第一篇：美國總統尼克松的講話英漢對照

美國總統尼克松的講話英漢對照

PRESIDENT NIXON’S SPEECH1

Mr.Prime Minister and all of your distinguished guests this evening, On behalf of all of your American guests, I wish to thank you2 for the incomparable hospitality for which3 the Chinese people are justly famous throughout the world.I particularly want to pay tribute, not only to those who prepared the magnificent dinner, but also to4 those who have provided5 the splendid music.Never have I heard American music played better in a foreign land.Mr.Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks.At this very moment6 through the wonder7 of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world.Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered.What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, the American people are a great people.If our two people are enemies the future of this world we share together is dark indeed.But if we can find common ground8 to work together, the chance for world peace9 is immeasurably increased.In the spirit of frankness which10 I hope will characterize our talks this week, let us recognize at the outset11 these points: we have at times in the past been enemies.We have great differences today.What brings us together is that we have common interests which transcend those differences.As we discuss our differences, neither of us will compromise our principles.But while we cannot close the gulf between us, we can try to bridge it so that we may be able to talk across it.So, let us, in these next five days, start a long march together, not in lockstep12, but on different roads leading to the same goal, the goal of building a world structure of peace and justice in which13 all14 may stand together with equal dignity and in which each nation, large or small, has a right to determine its own form of government, free of outside interference or domination15.The world watches.The world listens.The world waits to see what we will do.What is the world? In a personal sense, I think of my eldest daughter whose birthday is today.As I think of her, I think of all the children in the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Europe, in the Americas, most of whom were born since the date of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision16 to build a new world? There is no reason for us to be enemies.Neither of us seeks the territory of the other;neither of us seeks domination over the other, neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has written, “So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently;the world rolls on , time presses.Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, seize the hour!”

This is the hour.This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a new and a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Chou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people which can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.美國總統尼克松的講話

總理先生及今晚在座的諸位貴賓：

我謹代表你們的所有美國客人向你們表示感謝，感謝你們的無可比擬的盛情款待。中國人民以這種盛情款待而聞名世界。我們不僅要贊揚那些準備了這次盛大晚宴的人，而且還要特別贊揚那些為我們演奏美好音樂的人。我在外國從未聽到過演奏得這么好的美國音樂。

總理先生，我要感謝你的非常盛情和雄辯的講話。此時此刻，通過電訊的奇跡，看到和聽到我們講話的人比在世界歷史上任何其他這樣的場合都要多。不過，我們在這里所講的話，人們不會長久地記住，但我們在這里做的事卻能改變世界。

正如你在祝酒時講的那樣，中國人民是偉大的人民，美國人民是偉大的人民。如果我們兩國人民互相為敵，那么我們共同居住的這個世界的前途就的確很暗淡。但是，如果我們能夠找到進行合作的共同點，那么實現世界和平的機會就將無可估量地大大增加。

我希望我們這個星期的會談將是坦率的。本著這種坦率的精神，讓我們在一開始就認識到這樣幾點：過去一些時候我們曾是敵人，今天我們有巨大的分歧。使我們走到一起的，是我們有超越這些分歧的共同利益。在我們討論我們的分歧時，我們雙方都要在自己的原則上妥協。但是，雖然我們不能彌合雙方之間的鴻溝，我們卻能夠設法搭一座橋，以便我們能夠越過它進行會談。

因此，讓我們在接下來的五天里，一起踏上漫漫征程，雖然步調不一致，但都是朝著同一個目標在不同的道路上前進。這個目標是建立一個公正和平的世界格局。在這個格局中，所有國家都能相互尊重，國家不論大小，都有權不受外界的干涉或統治，自主地決定自己的政府形式。世界在注視著我們，世界在聆聽著我們，世界期盼著我們的決定。世界是什么呢？就我個人而言，我想起今天是我大女兒的生日，我想起了她，便想起了全世界的孩子們，亞洲的、非洲的、歐洲的和美洲的，各國大部分孩子都是在中華人民共和國建國以后出生的。

