第一篇：2015年英語一真題翻譯

2015年全國碩士研究生招生考試英語(一)試題文章翻譯

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Section I

Use of English 盡管沒有血緣關系，但朋友之間的遺傳關系與第四代表親相同，有1%的相同基因。這是加利福尼亞大學和耶魯大學出版在《美國國家科學院院刊》上的研究所得出的結論。

這項研究是比較了多組無血緣關系的朋友和無血緣關系的陌生人，在1932個實驗對象身上所做的基因組分析。同一批人用在了兩組樣本里。

盡管這1%的相同基因可能毫無意義，但對基因學家來說卻并非如此。正如加州大學圣地亞哥分校的醫學基因學教授James Fowler說的：“大多數人根本不認識他們的第四代表親，卻在冥冥之中成功選擇與我們血緣相近的人作朋友。”〖HJ〗

研究還發現朋友之間還有部分相同的嗅覺基因但免疫基因是不同的。目前為止，嗅覺基因為何存在相似性很難解釋。或許，正如研究團隊說的那樣，相似之處把我們吸引到一個相似的環境中，而在相似的環境中有更多相似點。有很多機制共同作用促使我們選擇有著相同基因的人做朋友，而不是以“功能性親屬關系”選擇能帶來利益的人做朋友。

研究值得一提的一項發現是相似基因似乎比其他基因進化的要快。研究這項發現有助于理解為何人類在過去的30000年進化速度在加快，社會環境是主要的促進因素。

研究者說這些發現不僅僅解釋了人類與具有相似種族背景的人做朋友的趨勢。盡管所有研究對象都是從有歐洲血統的人中挑選，但還是要保證所有實驗對象，包括朋友和陌生人都是從相同的人群中選出。

Section II

Reading Comprehension Part A

Text 西班牙國王胡安·卡洛斯曾說“國王不會退位，他們逝世于睡眠中”。但是最近幾次歐洲大選中，丑聞盛行、共和黨人大受歡迎迫使胡安·卡洛斯收回之前的言論，并被迫退位。如此說來，西班牙的危機是否表明君主制已到窮途末路？是否意味著歐洲皇室以及他們錦衣玉食的生活走向末路已無可更改？

西班牙的事例既提供了支持君主制的論據，也提供了反對君主制的論據。這時公眾意見呈現出兩極分化，弗朗哥政權結束后，君主可能超越單純的政治，成為國家統一的精神象征。

正是這次明顯的超越對君主作為國家元首繼續流行做出了解釋。正因如此，除中東外，歐洲是世界上君主制最盛行的地區，有10位國王（梵蒂岡和安道爾不算在內）。但是，與海灣地區和亞洲的專制國家不同，歐洲皇室能夠留存下來，是因為他們讓選民免于苦心孤詣地尋找一個沒有爭議且受尊崇的公眾人物。

即使如此，毋庸置疑君主還是在衰落。即使他們聲稱自己是國家

統一的象征，但他們的歷史和今日的行為方式都代表著他們享有的特權和他們身上體現出的不公平已經過時，且站不住腳。Thomas Piketty和另外幾位經濟學家曾指出，皇室享有的特殊待遇和財富繼承權在增強，富裕貴族仍然是現代民主國家象征意義上的核心，真是荒唐。

最成功的君主都努力放棄或掩飾其老舊而奢華的生活方式。王子公主白天上班，他們騎自行車出行，而不是騎馬（或乘直升機）。即便如此，他們還是世界上只占1%的富裕家族，媒體介入也使維持良好形象愈加困難。

盡管歐洲君主們夠識時務可以再留存一段時間，但英國皇室還是因為西班牙的事例而倍感憂心。

只有女王還保留著君主的名分，過著普通而守舊的生活。Charles奢侈的生活品味和他所奉行的等級森嚴的世界觀將讓他陷入危險的境地。他不明白君主之所以保存下來是因為他們是沒有爭議的非政治性的國家元首。Charles應該知道，英國歷史也證明了這一點，君主制最大的敵人是國王自己，而非共和黨人。

Text 憲法能在多大程度保護個人的電子數據？最高法院正在考慮在實施逮捕時在手機就在旁邊的情況下，若無搜查令，警察是否有權查看手機內容。

加利福尼亞州要求法官克制籠統的裁決，尤其是會推翻由來已久的一項假設的裁決，該假設是：當局在實施逮捕時可以搜查嫌疑犯的

財物。加利福尼亞州稱，法官很難評估快速發展的新科技可能帶來的影響。

法院若采納了加州的建議就謙遜過頭了。可能帶來的影響都在預料之中甚至顯而易見，法官可以也應該為警察、律師和被告提供最新的指導方針。

他們首先應該摒棄加州那蹩腳的說辭：查看智能手機（智能手機是一個巨大的電子信息數據庫）的內容就像搜查疑犯的錢包。法院已經做出裁決，警察在無搜查令的情況下搜查被捕者的錢包或皮夾不違反憲法第四修正案。但是搜查人的手機更像是闖進一個人的家里。一部智能手機里可能有被捕者的閱讀歷史、財政狀況、醫療信息以及詳細的最近通信記錄。另一方面，云計算的發展使得搜查輕而易舉。

美國人應該應該采取措施保護自己的數據隱私。但是在這些電子設備上保存敏感信息日益成為日常生活的需要。公民仍然有權對憲法禁止不合理搜查以保護隱私文件寄予期望。

原則并未緩和職權劃定所帶來的挑戰的例子比比皆是。在諸多案件中，執法人員手持搜查令查看手機內容沒有太大負擔。當面臨緊急情況時，憲法第四修正案仍然會失去效力，在等待搜查令期間執法人員可以采取合理措施保證手機內容不被刪除或修改。盡管法院想賦予警察更大的空間以利于他們便宜行事。

但是法官不應該對加利福尼亞的觀點偏聽偏信。新的突破性技術有時需要憲法保護的靈活運用。法律教授Orin Kerr將21世紀的數碼信息爆炸和易得性與20世紀作為生活必需品的移動應用的建立做了

對比：法官為車廂的個人空間制定明確的新條例；法官必須弄清該如何將第四修正案應用于當今的數碼信息保護。

Text 《科學》雜志的總編今天宣布《科學》雜志在同行評閱之外又增加了一輪數據檢查。數據分析中出現的基本錯誤導致已出版的研究發現不可用得到廣泛關注后，其他雜志也做出了與《科學》同樣的努力。

“讀者必須對我們雜志出版的研究結論抱有信心，”McNutt在一篇社論中寫道。雜志與美國統計協會合作，任命七位專家成立了一個數據校對編輯委員會。手稿先由雜志內部的編輯、或已經成立的數據校對編輯委員會或雜志社外的同行校對員標注以供進一步審查。數據校對編輯委員會將找雜志社外的統計學家審查這些手稿。

在被問及是否某一篇特殊的論文促成了這一改變時，McNutt說：“對科研領域的統計學應用和數據分析的廣泛關注推動了‘數據校對編輯委員會的設立’，而且數據校對編輯委員會的設立也是全面提高所出版的論文可再生性努力的一部分。”

Giovanni Parmigiani，公共衛生哈佛研究院的生物統計學家，也是數據校對編輯委員會的成員，指出他希望委員會“能起到最基本的咨詢作用”。Giovanni Parmigiani同意加入是因為他看到了委員會成立背后的前瞻性：將雜志變得與眾不同、將帶來持久的影響。影響到的不僅是《科學》雜志自己，而且可能影響到更多想要在《科學》雜志之后成為行業標桿的出版社。

John Ioannidis，一位主攻研究方法論的物理學家，說這一政策是“最受歡迎的進步”，“早該出臺”。大多數雜志在數據審查上都很薄弱，這損害了出版物的質量。我認為，對今天的大多數雜志來說，數據審查比專家審查更重要。John Ioannidis曾指出，生物醫學雜志，像《內科學年鑒》、《美國醫學會雜志》和《柳葉刀》，都對數據審查給予了高度關注。

細胞生物學家David Vaux說，人們認為專家知道如何分析數據，但是數據錯誤在已出版研究中比比皆是。他在2012年的一篇文章中寫到，研究者應該提高專業水準，但雜志也應該采取嚴格的標準，“相關校對人員要學過統計學、編輯也要能作數據核實”。David Vaux指出，《科學》將論文交付統計學家審查的想法有其可取之處，但是弊端是它依靠委員會的審查編輯先找出需要檢查的稿件。

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Text 兩年前，Rupert Murdoch之女Elisabeth曾說“很多機構有令人不安的正直缺失”。她認為由于大眾一致認為唯一的分類機制是利益和市場，所以正直早已崩潰。但是“正是我們人類自己創造了我們想要的社會，而非利益”。

為了論證其觀點，她還說：“日益明顯的一件事是，政府、媒體和企業內部使命感和道德訴求的缺失對于資本主義和自由來說或許已成為最危險的目標。”她認為，道德使命感的缺失也在傷害新聞國際集團這樣的公司，新聞國際集團更可能在遭遇大規模的非法電話竊

聽時迷失。

竊聽審判案結束了——發現《世界新聞報》的前任編輯Andy Coulson犯有合謀竊聽電話罪，Andy Coulson的上一任編輯則是清白的——更為廣泛的正直缺失問題卻仍然存在。據悉，已有5500多人的手機遭記者竊聽。Glenn Mulcaire是2001年《世界新聞報》雇傭的員工，是手機竊聽的焦點人物。他指出，竊聽已經成為一種行業。事態將繼續惡化。

很多方面，道德使命感的缺失導致了這樣大規模的手機入侵，而且還導致了對審判的討論。令人震驚的是Rebekah Brooks對發生在她新聞工作室里的事幾乎一無所知，她以為幾乎不用過問，她也從未詢問過新聞來源。辯護成功的核心在于她一無所知。

當今社會，高薪總監不該對發生在他經營的公司的事情負責已是正常現象。或許我們不該太驚訝。這一代人普遍接受的信條是社會的分類機制應該是利益。效率、靈活性、股東價值、友好交易、富二代、銷售量、影響和報紙發行量這些東西才是有價值的。而公平、公正、寬容、合理和責任這些詞語已經退到一邊。

編寫《世界新聞報》的目的不是促進讀者理解、不是在采寫的新聞里體現公平、也不是揭示人性。而是摧毀對發行量和影響力的追求。Brooks女士對記者獲得新聞的手段可能有也可能沒有懷疑，但是她從未過問、沒有給出過指示——也沒有收到有跡可循的回答。

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Part

B

你如何進行閱讀？很明顯，你試著理解，理解每個單詞的意思，利用自己已有的英語語法知識找出單詞之間的關系。（41）【C】如果對單詞或俗語不熟，你可以利用上下文提供的線索猜測它們的意思。先假設它們之間有相關性，再在心里記錄語篇實體和單詞俗語之間可能的聯系。你開始推測文章的語境，例如，確定文章是什么演講稿：誰發表的演講、對誰發表演講、發表演講的時間、地點。

這里提到的閱讀方式毫無疑問就是理解。但是他們表示理解不僅包括被動吸收還包括積極的推測和問題解決。作者通過提供的特殊證據和線索引導你理解和推測信息。（42）【E】你做出進一步的推測，例如推測文章對你的重要性，或推測文章的可信性。這些推測是個人反應，作者不會對這些反應負責。

