新武武器，另一方也立即會有對抗的武器。

簡言之，美國和它的盟國、蘇聯(lián)和它的盟國都深切希望有公正而真正的和平，希望停止軍備競賽。在這方面如能達(dá)成協(xié)議，則對蘇聯(lián)和我們都很有利。即使對于那些敵意最深的國家，也應(yīng)相信他們會接受并遵守那些條約義務(wù)；他們只能接受和遵守那些條約義務(wù)，因為那符合他們本身的利益。

因此，我們不應(yīng)對我們的分歧視若無睹，但是，也應(yīng)該注意我們的共同利益和解決分歧的方法。如果我們現(xiàn)在不能消除分歧，至少我們應(yīng)該努力使世界不致因分

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歧而不安全。因為歸根結(jié)底我們最基本的共同點是都居住在這個星球上。我們都呼吸著同樣的空氣。我們都為子女的前途著想，而且我們的壽命都是有限的。

第三、讓我們重新檢查一下對冷戰(zhàn)的看法。要記住我們現(xiàn)在不是在進(jìn)行辯論，不是要列舉各方的論點。我們并不是在這里責(zé)備別人或是判斷他人的是非。我們必須從當(dāng)前實況出發(fā)來處理世界問題，而不要將我們的看法建筑在如果過去十八年的歷史不是這樣的話，那么世界可能是另一番景象的假設(shè)上。

所以我們必須堅持不懈地去探求和平，希望共產(chǎn)主義集團(tuán)內(nèi)部建設(shè)性的變化會帶來一些我們目前似乎是辦不到的解決辦法。我們處理事情的方式，必須使共產(chǎn)主義集團(tuán)看到，達(dá)到真正的和平是對他們有利的。尤其重要的是，當(dāng)核大國在維護(hù)本身的重大利益時，必須避免使其對手不得不在忍辱退卻和原子戰(zhàn)爭二者之 間進(jìn)行抉擇的那種針鋒相對的做法。在核時代，采取這種做法只不過證明我們政策的破產(chǎn)，或表示大家都希望世界毀滅。

為達(dá)此目的，美國的武器不用于挑釁，而且慎加控制，旨在起威懾作用，并能有選擇地使用。我們的軍隊是致力于保衛(wèi)和平的，在自我克制方面也是訓(xùn)練有素的。我們的外交官奉命避免發(fā)表不必要的刺激性言論和造成純屬論戰(zhàn)的敵對狀態(tài)。

我們可以在不放松警惕的情況下來尋求緊張局勢的緩和。從我們方面來說，我們無須用威脅來證明我們的決心。我們也無須唯恐我們的信仰遭受腐蝕而去干擾別國的廣播。我們不愿意把我們的制度強(qiáng)加給任何不愿意接受的人民，但是我們愿意并且能夠與世界上任何國家的人民進(jìn)行和平競賽。

與此同時，我們努力加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國，幫助聯(lián)合國解決經(jīng)費問題，使它成為更有效的和平工具，將它發(fā)展成真正的世界安全體系，即成為一個能夠根據(jù)法律解決爭端、確保大小國家安全和為最終消滅軍備而創(chuàng)造條件的體系。

我們同時努力維護(hù)非共產(chǎn)主義國家內(nèi)部的和平。在非共產(chǎn)主義世界里，許多國家由于各種爭端而發(fā)生分裂。這些國家都是我們的朋友，它們的爭端削弱了西方的團(tuán)結(jié)，容易招來共產(chǎn)黨的干涉，或有導(dǎo)致戰(zhàn)爭的危險。盡管受到來自雙方面的批評，我們在西新幾內(nèi)亞、剛果、中東和印度次大陸的努力是始終不懈的和極 有耐心的。我們也曾努力調(diào)整與最親密的鄰邦墨西哥和加拿大的微小但卻重要的分歧，試圖為別人樹立榜樣。

談到其它國家，我想表明一點。我們與許多國家有聯(lián)盟關(guān)系，這種聯(lián)盟關(guān)系之所以存在，是因為我們和他們有相當(dāng)多共同關(guān)心的問題。例如，由于我們切身利益的一致性，我們承擔(dān)的保衛(wèi)西歐和西柏林的義務(wù)一直沒有減少。美國不會以犧牲其它國家和人民的利益為代價來與蘇聯(lián)進(jìn)行交易。這不僅僅是因為這些國家和人民是我們的伙伴，而且也因為他們的利益和我們的利益是一致的。