該留給孩子們什么樣的遺產呢？他們是注定要死于困擾舊世界的仇恨還是注定為創建新世界這一遠景而生存呢？

我們毫無理由成為敵人，我們都既不窺視另一方的領土，也不尋求主宰另一方，更不想擴展勢力統治世界。

毛主席曾寫道：“多少事，從來急，天地轉，光陰迫，一萬年太久，只爭朝夕。” 此時此刻，兩國人民應該行動起來，努力開創一個全新的、更美好的世界。

本著這種精神，我誠邀在坐的各位與我共同為毛主席，為周總理，為中美兩國人民的友誼，以及由此帶給全世界人民的友誼與和平干杯。

第二篇：尼克松訪華演講 英漢對照

Speech at a Welcoming Banquet

Mr.Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks.At this very moment through the wonder of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say to them than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world.Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered.What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, and the American people are a great people.If our tow peoples enemies, the future of this world we share together is dark indeed.But if we can find common ground to work together, the chance for world peace is immeasurably increased.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision to build a new world? There is no reason for us to be enemies.Neither of us seeks the territory of the other, neither of us seeks domination over the other, and neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has written,“ So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently;the world rolls on, time presses.Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, and seize the hour!”

This is the hour.This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a new and a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Zhou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people that can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.Richard M.Nixon

1972

歡迎宴上的致辭

——美國前總統尼克松的經典演講

總理先生，我要感謝您作的如此盛情和意味深長的講話。此時此刻，通過電訊的奇跡，在觀看在聆聽我們的講話的人數是空前的。也許，我們在這里的演講不會長留于人們心中，但我們在這里做的是能改變世界。

正如你在酒詞中說講的，中國人民是偉大的人民，美國人民是偉大的人民。如果我們兩國相互敵視，那么我們共同擁有的這個世界的前途就會暗淡無光。但是，如果我們能找到相互合作的共同立場，那么實現和平的機會就將無法估量的大大增加。我們將給我們的孩子留下什么遺產呢？他們注定是要因為那些曾禍患舊世界的仇恨而死亡呢？還是因為我們締造一個新世界的遠見而活下去？

我們沒有要成為敵人的理由。無論我們那一方都不企圖侵占對方的領土;無論哪一方都不企圖控制對方；無論哪一方都不企圖伸手去主宰這個世界。

毛主席寫過：“多少事，從來急，天地轉，光陰迫。一萬年太久，只爭朝夕。”

現在正是只爭朝夕的時候，是我們兩國人們去攀登偉大事業的高峰——締造一個全新的，更美好的世界的時候。本著這種精神，我請求諸位同我一起舉杯，為毛主席，為周總理，為能為全世界人民帶來友誼與和平的中美兩國人民之間的友誼，干杯。

尼克松

1972

（本文為1972年尼克松訪華時的祝酒詞）

第三篇：英漢對照

autozero

自穩零 ： 自動歸零模式

application [,?pli'kei??n]

n.應用；申請；應用程序；敷用

time drive

時間驅動

scan [sk?n]

n.掃描；瀏覽；審視；細看

conc

n.濃度；adj.濃縮的（等于concentrated）

inst

安裝；設置；

autosave ['?:t?useiv]

v.自動保存

Sample info

樣品信息 ；采樣信息

identity [ai'dent?ti]

n.身份；特性；代號

ordinate ['?:din?t,-neit]

n.縱座標；[數]縱線

baseline correction

基線校正

curve [k?:v]

n.曲線；曲線圖表；曲線擬合；曲線類型

intercept [,int?'sept]

vt.攔截；截斷；竊聽n.攔截；[數]截距；

number of revolution

[機] 旋轉次數；轉數；重復測定次數

response [ri'sp?ns]

n.響應；反應；回答

use exipedition calibration

利用已存的標準曲線

enter calibration edit

修改、校準標準曲線

recalibration[ri'k?li'bre??n]

n.[儀] 再校準；重新校準已存標準曲線

output ['autput, ,aut'put]

n.輸出，輸出量；產量；出產

number of samples to average

樣本數取平均數

replace [ri'pleis]

vt.取代，代替；替換，更換；

delete [di'li:t]

vt.刪除

第四篇：7美國總統尼克松就職演說(1969年)

1969年美國總統尼克松就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment.In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique.But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized.The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation.Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever.We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today.I know America's youth.I believe in them.We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it.Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.”

Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit;reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace.We are torn by division, wanting unity.We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment.We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver;from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds;from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen.We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education;in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas;in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all.The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing;with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease.I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents;we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not.To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two.The laws have caught up with our conscience.What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome;where peace is fragile, make it strong;where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son.I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America.I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”;with compassion for those who have suffered;with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

“To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers.”