這樣看來，理解因人而異。我們討論的不是確鑿、固定或真空的，可以被我們讀完之后可以檢查其準確性的或者與世界有著永恒聯系的文章意義的解讀。（43）【G】而在于，我們以稱之為文本和語境的材料為基礎，基于文章理解意義，這些文本和語境材料包括：我們看作是文章基本結構（尤其是其語言結構）的各種組織和模式，以及我們帶進文本的各種背景、社會知識、信仰和態度。

這些背景材料折射的就是我們自己。（44）【B】像地點、閱讀的時間長度、性別、種族、年齡和社會階級這些因素都會引導我們進行特定的解讀，同時也可能是晦澀甚至是偏題的其他理解。然而，這不

會使解讀單純具有相關性或空洞無物。確切的說，因為來自不同歷史背景、不同地方、有著不同社會經驗的人會對同一頁上同樣的單詞（包括涉及到人類基本關注點的文章）產生截然不同卻也有所重合的閱讀見解，關于文章的爭論在信念和價值觀的討論中發揮著重要作用。

我們如何閱讀一篇既定的文章一定程度上取決于我們特定的閱讀興趣。（45）【A】你學習那篇文章是否是為了達到既定課程的要求？閱讀只為愉悅嗎？瀏覽只為獲取信息嗎？火車上或躺在床上的閱讀方式可能與在研討室的閱讀大相徑庭。這種多維度的閱讀表明——正如其他人后來在書中介紹的那樣——我們將日常習慣潛移默化地帶進了閱讀中。沒有哪種閱讀更充實、更高明、比他人的更有價值。理論上，不同的閱讀方式會啟發彼此，成為彼此有用的參考和補充。總之，他們是你整個學習生涯的一部分，也構建了你與周圍文本環境的關系。

其他選項翻譯：

【D】事實上，你試著重新構建任何既定的句子、圖片或參考可能含有的意義或效果：這些可能正是作者意欲表達的。

【F】在戲劇、小說或敘述詩中，人物是作者創造出來的，而不一定是作者自己思想的代言人。

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Part

C 從十七世紀到十八世紀初這一百年的時間里，移民浪潮（史上最大規模的人類遷徙之一）席卷了歐美兩州。（46）在各種強大動機的推動下,這場遷移從荒野中造就了一個民族,并循其本質塑造了一片全新大陸的特點,決定了它的命運。

（47）合眾國是兩股主要力量作用的產物,一是具有不同思想、風俗和民族特點的歐洲各民族的遷入,二是一個新國家因改變了這些特征而產生的影響。美洲殖民地不可避免地成為歐洲的目標。英國人、法國人、德國人、蘇格蘭人、愛爾蘭人、荷蘭人、瑞士人還有其他試圖將其習慣和傳統移植到新大陸的外國人跨越大西洋。（48）但美洲特有地理條件的作用,不同族群間的相互影響,加上在一片蠻荒新大陸上維持舊大陸方式的巨大困難,所有這一切引起了意義深遠的變化。這些改變是循序漸進的，并且剛開始時并不明顯。盡管在很多方面與歐洲類似，但卻是全新的社會模式，具有明顯的美洲特點。

（49）在十五、十六世紀的北美大陸探險過去一百多年后,首批滿載移民駛向今天合眾國這片疆土的船只橫穿過了大西洋。與此同時，繁榮的西班牙殖民地在墨西哥、西印度和南美洲建立起來。這些旅行家乘坐小而極度擁擠的船來到北美洲。在這六到十二周的航程中，他們依靠勉強夠維持生命的食物存活下來。很多船只在風暴中迷失，很多乘客死于疾病，新生兒不可能在旅途中存活下來。有時風暴將船吹離航線，休整導致令人難以忍受的停航。

對于焦慮的的移民來說，出現在視野中的美洲海岸線所帶來的輕

松感真是難以言喻。一個移民事件的記錄者說，“距離海岸線12里格遠的空氣像繁花盛開的花園一樣香甜。”殖民者最先看到的是新大陸茂密的森林。（50）郁郁蔥蔥、樹種繁多的原始森林是一座從緬因一直向南綿延到佐治亞的天然寶庫。這兒有豐富的化石燃料和木材。這是房屋、家具、船只和肥料、染料和海洋資源的寶庫。

第二篇：2013考研英語(一)翻譯真題。

2013考研英語

（一）翻譯真題--中域教育網

46.yet when one looks at the photographs of the gardens created by the homeless, it strikes one that, for all their diversity of styles, these gardens speak of various other fundamental urges beyond that of decoration and creative expression.47.A sacred place of peace, however, crude it may be, is a distinctly human need, as opposed to shelt which is a distinctly animal need.48.The gardens of the homeless which are in effect homeless garden introduce from in to an urban environment where it either didn’t exist or was not discernible as such

49.Mast of us give in to a demoralization of spirit which we usually blame on some psychological conditions until one day we find ourselves in a garden and feel the oppression vanish as if by magic

50.It is this implicit or explicit reference to nature that fully justifies the use of the word garden, though in a “liberated” sense, to describe these synthetic constructions.

第三篇：2006-2015年英語一真題翻譯

2006年全國碩士研究生入學考試英語試題文章翻譯

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Section I Use of English 無家可歸者占美國人口的比例不斷增長。這一比例如此之大，甚至地方政府也無法應付。為幫助他們自立，聯邦政府必須扶持工作培訓項目，提高最低工資，資助建造低價房屋。多少美國人無家可歸，其數字存有爭議。據估計其數目從60萬到300萬不等。盡管該數目有變化，分析人士確信另一個問題：即無家可歸者的人數正不斷增加，聯邦政府的一項研究預言，十年后該數字將達到近1900萬。

采取措施來幫助日益增長的這群人變得愈發艱難。雖然他們每個人試圖尋找一處寄宿處，可以得到一日三餐，夜里安眠，但是，很多人仍舊大半時間流浪在街頭，部分原因是許多無家可歸的成年人嗜酒或吸毒，還有人患有嚴重的精神障礙，盡管其他人雖無不良嗜好，也無精神障礙，但是缺少簡單的生存技能來重新生活。波士頓環球報記者克里斯·雷頓說，只有通過全面的項目滿足了無家可歸者的不同需求，這種狀況才能改善。愛德華·布萊克斯基，馬薩諸塞州本特里學院的慈善中心主任，斷言，“各種救助項目需要協調，我們所需的是一攬子計劃”。

Section II

Reading Comprehension

Part A

Text 1

盡管有“無休止的民族差異的爭議”，美國社會仍然是一架令人驚異的同化不同民族的機器。它有著大眾文化特有的“民主化的統一衣著和談吐，隨意和隨心所欲”。人們沉浸在19世紀出現的由百貨商店發起的“消費文化”之中，這些商店“在優雅的環境中出售種類繁多的商品。它們并不是只為滿足知識精英人士的舒適型商店”，這些商店“任何人都可以光顧，無論階層與背景如何，從而使得購物成為一種公共的和大眾化的行為”。大眾媒體、廣告和體育是其他同化的力量。

移民正在很快地融入這一共同文化，這可能并不高尚，但也并非有害。G·R是國家移民論壇的作者之一。他認為現在的移民狀況既不能說是空前的，也不能說是抵制了同化現象。1998年移民占總人口的9.8%；1900年占13.6%。在1990年的前十年，1000個居民中有3.1個移民，1890年的前十年，每1000個居民有9.2個移民。現在來看看同化過程的三大指標——語言，住房擁有權和異族通婚。

1990年人口普查顯示，“來自十五個最主要移民來源國家的大多數移民，在定居十年后英語說得‘好’或‘非常好’。” 移民的子女往往掌握雙語并精通英語。“到了第三代，多數移民家庭的孩子則不會母語。”因此，美國被人視作“母語的墳墓”。到1996年為止，生于國外的、1970年前來到美國的移民擁有75.6%的住房率，高于美國本土出生者69.8%擁有率。

在國外出生的亞裔人和西班牙裔人的通婚率“比美國出生的白人和黑人之間的通婚率還高”。到第三代，三分之一的西班牙裔女性與

非西班牙裔人結婚，41%的亞裔女性與非亞裔男性結婚。

Rodriguez指出，在世界上許多偏遠村莊里的孩子們崇拜Arnold Schwarzenegger 和 Garth Brooks這樣的超級巨星，然而“有一些美國人擔憂居住在美國的移民們對于這個國家的同化力量保持著免疫力”。

美國存在分裂問題和騷亂地區嗎？的確，國家如此之大，各種各樣的東西都會有一點。尤其回顧美國動蕩的過去，今天美國的社會指標幾乎沒有顯示出任何社會環境的黑暗和惡化。

Text 眾所周知，StratfordonAvon城只有一項產業——威廉·莎士比亞（戲劇業）——但是，這項產業有兩個相互分離、相互敵視的分支。一邊是皇家莎士比亞公司（RSC），它在Avon河畔的莎士比亞紀念劇院中上演著優秀的戲劇作品；另一邊是小城的居民，他們主要靠游客生活，這些游客不是來看戲而是來參觀Anne Hathaway草堂、莎士比亞出生地和其他景點。

Stratford城可敬的居民們不相信劇院能給他們帶來哪怕是一個便士的收入。他們坦承不喜歡RSC的演員們，這些演員披著長發，留著胡須，穿著便鞋，并且吵吵嚷嚷。這真是一個絕好的諷刺，當你想到他們賴以謀生的莎士比亞本人也是位演員（留著胡須），并參與制造噪音。

游客并沒有完全分開。乘坐公共汽車來的觀光客——常常也順便

參觀Warwick 城堡和Blenheim 宮殿——一般不看演出，其中有些游客在Stratford城里看到劇院甚至很吃驚。但是看戲的游客常常進行一定的觀光活動。RSC認為，正是這些戲劇觀眾為小城帶來了收入，因為夜晚他們都會入住飯店（有些住四五個晚上），為飯店和餐館帶來不菲的收入。而觀光客能夠在天黑前就完成所有觀光并離開小城。

小城的居民卻不這么認為，地方議會不愿給RSC提供直接的財政補貼。Stratford城長期以來一直說窮。但是，城里的每個飯店似乎都在擴建配樓或雞尾酒休閑吧。希爾頓正在建造自己的飯店，可以肯定它會裝飾成哈姆萊特漢堡酒吧、李爾王休閑吧、班柯宴會廳等建筑物那樣，造價相當昂貴。

總之，居民們不理解RSC為什么會需要財政補貼。（劇院連續三年來一直爆滿，去年它1431個座位的全年上座率一直高達94%，今年上座率還將更高。）原因當然是，戲院成本飛漲而票價一直維持較低水平。

大幅提升票價是一件令人惋惜的事情，因為這會將那些年輕人拒之門外，他們是Stratford城最具吸引力的客戶。他們來這里只為看戲不為觀光。他們看上去都很像（盡管來自不同的地方）——有瘦削、直率、執著的面龐，穿牛仔褲和便鞋，啃著圓面包，在劇院外面的石板上徹夜排隊，以便在上午10點半售票處開門時購買為他們預留的20張座票和80張站票。