我們利益的一致性，不僅表現(xiàn)在保衛(wèi)自由的疆界上，而且也表現(xiàn)在追求和平的道路上。我們的希望和盟國政策的目標(biāo)，是促使蘇聯(lián)認(rèn)識到，它也應(yīng)該讓每個國家選擇自己的前途，只要這種選擇不妨礙其它國家的選擇。共產(chǎn)黨國家力圖把他們

www.tmdps.cn 個性化教育項目專家 的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)制度強(qiáng)加于別國，是今天世界緊張局勢的主要原因。如果所有 國家都不干涉別國的自決，和平毫無疑問會更有保障。

這需要作出新的努力來制定世界法律，為討論世界上的問題提供新的條件。這就需要增強(qiáng)蘇聯(lián)和我們之間的相互了解。要加強(qiáng)了解就必須加強(qiáng)接觸和交換意見。這方面的一個步驟，就是擬議中的在莫斯科和華盛頓之間安裝一條直線電話，以避免彼此在危機(jī)時期可能出現(xiàn)的危險的延擱，以及對另一方行動的誤會和誤 解。

我們一直在日內(nèi)瓦就有關(guān)武器控制的其它初步措施舉行談判，目的是限制軍備競賽的加劇和減少意外戰(zhàn)爭的危險性。然而我們在日內(nèi)瓦會談的首要和長遠(yuǎn)的目標(biāo)是全面徹底裁軍。裁軍可分階段進(jìn)行，同時也在政治方面求得進(jìn)展，建立新的和平體制以取代軍備。自二十年代以來，我國政府一直為實現(xiàn)裁軍而努力。前三屆政府也為此進(jìn)行了不懈的奮斗。不管今天裁軍的前景是多么的黯淡，我們?nèi)詼?zhǔn)備繼續(xù)努力。我們繼續(xù)這方面的工作是為了使所有的國家，包括我們自己，能更好地了解裁軍方面存在的問題及其各種可能性。

這些談判的一個重要方面，是簽訂禁止核試驗的條約，條約的締結(jié)已指日可待，然而卻迫切需要取得新的進(jìn)展。簽訂這樣一個條約似乎近在眼前卻又遠(yuǎn)不可及，條約的締結(jié)可以制止軍備競賽中最危險的一個領(lǐng)域的惡性循環(huán)，而且將使得核大國能更有效地處理人類在一九六三年所面臨的最大危害之一，即核武器進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散的問題。條約的締結(jié)將增加我們的安全，也將減少戰(zhàn)爭的可能性。這個目標(biāo)確是極其重要的，需要我們不斷努力追求，但是也不能因此受惑而放棄我們所堅持的至關(guān)重要的和可靠的保障措施。

因此，我借此機(jī)會宣布兩項有關(guān)的重要決定。

第一：赫魯曉夫主席、麥克米倫首相和我已經(jīng)同意，最近將在莫斯科舉行高級會議，期望能盡早達(dá)成一項全面禁止核試驗的協(xié)議。我們懷著希望，同時也不要忘記歷史的教訓(xùn)，但是我們所抱的希望是與全人類的希望一致的。

第二：為了表明我們對這個問題的誠意和莊嚴(yán)的信念，我現(xiàn)在宣布：只要其它國家不在大氣層進(jìn)行核試驗，美國也不打算在大氣層進(jìn)行核試驗。我們將不首先恢復(fù)大氣層核試驗。這個聲明代替不了有約束力的正式條約，但是我希望它有助于我們締結(jié)條約。這樣一個條約也不能代替裁軍，但是我希望它有助于我們實 現(xiàn)裁軍。

我的美國同胞們，最后，讓我們在這里檢查一下我們對國內(nèi)的和平自由的看法。我們社會的性質(zhì)和精神，須能證明我們在國外所進(jìn)行的努力是正確的，并且還能對那種努力起推動作用。我們必須以我們的獻(xiàn)身精神來表明這一點。在今天畢業(yè)的同學(xué)中，許多人將有表現(xiàn)這種獻(xiàn)身精神的極好機(jī)會，他們可在國外的和平隊或國內(nèi)籌建中的國民服務(wù)隊里擔(dān)任義務(wù)工作。

但是不管我們在哪里，我們在日常生活中，都必須遵循一條古訓(xùn)：和平與自由不

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可分割。今天在我們相當(dāng)多的城市里，和平之仍無保障，因為自由還未臻完善。