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible;telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit.But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark.Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity.So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, “riders on the earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers;but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.理查德-尼克松 第一次就職演講

我們都是地球的乘客星期一,1969年1月20日

歷史的每一個時刻轉瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨特。可是，其中某些顯然是揭開序幕的時刻，此時，一代先河得以開創，它決定了未來數十年或幾個世紀的航向。

現在可能就是這樣一個時刻。

現在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠實現。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現的種種進步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們在地球上也發現了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領袖害怕戰爭，因此，目前形勢第一次變得有利于和平。

從現在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現在大多數人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據自己的行動和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號。這一榮譽現在正在召喚美國——這是領導世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢寐以求的和平高壇的一個機會。

我們若獲成功，下幾代人在談及現在在世的我們時會說，正是我們掌握了時機，正是我們協力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創立宏偉大業的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準備響應這一召喚。

經過一段對抗時期，我們正進入一個談判時代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個開放的世界——對各種思想開放，對物資和人員的交流開放，在這個世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

我們不能指望每個人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設法使任何人都不與我們為敵。

我們邀請那些很可能是我們對手的人進行一場和平競賽——不是要征服領土或擴展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

在探索宇宙空間的時候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進行一次新的探險。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負擔，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強大就會多強大：需要強大多久，就會強大多久。

自從我作為新當選的國會議員首次來到國會大廈之后的20多年來，我已經出訪過世界上大多數國家。

我結識了世界各國的領導人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強大勢力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復一日，甚至年復一年地進行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰爭中掛彩負傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識形態和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達我們的深切關懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護和捍衛合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現在還要補充一項神圣的義務：我將把自己的職責、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻給各國之間的和平事業。

讓強者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰勝任何一個民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創傷的和平：是對遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對那些反對過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運的機會的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個世界一樣，第一次端視了這個世界，一個在冥冥黑暗中輝映發光的獨特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號上的字航員在圣誕節前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們在祈禱上帝賜福人間。

在那一時刻，他們從月球上發出的意愿，激勵著詩人阿奇博爾德?麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟。”

在那個比技術勝利更有意義的時刻，人們把思緒轉向了家鄉和人類——他們從那個遙遠的視角中發現，地球上人類的命運是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們在宇宙中走得多遠，我們的命運不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經度過了一個反映美國精神的漫漫長夜。可是，當我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機會的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個機會吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅定的信念，朝著穩定的目標，在提防著危險中前進吧！我們對上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。

第五篇：1960年尼克松肯尼迪辯論 英漢

美國裹足不前

（1960年總統辯論：肯尼迪—尼克松）

肯尼迪：我說過，我已經為這個國家服務了14年，我在戰時去保衛美國，我把我的一切奉獻給我的祖國。如果我在這次競選中失敗了，我要繼續在參議院為建設一個強大的美國而奮斗。我之所以要參加競選，是因為我看到了美國在今年有很大的發展機會，有在國內和全世界大展宏圖的機會，有重新把美國建設成一個朝氣蓬勃、蒸蒸日上的社會的機會。

我認為，共和黨在美國仍然裹足不前，在世界也裹足不前。我們今天僅使用了美國50%的鋼鐵生產能力。我在1958年出現了經濟衰退，我在1954年出現了經濟衰退。如果我們仍然裹足不前，如果我們任命的大使和華盛頓的其他官員不能意識到現在處于革命性的階段，那么美國就不會保持它的實力。如果我們失敗了，自由的事業也就失敗了。

我認為下一任美國總統有責任讓這個國家重新運轉起來，發展我們的經濟，向美國人民明確美國的目標和未完成的事業。然后，在全世界盡可能任命最優秀的人才，大使要會講駐在國的語言，不是看他的政治捐獻，而看他會不會講駐在國的語言。

我認為這個黨——共和黨——的25年的領導一直裹足不前，它反對羅斯福和其他總統提出的所有計劃，如最低工資、住房、經濟增長、開發美國自然資源和田納西大峽谷等計劃。我認為，如果我們能有一個堅信運轉、堅信發展的黨，那么我們就能重新樹立起我們在世界的地位——強大的國防、高速的經濟增長、對我們人民的公正、確保憲法權利，讓人民相信我們說到做到，然后，在全世界重新建立像富蘭克林·羅斯福總統所創建的拉丁美洲那樣的環境（譯者注：當時的拉丁美洲是美國的勢力范圍，是美國的“后院”）。羅斯福總統在拉丁美洲人的眼里是個好鄰居，因為他在美國就是個好鄰居，因為他們看到的我們是一個充滿同情心、互相關愛、推動國家前進的社會。