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Text 3

史前人類一到達地球上的新的環境，大型動物身上發生了某種奇怪的變化：它們突然滅絕了。一些體型小的物種保存下來。體積龐大、行動遲緩的動物易于被獵殺，于是迅速被獵殺殆盡。如今，同樣的事情可能正在海洋里發生。

海洋魚類被過量捕撈的事實長期以來已廣為人知。Ransom Myers和Boris Worm等研究人員揭示了這一情況的迅速發展。他們調查了世界各地漁場半個世紀以來的數據。他們的方法不是試圖去評估特定海域內的魚類實際數量（活生物的數量），而是評估隨著時間的推移數量的變化。根據他們最近發表在《自然》雜志上的一篇論文可知，在一個新漁場內，大型食肉魚類資源在開始開發后的15年內平均減少了80%。在某些長期開發的地方，從那時起，其數量又減少了一半。

Worm博士承認這些還是保守的數據。原因之一是捕漁技術的提高。如今的捕魚船會通過衛星和聲波搜尋目標，而這在五十年前還辦不到。這意味著海洋中更高比例的魚類正被捕撈，因此現在與過去的真實差距可能比捕撈量的改變所記錄的要糟糕得多。早些年，延繩釣船的多鉤長線上掛滿了魚，有些魚會免遭捕撈，因為沒有更多帶餌的魚鉤來誘捕它們，這導致過去對水中魚的數量有所低估。而且，在以前的延繩捕撈時期，很多魚上鉤之后又被鯊魚吃掉了。這個問題已不再存在，因為現在鯊魚數量減少了。

Myers博士和Worm博士認為，他們的研究工作提供了一條準確的基線，未來的漁業管理必須將其納入考慮范圍。他們相信，這些數據支持了在海洋生物學家中流行的一種觀點，那就是“變化的基線”。

這一觀點認為，人們未能察覺到海洋中發生的巨大變化，因為人們只回顧了過去相對較短的一段時期。這點很重要，因為理論顯示，一個漁場可持續的最大產量不得超過目標魚類數量的初始水平的50%。大多數漁場的數量都低于這一水平，這并非商業運作的好方法。

Text

4

很多事情讓人們覺得藝術家很怪，但是最怪的可能是這些：藝術家唯一的工作是探究情感，然而他們卻選擇那些令人不快的情感。

事情并非一直這樣。早期的藝術形式，比如繪畫和音樂，是最適合表達快樂的形式。但是，從19世紀某個時期，越來越多的藝術家開始將快樂視為毫無意義的、虛假的，或者更甚的是令人厭煩的東西，正如我們從Wordsworth的《水仙花》到Baudelaire的《惡之花》中感受的一樣。

也許你會認為，藝術更加懷疑幸福，是因為現代社會充滿了太多的不幸。但是，早期的社會并非沒有無盡的戰亂、災難和濫殺無辜。實際上，原因也許恰好相反：現代社會充斥著過多“該死的”幸福。

歸根到底，在宣揚快樂方面幾乎不遺余力的那種現代表達形式是什么呢？廣告。“反快樂”藝術幾乎與大眾媒介同步出現，隨之而來的是一種商業文化。在這種商業文化中，快樂不僅是一個理想，而且是一種意識形態。

之前幾個時代的人們常常被痛苦的事情包圍。他們精疲力竭地工作，生活沒有保障，并且過早死亡。在西方，大眾傳媒和讀書習字普

及之前，最有影響力的大眾傳媒是教會。它提醒信徒，人的靈魂危機重重，人的肉體終為蟲所噬。既然如此，人們的確不希望藝術也如此令人沮喪。

如今，多數西方人所接受的主要信息不是來自宗教而是來自商業，并且永遠是快樂的信息。快餐食客、新聞主持人、發短信的人，都在微笑，微笑，微笑。我們的雜志專門刊登那些笑容可掬的社會名流和高堂華屋中的幸福家庭。由于這些信息都有一個目的——那就是引誘我們掏錢——它們使快樂這個概念顯得并不可靠。“慶祝吧！” Celebrex牌關節炎藥品的廣告告訴人們，隨后我們發現它可能會增加心臟病發作的危險。

但是，我們忘記了——經濟依賴于忘記——幸福不僅僅是沒有痛苦的快樂。帶來最大樂趣的東西往往具有帶來損失和失望的最大可能性。今天，我們被快樂的諾言所包圍，需要藝術來提醒我們，正如宗教曾做的那樣，Memento mori：記住，你終將死亡，一切都會結束，快樂并不是否認這一切，而是與之共存。這種信息要比丁

香香煙更苦澀，然而不知為何卻是一股新鮮空氣。  Part B

在俄亥俄河的北岸，坐落者印第安納州的埃文斯威城，那里有52歲的David Williams的家，還有一家設在內河船上的賭場（人們玩各種賭博游戲的地方）。在這家賭場的幾年賭博中，Williams，一位年薪35，000美元的州審計員，輸掉了約175，000美元。而在這家賭

場送他一張價值20美元的贈券之前，他從未光顧過賭場。

他去了賭場，輸了20美元，然后離開了。第二次去，他輸了800美元。作為一名好顧客，賭場發給他了一張“娛樂卡”。在賭場里使用這張卡可以為餐飲贏得積分，也讓賭場跟蹤使用者的賭博活動。對于Williams來說，這些活動成了他所說的“電子海洛因”。

到他輸掉5，000美元時，他對自己說，只要能撈回本錢就不賭了。一天晚上，他贏了5，500美元，但他沒有收手。1997年，他兩天之內在一臺投幣機上輸了21，000美元。在1997年3月，他輸了72，186美元。有時候他同時玩兩臺投幣機，通宵達旦，直到早晨5點賭船靠岸，然后在上午9點賭場開門時再回到船上。現在他正在起訴這家賭場，指控賭場本該拒絕他的光顧，因為賭場知道他已上癮。賭場確實知道他有問題了。

1998年3月，Williams的一位朋友強行把他關進了一個戒毒中心治療賭癮，并寫信給賭場，說明Williams的賭癮問題。賭場將Williams的照片放到了禁賭者當中，并給他寫了一封“禁止進入”的信件。考慮到非正常賭博行為是個醫學/心理學問題，信中告訴他再被重新準許進入賭場之前，他得提交醫學/心理學方面的材料，證明光顧賭場不會威脅到他的安全或健康。

雖然沒有提供這樣的材料，賭場市場部還是不斷給他寄信。而他進入賭場使用娛樂卡也沒有被發現。

《華爾街日報》報道說，這家賭場有24條標記警示：“玩得開心?用你的腦子賭，不要過頭。”每張門票上都印著印第安納州精神健康

部門的免費咨詢電話。然而，Williams起訴說，賭場是在知道他“克制不住賭癮”的情況下有意“引誘”他“做自己不愿做的事”。

考慮到他的強迫性行為，還不清楚需要什么樣的引誘。而且，他的意志在多大程度上起作用呢？

《精神障礙診斷和統計手冊》的第四版說，“病態賭博”是一種持續、反復并且無法控制的嗜好，這種嗜好與其說是為了追求金錢，不如說是為了追求冒險獲取意外之財的刺激。

令人擔心的是，社會正在用醫學方法處理越來越多的行為問題，經常將比較嚴格的上幾代人解釋為意志薄弱的行為定義成上癮。在科學或自稱是科學的推動下，社會正在把曾經被看成是性格缺陷或道德弱點的東西重新歸類為近似于身體殘疾的性格疾病。

賭博一直是美國人生活的普遍特征，但很長時間以來，它被籠統地看作為一種罪惡，或一種社會疾病。現在，這成了一項社會政策：在美國，最重要、最積極的賭博促進者便是政府。

44個州有彩票，29個州有賭場，其中大部分州都在不同程度上依賴——你可以說迷戀——來自賭博的收入。自從1995年第一家因特網賭博網站建立以來，爭奪賭徒手中美元的競爭已經變的很激烈。10月28日發行的《新聞周刊》報道說，每周有兩百萬的賭徒光顧1800家虛擬賭場。由于今年網上賭博共輸掉35億美元，賭博超過色情成為網上最賺錢的行業。

Part

C 美國社會中知識分子被排斥并不被重視，這是真的嗎？布魯克伯根神父說，其實是知識分子們排斥美國人。他的話說的有些道理。但是知識分子所做的遠非如此。他們對知識分子這一角色愈來愈不滿意。是他們，而不是美國人，成為反知識分子的人。

首先，我們需要為我們的研究對象下一個定義。什么是知識分子？（46）我將他定義為一個對道德問題進行蘇格拉底式思考并將此作為自己人生首要責任和快樂的人。他自覺地并清楚坦白地聲稱在探索這樣的問題，先提出事實問題，然后提出道德問題，最后根據他已經獲得的事實和道德方面的信息提出合適的建議。（47）他的職責與法官相似，必須承擔這樣的責任：用盡可能明了的方式來展示自己做出決定的推理過程。

這個定義沒有包括通常被稱作是知識分子的人，比如普通的科學家。（48）我之所以將他（普通科學家）排除在外，是因為盡管他的成果可能會有助于解決道德問題，但他承擔的任務只不過是研究這些問題的事實方面。和其他人一樣，即使是在他的日常工作中也會遇到道德方面的問題——他不能偽造實驗結果，編造證據，或篡改報告。（49）但是，他的首要任務并不是考慮支配自己行動的道德規范，就如同不能指望商人專注于探索行業規范一樣。在普通科學家一生中的大多數時間里，他都會認為他的道德規范是理所當然的，就像商人們對待自己的行為規范一樣。

這個定義也排除了大部分教師，盡管傳統上許多知識分子都以教

學為謀生手段。（50）他們可以教得很好，而且不僅僅是為了掙薪水，但他們大多數人卻很少或沒有對需要進行道德判斷的、人的問題進行獨立思考。這種描述甚至適用于大多數優秀的學者。正如愛默生所說的，精通人類知識的某一學科是一回事，而在“公眾的、勤奮的思考”中生活，是另外一回事。

第四篇：2013考研英語(一)翻譯真題及解析

2013考研英語

（一）翻譯真題及解析--中域教育網

46.yet when one looks at the photographs of the gardens created by the homeless, it strikes one that, for all their diversity of styles, these gardens speak of various other fundamental urges beyond that of decoration and creative expression.解析

考察重點：非謂語動詞做后置定語，狀語從句，插入語

這個句子結構非常清晰：it strikes one that, for all their diversity of styles,these gardens speak of various other fundamental urges beyond that of decoration and creative expression.是主句，其中for all their diversity of styles是插入語。時間壯語從句yet when one looks at the photographs of the gardens created by the homeless,提前至主句之前，其中created by the homeless 是過去分詞短語充當后置定語，用來修飾 the gardens。詞匯的識別：句子中的動詞looks at，對應的賓語是 the photographs of the gardens,因此翻譯成“觀看”。句子中created by the homeless對應的賓語是 the gardens,因此翻譯成“創建、建立”。句子中的動詞speak of對應的賓語是 various other fundamental urges，因此翻譯成“透露、顯示、表明”。