地方、州和聯(lián)邦各級政府的行政機(jī)構(gòu)均有責(zé)任在他們的權(quán)力范圍內(nèi)，盡一切辦法向所有公民提供自由和保障自由。舉凡立法機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)力有不完善之處，各級立法機(jī)構(gòu)有責(zé)任使之臻于完善。我們各階層的公民有責(zé)任尊重他人的權(quán)利和國家的法律。

所有這些都與世界和平有關(guān)。圣經(jīng)說：「當(dāng)一個人的行動使上帝滿意時，他甚至也能使他的敵人與他和睦相處。」歸根結(jié)底，和平基本上不就是一個人類的權(quán)利問題嗎?不就是不虞受害而安度一生的權(quán)利，自由呼吸大自然所提供的空氣的權(quán)利，以及讓后代健康生活的權(quán)利嗎?

當(dāng)我們捍衛(wèi)我們的國家利益時，讓我們也來捍衛(wèi)人類的利益。消滅戰(zhàn)爭和武器顯然是符合上述兩項利益的。任何條約不管給所有人帶來多大的好處，也不管措辭多么嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)，都不能杜絕欺騙和漏洞。但是如果條約的實施相當(dāng)有效，而且相當(dāng)符合簽約者的利益，那么它能夠比毫無削減的、漫無控制的和難以預(yù)料的軍備競賽提供遠(yuǎn)為可靠的安全，人們所冒的風(fēng)險也要少得多。

眾所周知，美國決不會發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。我們不要戰(zhàn)爭。我們現(xiàn)在不盼望戰(zhàn)爭。這一代美國人已受夠了戰(zhàn)爭、仇恨和壓迫，并且受得太多了。如果別人想要戰(zhàn)爭，我們將嚴(yán)陣以待。我們將提高警惕，設(shè)法制止它。我們也會為建設(shè)一個弱者安全，強(qiáng)者公正的和平世界而盡我們的一點責(zé)任。要完成這個任務(wù)，我們不是無能為 力的，對實現(xiàn)這個目標(biāo)，我們也不是毫無信心的。我們信心百倍，無所畏懼，努力奮斗－－不是旨在消滅他人，而是謀求和平。

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第二篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)在美國大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮的演講(英文)

John F.Kennedy

American University Commencement Address

delivered 10 June 1963 President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914.This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business.By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.“There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university,” wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities--and his words are equally true today.He did not refer to towers or to campuses.He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, “a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see.”

I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived.And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.I speak of peace because of the new face of war.Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces.It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War.It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace.But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men.I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears.But we have no more urgent task.Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet union adopt a more enlightened attitude.I hope they do.I believe we can help them do it.But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs.And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.First examine our attitude towards peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.Too many think it is unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore, they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as he wants.No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions--on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned.There is no single, simple key to this peace;no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers.Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts.It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation.For peace is a process--a way of solving problems.With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations.World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement.And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever.However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors.So let us persevere.Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable.By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union.It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims--and I quote--“of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war.”

Truly, as it was written long ago: “The wicked flee when no man pursueth.” Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us.But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue.As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity.But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war.Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other.And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet union in the Second World War.At least 20 million lost their lives.Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked.A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland--a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again--no matter how--our two countries will be the primary target.It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation.All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours.And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens.For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease.We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet union as well as ours.And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved.And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity.For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet.We all breathe the same air.We all cherish our children's futures.And we are all mortal.Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points.We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment.We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us.We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace.And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war.To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy--or of a collective death-wish for the world.To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use.Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint.Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard.And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute.We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded.We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system--a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war.Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides.We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear.We are bound to many nations by alliances.Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap.Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests.The United States will make no deal with the Soviet union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others.The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today.For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions.It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves.And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication.One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war.Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms.The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's.It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations.And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort--to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests.The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas.It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms.It would increase our security;it would decrease the prospects of war.Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty.Our hope must be tempered--Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history;but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so.We will not--We will not be the first to resume.Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one.Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home.The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad.We must show it in the dedication of our own lives--as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government--local, State, and National--to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate.And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.All this--All this is not unrelated to world peace.“When a man's way[s] please the Lord,” the Scriptures tell us, “he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.” And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation;the right to breathe air as nature provided it;the right of future generations to a healthy existence? While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests.And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both.No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion.But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war.We do not want a war.We do not now expect a war.This generation of Americans has already had enough--more than enough--of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.來源：http://wsc.jxbsu.com/show.php?itemid=122