我相信，作為民主黨領袖的我有責任提醒美國人民，1960年是決定性的一年，我們不能再裹足不前了，我們不能再屈居第二了。我要讓美國重新引起全世界人民的關注，讓他們意識到我們運轉起來了，我們的全盛時期就要來臨。我要讓赫魯曉夫知道，曾在第二次世界大戰期間在歐洲、意大利和太平洋為自由而戰的新一代美國人現在已經執掌了美國的權力，他們要讓這個國家重新運轉起來。

我認為，這個國家沒有不能做的事情；我認為，所有美國人民都會承擔保衛祖國、保衛我們安全和促進自由事業發展的責任。我們現在有義務那樣做。富蘭克林·羅斯福在1936

年說過：那一代美國人和美國的命運聯系在一起。我認為，在1960、1961和1963年我們就要和命運有約。我相信，我們有義務成為美國和自由的守護神，為了做到這些，我們給這個國家正確的領導，我們必須讓美國重新運轉起來。

尼克松：肯尼迪參議員在總統辯論和整個競選過程中一再說美國人民裹足不前，今天晚上他還是這么說。那不是裹足不前。就像艾爾·史密斯（譯者注：1928年美國民主黨提名的總統候選人。他出身貧窮，小學沒畢業的他自學成才，四度當選為紐約州州長）常說的那樣：讓我們直接通過核對記錄來留下記錄。他說到住房，我們在過去7年里建造的住房比任何一屆政府建造的房子都多，比上屆政府所建的住房超過了30%；我們談到學校，艾森豪威爾政府過去建造的教室數量比杜魯門政府多三倍；再看看民權，我們在過去8年里在民權方面取得的進步比過去80年取得的進步都大；他還說到清除貧民窟之類的事情，他們這屆政府承擔和完成的項目是上界政府的四倍。那些說美國在過去七年半里裹足不前的人沒有在美國好好看看，他也許是在其他國家說的。

再有，我們必須清楚這一點，那就是美國并沒有裹足不前。美國不能原地踏步。我們之所以不能原地踏步，是因為我們在進行競賽；我們之所以不能原地踏步，是因為我們在世界范圍面臨沖突時，重要的是我們不能只保全自己，我們不能只讓我們自己自由，重要的是我們要傳播自由，讓自由傳遍全世界。這就意味這我們現在所做的一切還遠遠不夠；這就意味著要讓美國有更強大的軍事力量；這就意味著我們要有更快的經濟發展速度；這就意味著在人權上要取得更大的進步，以讓我們成為全世界的光輝榜樣，讓世界看到最好的民主在前進。

現在，看看世界其他地區——南美洲——我要談談我們這屆政府和上一屆政府的記錄。我們有一個睦鄰友好的政策，是的，它很有效。但是讓我們看看那里的情況，1953年我們執政時拉丁美洲有11個獨裁者，現在還剩下3個。讓我們再看看非洲，在我們這屆政府執政期間，那里新產生了20個國家，其中沒有一個是共產黨政權，那里的政府都是通過自由選舉產生的。這不就證明了是共產主義更有吸引力還是自由更有吸引力了么？我是在試圖表明我們在非洲、拉丁美洲和亞洲就沒有問題了么？當然不是。我所要設法表明的是，歷史的潮流有利于我們，我們可以保持這種優勢，因為我們站在了正確的一邊，我們和自由站在了一邊，我們和反抗奴役和非正義勢力的正義力量站在了一邊。

如果我們對美國的各項成就保持自卑的心態，我們就不能讓美國運轉起來，我們就不能領導世界取得為自由而奮斗的勝利。我已經指出，我們在世界上是第一號大國，我們在科技上第一，我們在教育上第一，在未來幾年里，我們要進一步發揮在世界的領導作用。