參考翻譯：然而當我們觀看那些由無家可歸的人創建的家園的照片時，它們的那些各種各樣的風格，會給人以深深的震撼。這些家園在它的裝飾和創造性表示之上，透露出了其他基本的需求。

評分標準：三個動詞 “look at, created by the homeless和speak of”的翻譯各占0.5分，目標漢語的通順流暢占0.5分。

47.A sacred place of peace, however, crude it may be, is a distinctly human need, as opposed to shelt which is a distinctly animal need.解析

考察重點：讓步壯語從句，插入語，比較狀語從句

這個句子結構簡潔：A sacred place of peace, however crude it may be, is a distinctly human need,是主句，其中, however crude it may be,是讓步壯語從句充當插入語； as opposed to shelter which is a distinctly animal need.是比較狀語從句。

詞匯的識別：句子中的三個系詞在表與信息的提示之下分別翻譯成為“是人類的基本需求”；“無論多么粗糙（貧瘠）”；“是動物的基本需求”。

參考翻譯：一塊神圣的和平之地，不管它有多么粗糙，它都是一種人類基本的需求，和庇護所相反，那只是動物的基本需求。

評分標準：三個系詞的翻譯各占0.5分，目標漢語的通順流暢占0.5分。

48.The gardens of the homeless which are in effect homeless garden introduce from in to an urban environment where it either didn’t exist or was not discernible as such

解析：

考察重點：定語從句

這個句子結構簡潔： The gardens of the homeless which are in effect homeless garden introduce from it to an urban environment where it either didn’t exist or was not discernible as such是主句，其中 which are in effect homeless garden 是定語從句修飾 The gardens of the homeless;定語從句where it either didn’t exist or was not discernible as such修飾先行詞 an urban environment。

參考翻譯： 無家可歸的人的家園，事實上是無所謂家的家園，給要么是不存在的，要么是無法分辨得清的城市環境引入了一種形式。評分標準：動詞短語“introduce from it to”、系詞“are”、“didn’t exist, was not discernible”的翻譯各占0.5分，目標漢語的通順流暢占0.5分。

49.Mast of us give in to a demoralization of spirit which we usually blame on some psychological conditions until one day we find ourselves in a garden and feel the oppression vanish as if by magic

解析

考察重點：時間壯語從句，定語從句

這個句子結構稍顯復雜：Mast of us give in to a demoralization of spirit which we usually blame on some psychological conditions 是主句，其中, which we usually blame on some psychological conditions 是定語從句 until one day we find ourselves in a garden and feel the oppression vanish as if by magic.是時間狀語從句。

詞匯的識別：動詞短語“give in”在賓語 demoralization of spirit的指導下，翻譯為“屈服于”；“blame which on some psychological conditions”中的blame翻譯成為“推卸到”；find發現，feel感受到。參考翻譯： 我們當中大多數人都屈服于精神的道德敗壞，我們經常把這種精神上的敗壞推卸到心理環境上，直到有一天我們發現自己處于一個家園當中，并感受到這種壓迫好像魔法一樣消失.評分標準：三組動詞的翻譯各占0.5分，目標漢語的通順流暢占0.5分。

50.It is this implicit or explicit reference to nature that fully justifies the use of the word garden, though in a “liberated” sense, to describe these synthetic constructions.解析：

考察重點：強調句型，插入語

這個句子結構稍顯復雜： It is this ??that ??是強調句型，還原成正常語序后句子表達為“this implicit or explicit reference to nature fully justifies the use of the word garden”；though in a“liberated”sense是插入語。

詞匯的識別：動詞“justify”在賓語 the use of word garden的指導下，翻譯為“證實?是合理的”；動詞“describe”在賓語“these synthetic constructions”的指導之下翻譯成“描述”。

參考翻譯： 正是這種隱晦或明顯的涉及自然，盡管是從一種解放的意義上來說, 充分地證實了用來描述這些人造建筑的花園這個單詞很貼切。

評分標準：兩個動詞的翻譯各占0.5分，強調句型的翻譯占0.5分，目標漢語的通順流暢占0.5分。

第五篇：歷年考研英語一閱讀真題翻譯(2004-2014)

2014年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1

In order to “change lives for the better” and reduce “dependency,” George Osbome,Chancellor of the Exchequer, introduced the “upfront work search” scheme.Only if the jobless arrive at the job centre with a register for online job search, and start looking for work will they be eligible for benefit-and then they should report weekly rather than fortnightly.What could be more reasonable? 為了“讓生活變得更美好”以及減少“依賴”，英國財政大臣喬治?奧斯本引入了“求職預付金”計劃。只有當失業者帶著簡歷到就業中心，注冊在線求職并開始找工作，才有資格獲得補助金——然后他們應該每周而非每兩周報告一次。有什么比這更合理呢？

More apparent reasonableness followed.There will now be a seven-day wait for the jobseeker’s allowance.“Those first few days should be spent looking for work, not looking to sign on.” he claimed.“We’re doing these things because we know they help people say off benefits and help those on benefits get into work faster” Help? Really? On first hearing, this was the socially concerned chancellor, trying to change lives for the better, complete with “reforms” to an obviously indulgent system that demands too little effort from the newly unemployed to find work, and subsides laziness.What motivated him, we were to understand, was his zeal for “fundamental fairness”-protecting the taxpayer, controlling spending and ensuring that only the most deserving claimants received their benefits.更加明顯的合理性如下。現在領取求職者補貼要等待七天。“這前幾天應該用來找工作，而不是辦理失業登記（以獲得救濟金）。”他說，“我們這樣做是因為我們知道，這樣會幫助人們擺脫補助并讓依賴補助的人盡快就業。”幫助？真的嗎？乍一聽，這是位關心社會的大臣，他努力改善人們的生活，包括對一個明顯放縱的體系的“改革”，這個體系不要求新失業者付出多少努力去找工作，為其懶惰埋單。我們將會知道，激勵他的是他對“基本的公正”的熱誠——保護納稅人，控制花費以及確保只有最值得幫助的申請者才能得到補助金。

Losing a job is hurting: you don’t skip down to the job centre with a song in your heart, delighted at the prospect of doubling your income from the generous state.It is financially terrifying psychologically embarrassing and you know that support is minimal and extraordinarily hard to get.You are now not wanted;you support is minimal and extraordinarily hard to get.You are now not wanted;you are now excluded from the work environment that offers purpose and structure in your life.Worse, the crucial income to feed yourself and your family and pay the bills has disappeared.Ask anyone newly unemployed what they want and the answer is always: a job.失業是痛苦的：你不會內心歌唱并跳躍著到就業中心去，為從這個慷慨國度得到加倍收入的前景而欣喜。在經濟上它令人生畏，在心理感到難堪，并且你還知道那種扶持的微薄和非常難以得到。現在沒人需要你；你現在被排除在工作環境之外，那里會給予你人生的目標和體制。更糟糕的是，失去了用以養家糊口和支付賬單的至關重要的收入。問任何新失業者他們想要什么，答案永遠是：一份工作。

But in Osborne land, your first instinct is to fall into dependency-permanent dependency if you can get it-supported by a state only too ready to indulge your falsehood.It is as though 20 years of ever-tougher reforms of the job search and benefit administration system never happened.The principle of British welfare is no longer that you can insure yourself against the risk of unemployment and receive unconditional payments if the disaster happens.Even the very phrase ‘jobseeker’s allowance’invented in 1996-is about redefining the unemployed as a “jobseeker” who had no mandatory right to a benefit he or she has earned through making national insurance contributions.Instead, the claimant receives a time-limited “allowance,” conditional on actively seeking a job;no entitlement and no insurance, at ￡71.70 a week, one of the least generous in the EU.但是在奧斯本之國，你的第一反應就是墜入依賴——永遠的依賴，如果你能得到的話——它由一個非常樂意放任你弄虛作假的國家所支持。好像這二十年一直嚴厲的求職和補助金管理系統的改革從未發生過。英國福利的原則不再是如果發生災難，你能為自己投保失業險和得到無條件賠付。甚至正是“求職者補貼”這個詞語，在將失業者重新定義為“求職者”，他人通過繳納國民保險金可享有補助，而求職者則沒有這個基本權利。作為替代，申請者得到的是一周71.70 英鎊的限時“補貼”，條件是積極地找工作：沒有津貼也沒有保險，在歐盟這也是最小氣之一了。

Text 2

All around the world, lawyers generate more hostility than the members of any other profession---with the possible exception of journalism.But there are few places where clients have more grounds for complaint than America.Dur-ing the decade before the economic crisis, spending on legal services in America grew twice as fast as inflation.The best lawyers made skyscrapers-full of money, tempting ever more students to pile into law schools.But most law graduates never get a big-firm job.Many of them instead become the kind of nuisance-lawsuit filer that makes the tort system a costly nightmare.There are many reasons for this.One is the excessive costs of a legal education.There is just one path for a lawyer in most American states: a four-year undergraduate degree at one of 200 law schools authorized by the American Bar Association and an expensive preparation for the bar exam.This leaves today’s average law-school graduate with $100,000 of debt on top of undergraduate debts.Law-school debt means that they have to work fearsomely hard.Reform-ing the system would help both lawyers and their customers.Sensible ideas have been around for a long time, but the state-level bodies that govern the profession have been too conservative to imple-ment them.One idea is to allow people to study law as an undergraduate degree.Another is to let students sit for the bar after only two years of law school.If the bar exam is truly a stern enough test for a would-be lawy-er, those who can sit it earlier should be allowed to do so.Students who do not need the extra training could cut their debt mountain by a third.The other reason why costs are so high is the restrictive guild-like ownership structure of the business.Except in the District of Columbia, non-lawyers may not own any share of a law firm.This keeps fees high and innovation slow.There is pressure for change from within the profession, but oppo-nents of change among the regulators insist that keeping outsiders out of a law firm isolates lawyers from the pressure to make money rather than serve clients ethically.In fact, allowing non-lawyers to own shares in law firms would reduce costs and improve services to customers, by encouraging law firms to use technology and to employ professional managers to focus on improving firms’ efficiency.After all, other countries, such as Australia and Britain, have started liberalizing their legal professions.America should follow.在全世界，律師比任何其他職業的人都更招憎恨——新聞業可能是個例外。但是沒有多少地方能比美國更讓客戶有更多的理由抱怨。

在經濟危機之前的十年間，美國法律服務費用的增長速度是通貨膨脹的兩倍。最好的律師賺得盆滿缽滿，吸引著更多的學生爭相進入法學院。但是大部分法學畢業生從未獲得一份大律所的工作。他們中的許多人轉而成為那種妨害行為訴訟的提交者，這使得侵權制度成了一場昂貴的噩夢。

這里面有很多原因。其一是法律教育的費用過高。在美國大部分州只有一條成為律師的途徑；在某個無關的專業讀四年取得本科學位，然后在美國律師協會授權的200 所法學院之一讀三年取得法律學位，并為準備律師資格考試花費不菲。這給現在這些普通的法學院畢業生留下在本科債務之外10 萬美元的債務。法學院債務意味著他們不得不拼命地努力工作。