第三篇：肯尼迪在萊斯大學(xué)演講范文

President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation’s own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip [aut'strip] v.[T] 追過，勝過，凌駕our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense [k?n'dens] v.[T] 1.壓縮；濃縮 2.聚集（光線）3.縮短，減縮（文章等）4.使冷凝，使凝結(jié)

v.[I] 1.（氣體）冷卻成液體（或固體）2.濃縮；凝結(jié), if you will, the 50,000 years of man1s recorded history in a time span n.[C] 1.（橋墩間的）墩距；孔；跨距；支點距 2.一段時間（尤指人的一生）；短促的時間 3.指距 4.全長 5.小范圍；短距離 6.持續(xù)時間，時間階段

v.[T] 1.（橋、拱等）橫跨，跨越 2.（建筑工人等）在...上架橋（或建造拱門等）3.以指距量；測量 4.用手環(huán)繞（或圍繞）（腰、腕等）5.持續(xù)；包括 6.【數(shù)】生成，張成 7.縛住，扎牢 8.拉緊，張緊 9.套上（馬等）of but a half a century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from自...出現(xiàn) 擺脫出來，走出陰影his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity 1.基督教began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of gravity.Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin n.盤尼西林,青霉素and television and nuclear power, and now if America1s new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus n.1.金星；太白星 2.維納斯, we will have literally ad.1.逐字地；照著原文 2.確實地，真正地，不加夸張地 3.【口】（用于夸張）簡直reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking 1.非常激動人心的，壯觀的 2.驚人的；驚險的 3.使人透不過氣來的pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels v.[T] 驅(qū)散，驅(qū)逐old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas n.1.（農(nóng)村、城市等的）景色，景觀 2.（未來可能發(fā)生的）一系列情景，一連串事情 3.美國微軟的新視窗操作系統(tǒng) Vista)of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this State of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them were “made in the United States of America” and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this State, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your City of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this Center in this City.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year1s space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United Stated, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.[laughter]

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the term of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He said, “Because it is there.”

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.