我要說的另一方面是：你們能做些什么？我和肯尼迪參議員在競爭美國的總統職位，將來人們會寫道我們中的一個當選為美國總統，他是不是一個偉大的總統。如果肯尼迪參議員或我當選為總統，用什么衡量他或我是不是一位偉大的總統呢？不能用我們的雄心壯志去衡量，因為偉大的品質不是寫在競選廣告上的漂亮話語，在很大程度上應該由美國人民表現出來的崇高理想、高尚的意識和堅定的信念去衡量決定的。也就是說，作為領導美國和自由世界的下一任美國總統，只能和美國人民一樣偉大。總而言之，我們要保持美國人民堅定的信念，尤其要確保讓美國年輕一代對自由有堅定的信念，要信奉上帝，這是我們和反對我們的無神論的唯物主義者的根本區別。

Getting America moving again(closing statements)

KENNEDY: I said that I’ve served this country for fourteen years.I served it in the war.I’m devoted to it.If I lose this election, I will continue in the Senate to try to build a stronger country.But I run because I believe this year the United States has a great opportunity to make a move forward, to make a determination here at home and around the world, that it’s going to reestablish itself as a vigorous society.My judgment is that the Republican party has stood still here in the United States, and it’s also stood still around the world.We’re using about fifty percent of our steel capacity today.We had a recession in fifty-eight.We had a recession in fifty-four.If we stand still here, if we appoint people to ambassadorships and positions in Washington who don’t recognize that this is a revolutionary time, then the United States does not maintain its influence.And if we fail, the cause of freedom fails.I believe it incumbent upon the next president of the United States to get this country moving again, to get our economy moving ahead, to set before the American people its goals, its unfinished business.And then throughout the world appoint the best people we can get, ambassadors who can speak the language not merely people who made a political contribution but who can speak the language.I believe that this party — Republican party — its leadership has stood still really for twenty-five years.It opposed all of the programs of President Roosevelt and others — the minimum wage and for housing and economic growth and development of our natural resources, the Tennessee Valley and all the rest.And I believe that if we can get a party which believes in movement, which believes in going ahead, then we can reestablish our position in the worldthree times as many classrooms built in the past Administration — and Eisenhower — than under the Truman Administration.Let’s talk about civil rights.More progress in the past eight years than in the whole eighty years before.He talks about the progress in the field of slum clearance and the like.We find four times as many projects undertaken and completed in this Administration than in the previous one.Anybody that says America has been standing still for the last seven and a half years hasn’t been traveling in America.He’s been in some other country.Now the second point we have to understand is this, however, America has not been standing still.But America cannot stand pat.We can’t stand pat for the reason that we’re in a race.We

can’t stand pat because it is essential with the conflict that we have around the world that we not just hold our own, that we not keep just freedom for ourselves.It is essential that we extend freedom, extend it to all the world.And this means more than what we’ve been doing.It means keeping America even stronger militarily than she is.It means seeing that our economy moves forward even faster than it has.It means making more progress in civil rights than we have so that we can be a splendid example for all the world to see democracy in action at its best.Now, looking at the other parts of the world — South America — talking about our record and the previous one.We had a good neighbor policy, yes.It sounded fine.But let’s look at it.There were eleven dictators when we came into power in 1953 in Latin America.There are only three left.Let’s look at Africa.Twenty new countries in Africa during the course of this Administration.Not one of them selected a Communist government.All of them voted for a free type of government.Does this show that Communism has the bigger pull, or freedom has the bigger pull? Am I trying to indicate that we have no problems in Africa or Latin America or Asia? Of course not.What I am trying to indicate is that the tide of history’s on our side, and that we can keep it on our side, because we’re on the right side.We’re on the side of freedom.We’re on the side of justice against the forces of slavery, against the forces of injustice.But we aren’t going to move America forward and we aren’t going to be able to lead the world to win this struggle for freedom if we have a permanent inferiority complex about American achievements.Because we are first in the world in space, as I’ve indicated;we are first in science;we are first in education, and we’re going to move even further ahead with the kind of leadership that we can provide in these years ahead.One other point I would make: what could you do? Senator Kennedy and I are candidates for the presidency of the United States.And in the years to come it will be written that one or the other of us was elected and that he was or was not a great president.What will determine whether Senator Kennedy or I, if I am elected, was a great president? It will not be our ambition that will determine it, because greatness is not something that is written on a campaign poster.It will be determined to the extent that we represent the deepest ideals, the highest feelings and faith of the American people.In other words, the next president, as he leads America and the free world, can be only as great as the American people are great.And so I say in conclusion, keep America’s faith strong.See that the young people of America, particularly, have faith in the ideals of freedom and faith in God, which distinguishes us from the atheistic materialists who oppose us.