改革這一體系會對律師和他們的客戶都有所幫助。明智的想法已經存在了好長時間，但是管理該職業的州級機構對實施它們太保守了。一個想法是準許人們讀本科學位時學習法律。另外一個是，讓學生在法學院只讀兩年之后就參加律師資格考試。如果這一考試對于一名準律師來說確實是足夠嚴格的測試，那么就應該準許那些有能力提早參加的學生們參加。不需要額外培訓的學生就可以削減他們債務大山的三分之一。

費用如此之高的另外一個原因是該行業限制性的同業公會式的所有權結構。除哥倫比亞特區外，非律師人員不得持有律所的任何股份。這使得費用居高不下而創新腳步緩慢。在行業內部存在要求變革的壓力，但是監管部門中的反對變革者堅稱，將局外人排除在律所之外，可以讓律師與賺錢的壓力隔離而合乎職業道德標準地為客戶服務。

實際上，準許非律師人員參股，通過鼓勵律所采用新技術和聘請職業經理人來致力于提高律所效率，可以降低成本并改善對顧客的服務。畢竟，其它國家如澳大利亞和英國都已開始使其法律行業自由化。美國應該效仿。

Text 3

The US$3-million Fundamental physics prize is indeed an interesting experiment, as Alexander Polya-kov said when he accepted this year’s award in March.And it is far from the only one of its type.As a News Feature article in Nature discusses, a string of lucrative awards for researchers have joined the Nobel Prizes in recent years.Many, like the Fundamental Physics Prize, are funded from the telephone-number-sized bank accounts of Internet entrepreneurs.These benefactors have succeeded in their chosen fields, they say, and they want to use their wealth to draw attention to those who have succeeded in science.What’s not to like? Quite a lot, according to a handful of scientists quoted in the News Feature.You cannot buy class, as the old saying goes, and these upstart entrepreneurs cannot buy their prizes the prestige of the Nobels.The new awards are an exercise in self-promotion for those behind them, say scientists.They could distort the achievement-based system of peer-review-led research.They could cement the status quo of peer-reviewed research.They do not fund peer-reviewed research.They perpetuate the myth of the lone genius.The goals of the prize-givers seem as scattered as the criticism.Some want to shock, others to draw people into science, or to better reward those who have made their careers in research.As Nature has pointed out before, there are some legitimate concerns about how science prizes—both new and old—are distributed.The Breakthrough Prize in Life Sciences, launched this year, takes an unrepresentative view of what the life sciences include.But the Nobel Foundation’s limit of three recipients per prize, each of whom must still be living, has long been outgrown by the collabora-tive nature of modern research—as will be demonstrated by the inevitable row over who is ignored when it comes to acknowledging the discovery of the Higgs boson.The Nobels were, of course, themselves set up by a very rich individual who had decided what he wanted to do with his own money.Time, rather than intention, has given them legitimacy.As much as some scientists may complain about the new awards, two things seem clear.First, most researchers would accept such a prize if they were offered one.Second, it is surely a good thing that the money and attention come to science rather than go elsewhere, It is fair to criticize and ques-tion the mechanism—that is the culture of research, after all—but it is the prize-givers’ money to do with as they please.It is wise to take such gifts with gratitude and grace.300 萬美元的基礎物理學獎的確是一個有趣的嘗試，正如亞歷山大?帕里雅科夫三月份領取今年獎項時所言。而且該類獎項遠非僅此一例。按照《自然》雜志新聞特寫欄目一篇文章所討論的，近年來一系列獎金豐厚的研究獎項已經加入諾貝爾獎的行列。許多獎項（如基礎物理學獎）來自于互聯網企業家的資助，其銀行賬戶是電話號碼數量級的。據稱，這些慈善家在各自從事的領域已經獲得成功，想用自己的財富去讓那些有科學成就的人士受到關注。

這有什么讓人不喜歡的呢？據新聞特寫欄目中援引一小部分科學家所言，非常之多。古語云，有錢買不到社會地位，這些暴富的企業家并不能為他們的獎金買來諾貝爾獎的聲望。科學家稱，新設獎項是那些幕后人自抬身價的一種舉動。它們會扭曲基于成就并由同行評議引導的研究體系。它們會鞏固同行評議研究的現狀。它們并不資助同行評議研究。它們延續了孤獨天才的神話。

正如《自然》雜志以前已經指出的那樣，對于科學獎項——新設的和原有的——如何分配，存在某些憂慮是合理的。今年推出的“生命科學突破獎”，對生命科學的范疇所持觀點并不具代表性。但是諾貝爾基金會對每一獎項只能由三名仍在世者獲得的限制，由于現代科學研究的協作特性而早已不再適宜——這將由當論及確認希格斯波色子的發現時，對于誰可忽略而引起不可避免的爭論這一情況來證實。當然，諾貝爾獎本身就是由一位富豪個人設立的，他決定了用自己的金錢去做他想要做的事。賦予諾貝爾獎合理性的是時間，而非設立的初衷。

有些科學家常常會抱怨新的獎項，有兩件事卻是顯而易見。第一，如果被授予這樣的獎項，大部分研究人員會接受它。第二，金錢和

關注度投向科學而不是其它地方，這無疑是好事。批評和質疑這種機制是公平合理的——畢竟這是做研究的文化——但它是獎金提供者按

照自己的意愿處置的金錢。以感謝的心情和優雅的風度接受這樣的禮物是明智的。

Text 4

“The Heart of the Matter,” the just-released report by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences(AAAS), deserves praise for affirming the importance of the humanities and social sciences to the prosperity and security of liberal democracy in America.Regrettably, however, the report's failure to address the true nature of the crisis facing liberal education may cause more harm than good.In 2010, leading congressional Democrats and Republicans sent letters to the AAAS asking that it identi-fy actions that could be taken by “federal, state and local governments, universities, foundations, educa-tors, individual benefactors and others” to “maintain national excellence in humanities and social scientif-ic scholarship and education.”In response, the American Academy formed the Commission on the Humanities and Social Sciences.Among the commission's 51 members are top-tier-university presi-dents, scholars,lawyers, judges, and business executives, as well as prominent figures from diplomacy, filmmaking, music and journalism.The goals identified in the report are generally admirable.Because representative government presuppos-es an informed citizenry, the report supports full literacy;stresses the study of history and government, particularly American history and American government;and encourages the use of new digit-al technologies.To encourage innovation and competition, the report calls for increased investment in research, the crafting of coherent curricula that improve students' ability to solve problems and communicate effectively in the 21st century, increased funding for teachers and the encouragement of scholars to bring their learning to bear on the great challenges of the day.The report also advo-cates greater study of foreign languages, international affairs and the expansion of study abroad programs.Unfortunate-ly, despite 2? years in the making, “The Heart of the Matter” never gets to the heart of the matter: the illiberal nature of liberal education at our leading colleges and universities.The commission ig-nores that for several decades America's colleges and universities have produced graduates who don't know the content and character of liberal education and are thus deprived of its benefits.Sadly, the spirit of inquiry once at home on campus has been replaced by the use of the humanities and social sciences as vehicles for publicizing “progressive,” or left-liberal propaganda.Today, professors routinely treat the progressive interpretation of history and progressive public policy as the proper subject of study while portraying conservative or classical liberal ideas—such as free markets or self-reliance —as falling outside the boundaries of routine, and sometimes legitimate, intellectual investigation.The AAAS displays great enthu-siasm for liberal education.Yet its report may well set back reform by obscuring the depth and breadth of the challenge that Congress asked it to illuminate.美國藝術與科學院剛發布的報告《問題的核心》，因肯定了人文和社會科學對美國自由民主的繁榮和安全的重要性而值得贊揚。然而，遺憾的是該報告沒有論及通才教育所面臨危機的真正本質，這可能造成弊大于利的結果。

2010 年，首要的國會民主黨人和共和黨人致函美國藝術與科學院，要求其確定可由“聯邦、州和地方政府、大學、基金會、教育工作者、個人捐助者和其他人”采取的措施，以“保持國家在人文和社會科學學術和教育方面的優勢”。作為回應，美國藝術與科學院成立了人文和社會科學委員會。該委員會51 名成員中有頂級大學的校長、學者、律師、法官和公司執行總裁，也有來自外交、電影、音樂和新聞界的杰出人物。

這份報告中確立的目標大體上是值得稱贊的。因為代議制政府的前提是公民知情，該報告支持全面的文化素養；強調學習歷史和政治，特別是美國歷史和美國政治；以及鼓勵使用新的數字技術。為了鼓勵創新和競爭，報告呼吁增加研究投資，對緊密結合的課程要精益求精

（它們會提高學生在21 世紀有效地解決問題和交流溝通的能力），增加對教師的資助和鼓勵學者轉化所學知識以面對當今的巨大挑戰。報告還主張加強對外語、國際事務的學習和擴展留學計劃。

不幸的是，盡管撰寫報告用了兩年半的時間，《問題的核心》卻從未觸及到問題的核心：我們一流院校的通才教育本質上是狹隘的。委員會忽視了幾十年來美國各院校輸送的畢業生不明白通才教育的內容和特點，因而喪失了它的益處。令人痛心的是，國內校園內曾有的探索精神，已經被利用人文和社會科學作為宣揚“進步的”或左翼民主的宣傳工具所代替。

如今，教授們通常將進步的歷史觀和公共政策視為正統的學習科目，而將保守的或古典自由主義的觀點——例如：自由市場和自力更生——描述為逾越了常規、合理事物和理性調研的界限。

2013年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1

In the 2006 film version of The Devil Wears Prada, Miranda Priestly, played by Meryl Streep, scold her unattractive assistant for imagining that high fashion doesn’t affect her.Priestly explains how the deep blue color of the assistant’s sweater descended over the years from fashion shows to department stores and to the bargain bin in which the poor girl doubtless found her garment.This top-down conception of the fashion business couldn’t be more out of date or at odds with feverish world described in Overdressed, Elizabeth Cline’s three-year

indictment of “fast fashion”.In the last decades or so, advances in technology have allowed mass-market labels such as Zara, H&M, and Unable to react to trends more quickly and anticipate demand more precisely.Quicker turnarounds mean less wasted inventory, more frequent releases, and more profit.Those labels encourage style-conscious consumers to see clothes as disposable——meant to last only a wash or two, although they don’t advertise that——and to renew their wardrobe every few weeks.By offering on-trend items at dirt-cheap prices, Cline argues, these brands have hijacked fashion cycles, shaking an industry long accustomed to a seasonal pace.The victims of this revolution, of course, are not limited to designers.For H&M to offer a $5.95 knit miniskirt in all its 2,300-plus stores around the world, it must rely on low-wage, overseas labor, order in volumes that strain natural resources, and use massive amounts of harmful chemicals.Overdressed is the fashion world’s answer to consumer-activist bestsellers like Michael Pollen’s The Omnivore’s Dilemma.“Mass-produced clothing, like fast food, fills a hunger and need, yet is non-durable, and wasteful,” Cline argues.Americans, she finds, buy roughly 20 billion garments a year——about 64 items per person –and no matter how much they give away, this excess leads to waste.To-wards the end of Overdressed, Cline introduced her ideal, a Brooklyn woman named Sarah Kate Beau-mont, who since 2008 has made all of her own clothes——and beautifully.But as Cline is the first to note, it took Beaumont decades to perfect her craft;her example can’t be knocked off.Though several fast-fashion companies have made efforts to curb their impact on labor and the environ-ment——including H&M, with its green Conscious Collection Line——Cline believes lasting change can only be effected by the customer.She exhibits the idealism common to many advocates of sustainabili-ty, be it in food or in energy.Vanity is a constant;people will only start shopping more sustainably when they can’t afford not to.Text 1 在2006年電影版的《時尚女魔頭》中，梅麗爾?斯特里普扮演的米蘭達?普雷斯麗責備她其貌不揚的女助手，因為她認為高端時尚并不能影響到自己。普雷斯麗說明了她助手的深藍色毛衣如何在數年間從時尚秀場降到百貨商店，又淪為便宜貨。毫無疑問，這個貧窮的女孩肯定就是從便宜貨里淘的衣服。