第四篇：美國第一夫人DNC2012演講詞

美國第一夫人DNC2012演講詞

When it comes to give our children the education they deserve, Barack knows like me and like so many of you he never could’ve attended college without financial aid.And believe it or not, when we were first married, our combined monthly student loan bills were actually higher than our mortgage.We were so young, so in love, and so in debt(當(dāng)時我們那么年輕，那么相愛，還負(fù)責(zé)累累).That’s why Barack has fought so hard to increase student aid and keep interest rates down because he wants every young person to fulfill their promise(大展宏圖)and be able to attend college without a mountain of debt.So in the end, for Barack, these issues aren’t political——they are personal.Because Barack knows what it means when a family struggles.He knows what it means to want something more for your kids and grandkids.Barack knows the American Dream because he’s lived it(因為他曾親身經(jīng)歷), and he wants everyone in this country to have that same opportunity no matter who we are, or where we’re from, 1 or what we look like, or who we love(無論身份，無論家鄉(xiāng)，無論種族，無論信仰和情感).And he believes that when you’ve worked hard, and done well, and walk through that doorway of opportunity, you do not slam it shut behind you.You reach back and you give other folks the same chances that helped you succeed.So when people ask me whether being in the White House has changed my husband, I can honestly say that when it comes to this character, and his convictions, and his heart(不論他的品格，信仰還是內(nèi)心), Barack Obama is still the same man I fell in love with all those years ago.He is the same man who started his career by turning down high paying jobs and instead working in struggling neighborhoods where a steel plant had shut down, fighting to rebuild those communities and get folks back to work…because for Barack success isn’t about how much money you make, it’s about the difference you make in people’s lives.He is the same man who, when our girls were first born, would anxiously check their cribs every few minutes to ensure 2 they were still breathing, proudly showing them off to everyone we knew.That’s the man who sits down with me and our girls for dinner nearly every night, patiently answering their questions about issues in the news and strategizing about middle school friendships.That’s the man I see in those quiet moments late at night, hunched over his desk, poring over the letters people have sent him.The letter from the father struggling to pay his bills, from the woman dying of cancer whose insurance company won’t cover her care(保險公司棄之不管), from the young person with so much promise but so few opportunities(懷才不遇的年輕人).I see the concern in his eyes…and I hear the determination in his voice as he tells me, “You won’t believe what these folks are going through, Michelle…it’s not right.We’ve got keep working to fix this.We’ve got so much more to do.” I see how those stories-our collection of struggles and hopes and dreams, I see how that’s what drives Barack Obama every single day.And I didn’t think it was possible, but today, I love 3 my husband even more than I did four years ago, even more than I did 23 years ago, when we first met.I love that he’s never forgotten how he started(因為他不忘本).I love that we can trust Barack to do what he says he’s going to do, even when it’s hard especially when it’s hard.I love that for Barack, there is no such thing as “us” and “them”(不分你我).He doesn’t care whether you’re a Democrat, a Republican, or none of the above, he knows that we all love our country…and he’s always ready to listen to good ideas, he’s always looking for the very best in everyone he meets.And I love that even in the toughest moments, when we’re all sweating it, when we’re worried that the bill won’t pass, and it seems like all is lost.Barack never lets himself get distracted by the chatter and the noise.Just like his grandmother, he just keeps getting up and moving forward, with patience and wisdom, and courage and grace.And he reminds me that we are playing a long game here(我們?nèi)沃囟肋h(yuǎn)), and that change is hard, and change is slow, and it never happens all at once.But eventually we get there, we always do.We get there because of folks like my Dad…folks like Barack’s grandmother...men and women who said to themselves, “I may not have a chance to fulfill my dreams, but maybe my children will…maybe my grandchildren will.” So many of us stand here tonight because of their sacrifice, and longing, and steadfast love, because time and again, they swallowed their fears and doubts and did what was hard.So today, when the challenges we face start to seem overwhelming or even impossible, let us never forget that doing the impossible is the history of this nation, it is who we are as Americans…it’s how this country was built.And if our parents and grandparents could toil and struggle for us, if they could raise beams of steel to the sky, send a man to the moon, and connect the world with the touch of a button, then surely we can keep on sacrificing and building for our own kids and grandkids.And if so many brave men and women could wear our country’s uniform.And sacrifice their lives for our most fundamental rights, then surely we can do our part as citizens of this great democracy to exercise those rights, 5 surely we can get to the polls on Election Day and make our voices heard.If farmers and blacksmiths could win independence from an empire, if immigrants could leave behind everything they knew for a better life on our shores, if women could be dragged to jail for seeking the vote, if a generation could defeat a depression, and define greatness for all time, if a young preacher could lift us to the mountaintop with his righteous dream, and if proud Americans can be who they are and boldly stand at the altar with who they love, then surely we can give everyone in this country a fair chance at that great American Dream.Because in the end, more than anything else, that is the story of this country-the story of unwavering hope grounded in unyielding struggle.That is what has made my story, and Barack’s story, and so many other American stories possible.And I say all of this tonight not just as First Lady…and not just as a wife.You see, at the end of the day, my most important title is still “mom-in-chief”(一個操心的媽媽), my daughters are still the heart of my heart and the center of my world.But today, I have none of those worries from four years ago, about whether Barack and I were doing what’s best for our girls.Because today, I know from experience that if I truly want to leave a better world for my daughters, and for all sons and daughter, if we want to give all our children a foundation for their dreams and opportunities worthy of their promise, if we want to give them that sense of limitless possibility, hat belief that here in America, there’s always something better out there if you are willing to work for it, then we must work like never before and we must one again come together and stand together for the man we can trust to keep moving this great country forward, my husband, our President, President Barack Obama.Thank you.God bless you.

第五篇：美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說

John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice

President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and

Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich./

5To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free

governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to

strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental

self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E/ 5

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this

responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.肯尼迪就職典禮

時間：1961年1月20日 地點：國會大廈

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結(jié)束，也象征著一個開端；意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。

人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權(quán)利并非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪－－他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。/

5讓每個國家都知道－－不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落－－為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證－－而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無往不勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚αⅲ蜁皇聼o成－－因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由－－而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間－－之所以這樣做，并不是因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法挽救少數(shù)富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證－－在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆樱瑤椭杂傻娜藗兒妥杂傻恼當(dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對聯(lián)合國，主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強(qiáng)它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對那些與我們作對的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭洌覀儾拍芎翢o疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動最后戰(zhàn)爭的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開始－－雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深海，并鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。/

5讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令－－“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”（注：《圣經(jīng)·舊約全書·以塞亞書》第58章6節(jié)。）

如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創(chuàng)造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全、和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號角已再次吹響－－不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器；不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任，年復(fù)一年，從希望中得到歡樂，在磨難中保持耐性，對付人類共同的敵人－－專制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能為你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。/ 5