這種自上而下的時尚商業觀早已過時了，也和伊麗莎白?克萊因在《過度穿著》中描寫的狂熱世界不一致。《過度穿著》是伊麗莎白?克萊因花了三年時間寫成的對 “快時尚”的控訴作品。在過去十年左右的時間，技術的進步已經使得諸如Zara、H&M、優衣庫之類的大眾市場品牌能夠對流行趨勢反應得更快，并能更準確的預料到消費者的需求。更快的轉變意味著更少的存貨浪費、更頻繁的發布新品、更高的利潤。這些品牌鼓勵對時尚敏感的消費者把衣服當成是一次性用品——洗過一兩次后就不再穿了，盡管他們沒在廣告上明說——然后每幾周就更新衣櫥。克萊因說，這些品牌通過以極其低廉的價格銷售時髦的商品，已經把持了時尚的周期，動搖了一個習慣以季節為周期的產業。

當然，這場變革的受害者，不僅僅是設計師們。為了能在其全世界2300多家商店里以5.95美元的價格出售超短裙，H&M必須依賴低工資的海外勞動力、大批量采購原材料導致嚴重危害自然資源、并大量使用有害的化學物質。

《過度穿著》就仿佛是時尚界交給像邁克爾?波倫的《雜食者的困境》一樣的消費者維權暢銷書的答案。“大批量生產的服裝，就好像快餐一樣，充滿著渴望和需求，卻既不耐用也不經濟”，克萊因說到。她發現，美國人每年要買大約200億件服裝——平均每人64件——無論他們捐贈多少，這種無節制的購買行為都導致浪費。

在《過度穿著》的結尾，克萊因介紹了她的理想典范，一個叫薩拉?凱特?博蒙特的布魯克林女人，她從2008年起就自己做所有的衣服，而且做得相當漂亮。不過正如克萊因是第一個注意到的那樣，博蒙特花了幾十年完善自己的手藝，她的事例不能輕易復制。

盡管包括H&M在內的幾家快時尚公司已經努力控制其對勞動力和環境的影響，引入了綠色環保自覺生產線，克萊因相信只有消費者才能促成持久的變革。她展示了對于無論在食物還是在能源方面都提倡可持續性的人而言共同的理想主義。虛榮是常態，人們只有在付不起錢的時候才會開始以更加可持續的方式購物。

Text 2

An old saying has it that half of all advertising budgets are wasted—the trouble is, no one knows which half.In the internet age, at least in theory, this fraction can be much reduced.By watching what people search for, click on and say online, companies can aim “behavioural” ads at those most likely to buy.In the past couple of weeks a quarrel has illustrated the value to advertisers of such fine-grained informa-tion: Should advertisers assume that people are happy to be tracked and sent behavioural ads? Or should they have explicit permission?

In December 2010 America’s Federal Trade Commission(FTC)proposed adding a “do not track”(DNT)option to internet browsers, so that users could tell advertisers that they did not want to be fol-lowed.Microsoft’s Internet Explorer and Apple’s Safari both offer DNT;Google’s Chrome is due to do so this year.In February the FTC and the Digital Advertising Alliance(DAA)agreed that the industry would get cracking on responding to DNT requests.On May 31st Microsoft set off the row.It said that Internet Explorer 10, the version due to appear with windows 8, would have DNT as a default.Advertis-ers are horrified.Human nature being what it is, most people stick with default settings.Few switch DNT on now, but if tracking is off it will stay off.Bob Liodice, the chief executive of the Associa-tion of National Advertisers, says consumers will be worse off if the industry cannot collect informa-tion about their preferences.People will not get fewer ads, he says.“They’ll get less meaningful, less targeted ads.”

It is not yet clear how advertisers will respond.Getting a DNT signal does not oblige anyone to stop tracking, although some companies have promised to do so.Unable to tell whether someone real-ly objects to behavioural ads or whether they are sticking with Microsoft’s default, some may ignore a DNT signal and press on anyway.Al-so unclear is why Microsoft has gone it alone.After all, it has an ad business too, which it says will comp-ly with DNT requests, though it is still working out how.If it is trying to upset Google, which relies al-most wholly on advertising, it has chosen an indirect method: There is no guarantee that DNT by de-fault will become the norm.DNT does not seem an obviously huge selling point for windows 8—though the firm has compared some of its other products favourably with Google’s on that count be-fore.Brendon Lynch, Microsoft’s chief privacy officer, blogged: “We believe consumers should have more control.” Could it really be that simple? 有句老話說的好，一半的廣告預算都浪費了——麻煩的是，沒人知道哪一半浪費了。在互聯網時代，至少在理論上，可以大大減少這種浪費。通過觀察人們搜索什么、點擊什么、在網上說些什么，公司可以鎖定目標，將“行為”廣告（即，“有作為的”或“有用的”廣告）投放給最有可能的購買產品的人。

在過去幾周，三次交易和一次爭論已經向廣告商（以及他們的軟件提供商）展示了這種經過精細處理的信息的價值：廣告商應該假設人們喜歡被跟蹤，并發送行為廣告嗎？還是他們應該先得到明確的許可才行？

在2010年12月，美國聯邦貿易委員會提出，應該在網絡瀏覽器上添加“拒絕跟蹤”（DNT）選項，這樣一來，用戶就可以告訴廣告商他們不想被追蹤。微軟公司的IE瀏覽器和蘋果公司的Safari瀏覽器都提供拒絕跟蹤；谷歌公司的Chrome瀏覽器今年也即將要提供類似功能。在二月份，聯邦貿易委員會和數字廣告聯盟達成一致，瀏覽器開發業要繼續努力，以應對拒絕跟蹤的要求。

5月31日，微軟公司率先采取行動：該公司發布公告稱，在該公司的新操作系統windows8中的IE10瀏覽器上，將會默認附帶拒絕跟蹤選項。

廣告商們誠惶誠恐。人性使然，人們總是習慣保持默認的設置。現在幾乎沒人打開“拒絕跟蹤”按鈕，可如果跟蹤處于關閉狀態，就會一直是關閉狀態。鮑勃?利奧狄斯是數字廣告聯盟的成員組織之一——全國廣告協會——的首席執行官。他說如果軟件業無法收集到關于消費者喜好的信息，那消費者只能境況更糟。人們不會少收到廣告，他說，“他們會收到更沒意義更沒針對性的廣告。”

現在還不清楚廣告商們會怎樣采取行動。拒絕跟蹤信號并不會強制任何人停止跟蹤，盡管有些公司（包括推特公司在內）已經承諾收到拒絕跟蹤信號就會停止跟蹤。由于無法辨認人們是真正反對行為廣告，還是他們只是沒有改動微軟的默認設置，有些公司可能會忽視拒絕跟蹤信號，依然強行跟蹤。

同樣不清楚的是，微軟為什么要孤軍奮戰。畢竟，微軟自己也有廣告業務，卻聲稱自己的廣告業務也要遵守拒絕跟蹤要求，不過它也還在尋求解決辦法。如果微軟試圖激怒幾乎完全依賴廣告業務的谷歌，那么它就已經選擇了一個間接的方法：并不能保證默認拒絕跟蹤模式會成為標準范例。雖然公司以前還拿自己的其他幾個產品同谷歌的產品在這方面做過比較，但拒絕跟蹤也不像是windows8的巨大賣點。微軟首席隱私官布蘭登?林奇在博客中寫到：“我們相信用戶應該有更多的操控權限。”真是那么簡單嗎？

Text 3

Up until a few decades ago, our visions of the future were largely — though by no means uniformly — glowingly positive.Science and technology would cure all the ills of humanity, leading to lives of fulfillment and opportunity for all.Now utopia has grown unfashionable, as we have gained a deeper appreciation of the range of threats facing us, from asteroid strike to epidemic flu to climate change.You might even be tempted to assume that humanity has little future to look forward to.But such gloominess is misplaced.The fossil record shows that many species have endured for millions of years — so why shouldn’t we? Take a broader look at our species’ place in the universe, and it becomes clear that we have an excellent chance of surviving for tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of years.Look up Homo sapiens in the “Red List” of threatened species of the International Union for the Conversation of Nature(IUCN), and you will read: “Listed as Least Con-cern as the species is very widely distributed, adaptable, currently increasing, and there are no major threats resulting in an overall population decline.”

So what does our deep future hold? A growing number of researchers and organisations are now think-ing seriously about that question.For example, the Long Now Foundation has as its flagship project a mechanical clock that is designed to still be marking time thousands of years hence.Per-haps willfully, it may be easier to think about such lengthy timescales than about the more immediate future.The potential evolution of today’s technology, and its social consequences, is dazzlingly complicated, and it’s perhaps best left to science fiction writers and futurologists to explore the many possibilities we can envisage.That’s one reason why we have launched Arc, a new publication dedicated to the near future.But take a longer view and there is a surprising amount that we can say with considerable assurance.As so often, the past holds the key to the future: we have now identified enough of the long-term patterns shaping the history of the planet, and our species, to make evidence-based forecasts about the situations in which our descendants will find themselves.This long perspective makes the pessimistic view of our prospects seem more likely to be a passing fad.To be sure, the future is not all rosy.But we are now knowledgeable enough to re-duce many of the risks that threatened the existence of earlier humans, and to improve the lot of those to come.Text 3

直到幾十年前，我們對未來的想象雖千奇百怪，卻大都很積極樂觀。科學和技術可以治愈人類所有的疾病，讓人們過上滿足的生活，讓人人都有機會。

現如今這種空想的美好社會已經過時了，我們對面臨的威脅范圍有了更深刻的認識，從行星撞擊到流行感冒到氣候變化。你可能忍不住會想，人類都沒有什么未來值得盼望了。

但是這種沮喪的情緒也不應該。化石資料表明很多物種存活了幾百萬年——那么我們怎么就不能活那么久呢？眼光放寬一點，想想我們這個物種在宇宙中的位置，就很容易發現，哪怕不能活上幾十萬年，我們也很可能活上幾萬年。查閱一下國際自然保護聯盟發布的瀕危物種紅名單上對我們人類（智人）的描述，你會讀到：非危物種，因為該物種分布很廣，適應性強，目前數量呈上升趨勢，且沒有造成其總體數量下降的主要威脅。

那么，我們的未來究竟承載著什么呢？越來越多的研究者和機構現在正在仔細思考這個問題。比如，今日永存基金會的首要項目就是設計一個今后幾千年仍然可以度量時間的醫療時鐘。

思考這么大跨度的時間概念可能本來就比琢磨眼下的將來更容易許多。今日的技術如何演變，以及由此帶來的社會影響，實在紛繁復雜，讓人炫目。最好還是讓科幻作家和未來學家去設想那些諸多可能發生的事情吧。這也是我們為什么發行Arc的原因之一。Arc是致力于研究近期未來的全新出版物。

但是眼光放長遠些，我們能確信的事情就數量驚人了。過去是未來的關鍵：我們現在已經知道星球以及我們人類的歷史怎樣經歷長時間的變化，那么我們就能以此為依據，預知后世子孫未來身處的境地。

這種長遠角度使得悲觀的前景預期看似更為過時。的確，未來不都那么美好。但是我們現在有足夠的知識可以減少曾威脅人類早期生存的同類威脅，并改善未

Text 4

On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona’s immigration law Monday—a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration.But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration’s effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.In Arizona v.United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona’s controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law.The Constitution-al principles that Washington alone has the power to “establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization” and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial.Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.Jus-tice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court’s liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun.On the overturned provisions the majority held that Congress had deliberately “occupied the field,” and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal’s privileged powers.Howev-er, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement.That’s because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.Two of the three objecting Justice—Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas—agreed with this Constitution-al logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute.The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as “a shocking assertion of federal executive power”.The White House argued that Arizona’s laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter.In effect, the WhiteHouse claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the bor-ders is among them.But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could.It never did so.The administration was in essence asserting that because it didn’t want to carry out Congress’s immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either.Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim.Text 4

周一，最高法院以5比3的投票結果否決了亞利桑那州移民法的大部分內容——這是奧巴馬政府所采取政策的一次不大不小的勝利。但是在更重要的（事關國之根本這個）國家憲法的大問題上，投票結果卻是8比0。這個決定意味著聯邦政府打破聯邦政府和各州政府權力平衡的努力徹底失敗了。

在這場亞利桑那州政府和美國政府的對峙中，最高法院以多數票通過推翻了亞利桑那州飽受爭議的計劃中四項有爭議條款中的三項。亞利桑那州本計劃讓州警察和地方警察實施聯邦移民法。憲法規定華盛頓自身有權力“制定統一的移民規則”，這和聯邦法律優先于州法律的規定并不矛盾。亞利桑那州企圖改變該州現行的與聯邦法律一致的政策。

安東尼?肯尼迪大法官同約翰?羅伯特首席大法官和法庭的自由派們一起裁定州政府的做法不對。關于被推翻的條款，大多數人的觀點是，州議會已經故意“占領地盤”了，也就是說亞利桑那州侵犯了聯邦的特權。

然而，大法官們說，亞利桑那州警察有權力在執法過程中核實人們的法律身份。因為國會一直期待能聯合聯邦和各州的力量處理移民問題，并公開鼓勵州警官和聯邦警官共享信息，相互合作。

三名持反對意見的大法官中，有兩人——塞繆爾?阿利托和克拉倫斯?托馬斯贊同憲法的邏輯思路，卻不同意亞利桑那州的規定違反聯邦法規的說法。唯一主要的反對意見來自安東寧?斯卡利亞大法官，他強烈維護州的權益不受聯邦干預，甚至提到了客籍法和鎮壓叛亂法。

用大法官塞繆爾?阿利托在他的反對意見中的話說，以8比0否決奧巴馬的判決源自“一項驚人的維護聯邦行政權的主張”。白宮聲稱，亞利桑那州的法律與其執法優先權相沖突，即使州法律嚴格遵守了聯邦法律。實際上，白宮就是在聲明，它將作廢任何聯邦不贊成的合法的州級法律。

有些權力確實歸聯邦政府獨有，控制國籍和國界就是如此。但是如果國會想阻止各州使用自己的資源查看移民身份的話，國會是可以這么做的。可國會從沒有這么做過。美國政府事實上就是在宣稱，因為它不想實現國會的移民主張，哪一個州也不可以這么做。每一位大法官都端正的反對了這樣的主張。

2012年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1

Come on –Everybody’s doing it.That whispered message, half invitation and half forcing, is what most of us think of when we hear the words peer pressure.It usually leads to no good-drinking, drugs and casual sex.But in her new book Join the Club, Tina Rosenberg contends that peer pressure can also be a positive force through what she calls the social cure, in which organizations and offi-cials use the power of group dynamics to help individuals improve their lives and possibly the word.Rosenberg, the recipient of a Pulitzer Prize, offers a host of

exam-ple of the social cure in action: In South Carolina, a state-sponsored antismoking program called Rage Against the Haze sets out to make cigarettes uncool.In South Africa, an HIV-prevention initiative known as LoveLife recruits young people to promote safe sex among their peers.The idea seems promising，and Rosenberg is a perceptive observer.Her critique of the lameness of many pubic-health campaigns is spot-on: they fail to mobilize peer pressure for healthy habits, and they demonstrate a serious-ly flawed understanding of psychology.” Dare to be different, please don’t smoke!” pleads one billboard campaign aimed at reducing smoking among teenagers-teenagers, who desire nothing more than fitting in.Rosenberg argues convincingly that public-health advocates ought to take a page from advertisers, so skilled at applying peer pressure.But on the general effectiveness of the soci-al cure, Rosenberg is less persuasive.Join the Club is filled with too much irrelevant detail and not enough exploration of the social and biological factors that make peer pressure so powerful.The most glaring flaw of the social cure as it’s presented here is that it doesn’t work very well for very long.Rage Against the Haze failed once state funding was cut.Evidence that the LoveLife program produces lasting changes is limited and mixed.There’s no doubt that our peer groups exert enormous influence on our behavior.An emerging body of research shows that positive health habits-as well as negative ones-spread through networks of friends via social communication.This is a subtle form of peer pressure: we unconsciously imi-tate the behavior we see every day.Far less certain, however, is how successfully experts and bureaucrats can select our peer groups and steer their activities in virtuous directions.It’s like the teacher who breaks up the troublemakers in the back row by pairing them with better-behaved classmates.The tactic never really works.And that’s the problem with a social cure engineered from the outside: in the real world, as in school, we insist on choosing our own friends.趕快，每個人都在做!當我們聽到“來自同輩的壓力”這個短語時，大部分人都會想到這個廣為流傳的，半是邀請、半是強迫的信息。一般來講指的都不是好事—酗酒，吸毒，隨意的性行為。但是Tina Rosenberg在新書JointheClub中辯護到，通過社會治療這一方式，來自同輩的壓力也可以成為正面積極的力量。在這個社會治療中，各個機構和行政人員利用團隊力量幫助個人改善他們的生活，這樣還有可能改善整個世界。普利策獎獲得者Rosenberg提供了大量正在進行中的社會治療的例子：在南卡羅來納，州資助的反對吸煙活動名叫RageAgainsttheHaze，它打算讓吸煙不再流行。在南非，名為Love Life的預防HIV感染的活動招募年輕人在他們的同齡人中提倡安全性行為。這一想法似乎充滿希望，Rosenberg是個有洞察力的觀察著。她準確地批評了很多公共衛生活動的不完善：這些活動沒有動員同齡人形成健康的習慣，對青少年心理的理解有嚴重誤區。其中一個廣告牌活動致力于在青少年中減少抽煙量，上面寫著：“勇于特立獨行，請不要抽煙!”—而青少年，渴望的就是和他人保持一致。Rosenberg爭論到，公共衛生提倡者應該向廣告商學習，他們能如此熟練地運用來自同輩的壓力。這一論點很具說服力。但是在社會治療的整體效力上，Rosenberg并不太具說服力。JointheClub里面有太多毫不相關的細節，促使來自同輩的壓力如此強大的社會、生物因素卻剖析地不夠。正如現在所呈現的，社會治療最引人注目的缺陷是：如果持續時間很久，它的效果并不好。一旦州砍掉資金，RageAgainsttheHaze就失敗了。證據顯示，Love Life項目所產生的長遠變化是有限的，而且混雜其他因素。同齡人給我們的行為帶來了巨大的影響，這是毫無疑問的。大量剛剛出爐的研究表明，正面積極的健康習慣——還有負面消極的——通過社會交流在朋友網中流傳。這是來自同輩的壓力更為微妙的形式：我們無意識地模仿每天看到的行為。專家和政府人員該如何成功地選擇同齡人團隊并引導他們的行為朝著有德行的方向發展，這遠遠不能確定。這就像老師把后排制造麻煩的學生和表現良好的學生放在一起，以此來解散麻煩制造者團隊，這樣的技巧從不真正起作用。從外部因素出發策劃的社會治療也有這一問題：在真實世界中，就像在學校，我們堅持選擇自己的朋友。Text2

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A deal is a deal-except, apparently, when Entergy is involved.The company, a major energy supplier in New England, provoked justified outrage in Vermont last week when it announced it was reneging on a longstanding commitment to abide by the strict nuclear regulations.In-stead, the company has done precisely what it had long promised it would not challenge the constitutionali-ty of Vermont’s rules in the federal court, as part of a desperate effort to keep its Vermont Yankee nuc-lear power plant running.It’s a stunning move.The conflict has been surfacing since 2002, when the corporation bought Vermont’s only nuclear power plant, an aging reactor in Vernon.As a condition of receiving state approval for the sale, the company agreed to seek permission from state regulators to operate past 2012.In 2006, the state went a step further, requiring that any extension of the plant’s license be subject to Vermont legislature’s approval.Then, too, the company went along.Either Entergy never really intended to live by those

commit-ments, or it simply didn’t foresee what would happen next.A string of accidents, including the partial collapse of a cooling tower in 207 and the discovery of an underground pipe system leakage,raised serious questions about both Vermont Yankee’s safety and Entergy’s management– especial-ly after the company made misleading statements about the pipe.Enraged by Entergy’s behavior, the Vermont Senate voted 26 to 4 last year against allowing an extension.Now the company is suddenly claiming that the 2002 agreement is invalid because of the 2006 legisla-tion, and that only the federal government has regulatory power over nuclear issues.The legal issues in the case are obscure: whereas the Supreme Court has ruled that states do have some regulato-ry authority over nuclear power, legal scholars say that Vermont case will offer a precedent-setting test of how far those powers extend.Certainly, there are valid concerns about the patchwork regula-tions that could result if every state sets its own rules.But had Entergy kept its word, that debate would be beside the point.The company seems to have concluded that its reputation in Vermont is already so damaged that it has noting left to lose by going to war with the state.But there should be consequences.Permission to run a nuclear plant is a poblic trust.Entergy runs 11 other reactors in the United States, includ-ing Pilgrim Nuclear station in Plymouth.Pledging to run Pilgrim safely, the company has applied for federal permission to keep it open for another 20 years.But as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission(NRC)reviews the company’s application, it should keep it mind what promises from Entergy are worth.承諾就是承諾—很明顯，當Entergy公司牽涉在內的話就除外。這個公司是新英格蘭主要的能源供應商，它曾承諾要一直遵守嚴格的核能源規范條例，但上周它宣布要違背這個承諾，理所當然地，它激起了佛蒙特州的義憤。這個公司確實已做了它曾承諾的永遠不會做的事情：在聯邦法庭上挑戰佛蒙特州條例的合憲性，拼命努力來保證佛蒙特州美國核能源工廠的正常運行。這一舉動令人震驚。2002年公司購買了佛蒙特州唯一的核能源工廠，即位于弗農古老的核反應堆。自此，沖突開始浮出水面。公司同意2012年之后都會尋求本州調整者的許可，作為接受本州同意銷售的條件。2006年，佛蒙特更進一步，要求延長這一核工廠的許可證必須得到佛蒙特州立法機關的許可。公司也同意了。Entergy可能不想真正地遵守這些承諾，或者簡單來說它并沒有預見將要發生的事情。一系列事故，如207冷卻塔部分坍塌，發現地下管道系統漏泄，這些都引發了關于佛蒙特州美國人的安全及Entergy公司經營等方面的嚴重問題—尤其在公司關于管道問題做了令人誤解的聲明之后。因Entergy的所作所為而震怒，去年佛蒙特州參議院以26:4的選票結果，反對允許延長它的許可證。現在公司突然宣布，因2006法規2002協議無效，只有聯邦政府才有權調控核事件。這一案例中的法律問題模糊不清：最高法院曾宣布各州確實對核能源有調控權力，但法律學者認為佛蒙特案件將驗證這些權力到底有多大。當然，如果每一個州都設定自己的法律條例，由此而導致的混亂確實能引起合理的關注。但是如果Entergy信守諾言，那這場爭論就偏離主題了。公司似乎下了這樣的論斷：它在佛蒙特的聲望已被損害，即使與佛蒙特州作戰也沒什么好失去的。但是這有一定的后果。允許經營核工廠體現了公眾的信任。在美國Entergy還經營了其他11個反應堆，包括普利茅斯的Pilgrim核電站。公司承諾安全經營Pilgrim，已向聯邦提出申請，要求再經營20年。但是當核管理委員會審查了公司的申請時，應該記住Entergy的承諾能有什么樣的價值。

Text3

In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work.But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route.We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experience.Prior knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take.Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound.Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as

protos-cience.Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are full of potential.But it takes collective scruti-ny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery.This is the credibility pro-cess, through which the individual researcher’s me, here, now becomes the community’s anyone, anywhere, anytime.Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point.Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit.But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next.Within the complex social struc-ture of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries;editors and reviewers act as gatekee-pers by controlling the publication process;other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purpos-es;and finally, the public(including other scientists)receives the new discovery and possibly accompany-ing technology.As a discovery claim works it through the community, the interaction and confronta-tion between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual’s discovery claim into the community’s credible discovery.Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process.First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect.Little reward accompa-nies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed.The goal is new-search, not re-search.Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers.Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief.Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as “seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.” But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views.Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated.In the end, credibility “happens” to a discovery claim – a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind.“We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other’s reasoning and each other’s conceptions of reason.” 在科學研究的理想狀態下，關于世界的事實正在等待著那些客觀的研究者來觀察和搜集，研究者們會用科學的方法來進行他們的工作。但是在每天的科學實踐中，發現通常遵循一條模糊和復雜的路徑。我們的目標是做到客觀，但是我們卻不能逃離我們所處的獨特的生活經驗的環境。之前的知識和興趣會影響我們所經歷的，會影響我們對于經驗意義的思考，以及我們會采取的隨后的行動。這里充滿著誤讀，錯誤和自我欺騙的機會。所以，對于發現的申明應該被當做是科學的原型。這與新近開發的采礦資源比較類似，他們都充滿著可能性。但是將發現的申明變為一個成熟的發現是需要集體的審查和集體的接受。這個過程就配稱之為“信用的過程”，通過這個過程一個單個研究者的“我”在這里就變成了這個社區中的任何人，任何地方和任何時間。客觀的知識不應該是起點而是目標。一旦一個科學發現變成公開的，那么發現者就獲得了知識的認可。但是和采礦權不一樣的是，科學協會將控制接下來會發生的事情。在復雜的科研機構的社會結構中，研究者去做出發現；編輯和審稿者通過控制出版過程扮演著看門人的角色；其他的科學家使用新的發現來滿足他們自己的目標；最后，公眾（也包括其他科學家）接受到新的發現和可能相伴隨的技術。當一個發現的聲明最終通過了機構的審查，在有關所涉及到的共享的和抵觸的信念之間的互動和沖突將把一個人的發現變為一個機構的可信的發現在整個信任的過程中存在著兩個悖論，第一：科學工作傾向于關注一些流行科學的某些方面，而這些方面又是被認為是不完全和不正確的。去復制和確認已經被人所知和所信的東西不會有多少回報。科學要做的是去探究新的東西而不是再次探究。不足為奇的是，新發表的重要的，有說服力發現和可信的發現將會被后來的研究者質疑，并帶來潛在的修改甚至駁斥。第二個悖論是：新穎的東西本身就經常會招致懷疑。諾貝爾獎獲得者，生理學家AlbertAzent-Gyorgyi曾經將發現描述為：“觀察每個人觀察的，思考沒有人想到的。”但是思考其他人沒有想到的并且告訴其他人他們所遺漏的可能并不會改變這些人的觀點。有時候，真正新穎的科學發現被人們所接受和認可將會花好多年的時間。最后，一個科學的發現獲得了信任，這個過程是與哲學家AnnetteBaier所描述的心靈的共性的觀點是一致的。“我們共同去推理，去質疑，其修改并且完善各自的推理以及各自的推理概念。Text4

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If the trade unionist Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent civil servant.When Hoffa’s Teamsters were in their prime in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union;now 36% do.In 2009 the number of unionists in America’s public sector passed that of their fellow members in the private sector.In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized.There are three reasons for the public-sector unions’ thriving.First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences.Second, they are mostly bright and well-educated.A quarter of America’s public-sector workers have a university degree.Third, they now dominate left-of-centre politics.Some of their ties go back a long way.Britain’s Labor Party, as its name implies, has long been associated with trade unionism.Its current leader, Ed Miliband,owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome.Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy Insti-tute of California points out that much of the state’s budget is patrolled by unions.The teachers’ unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons and a variety of labor groups on health care.In many rich countries average wages in the state sector are higher than in the private one.But the real gains come in benefits and work practices.Politicians have repeatedly “backloaded” public-sec-tor pay deals, keeping the pay increases modest but adding to holidays and especially pensions that are already generous.Reform has been vigorously opposed, perhaps most egregiously in education, where charter schools, academies and merit pay all faced drawn-out battles.Even though there is plenty of evidence that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable, teachers’ unions have fought against getting rid of bad ones and promoting good ones.As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians have begun to clamp down.In Wisconsin the unions have rallied thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor.But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.John Donahue at Harvard’s Kennedy School points out that the norms of culture in Western civ-il services suit those who want to stay put but is bad for high achievers.The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches and the president of the United States.Bankers’ fat pay packets have attracted much criticism, but a public-sector system that does not reward high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.如果工會會員Jimmy Hoffa今天還活著，他也許會是公務員的代表。1960年Hoffa的組織Teamsters處于全盛時期，美國政府工作人員中只有十分之一的人屬于某一個公會;現在這個比率是36%。2009年任職于美國公共部門的工會會員人數超過了任職于私營部門的工會會員人數。在英國，在公共部門的工作人員中半數以上參加了工會;而私營部門的工作人員只有大約15%的人參加了工會組織。公共部門工會如此盛行的原因有三個。第一，他們能夠脫身，而不用承擔太多后果。第二，他們中間大部分人聰明，受過良好教育。美國公共部門的工作人員中四分之一的人有大學學位。第三，他們現在在政治中的左翼力量中占主導地位。其中有些關系有很長的歷史。正如其名，英國工黨和工會組織的關系由來已久。其現任領導Miliband把自己得到的位置歸功于來自公共部門工會組織的投票。從州范圍來看，他們的影響更為嚇人。加利福尼亞州公共政策研究院的MarkBaldassare指出，本州大部分預算都由工會來檢查。教師工會關注學校，加利福尼亞感化治安官協會關心監獄，各型各色的勞工團體關注衛生保健。在很多富裕國家，公共部門的平均工資要高于私營部門的平均工資。但是真正的收入來源于利潤和工作表現。政客已不停地加強公共部門的工資待遇，工資漲幅不大，但卻加長本來就不少的假期，特別是增加本來就很多的養老保險金。對于變革的反對一直都很強烈，在教育方面最為驚人。在教育方面，契約學校、專科學校、績效獎都面臨著持久戰。盡管有大量證據表明教師的質量是最重要的變量，但教師工會反對解雇不好的教師，提升好教師。

對其他每個人的支出變得更為清晰，政客開始強制執行。在威斯康辛州，工會集結了成千上萬的支持者，反對走強硬路線的州長，即共和黨人ScottWalker。但很多任職于公共部門的工作人員也在目前的體制下受罪。

哈佛肯尼迪學院的John Donahue指出，西方公務員系統的文化準則適合這些想留在原地過安逸生活的人們，但并不適合那些表現好的人們。任職于美國公共部門的工作人員中，只有大學體育教練和美國總統每年的收入遠遠高于250,000美元。銀行的高收入招致了很多批評，但對于美國來講，在公共部門體制中，沒有給表現好的工作人員足夠的回報可能會成為更為嚴重的問題。

2011 年考研英語閱讀真題

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The decision of the New York Philharmonic to hire Alan Gilbert as its next music director has been the talk of the classical-music world ever since the sudden announcement of his appointment in 2009.For the most part, the response has been favorable, to say the least.―Hooray!At last!wrote Anthony Tommasini, a sober-sided classical-music critic.One of the reasons why the appointment came as such a surprise, however, is that Gilbert is comparative-ly little known.Even Tommasini, who had advocated Gilbert‘s appointment in the Times, calls him ―an unpretentious musician with no air of the formidable conductor about him.As a description of the next music director of an orchestra that has hitherto been led by musicians like Gustav Mahler and Pierre Boulez, that seems likely to have struck at least some Times readers as faint praise.For my part, I have no idea whether Gilbert is a great conductor or even a good one.To be sure, he performs an impressive variety of interesting compositions, but it is not necessary for me to visit Avery Fisher Hall, or anywhere else, to hear interesting orchestral music.All I have to do is to go to my CD shelf, or boot up my computer and download still more recorded music from iTunes.De-voted concertgoers who reply that recordings are no substitute for live performance are missing the point.For the time, attention, and money of the art-loving public, classical instrumentalists must compete not only with opera houses, dance troupes, theater companies, and museums, but also with the recorded performances of the great classical musicians of the 20th century.There record-ings are cheap, available everywhere, and very often much higher in artistic quality than today‘s live performances;moreover, they can be ―consumed at a time and place of the listener‘s choosing.The widespread availability of such recordings has thus brought about a crisis in the institution of the traditional classical concert.One possible response is for classical performers to program attractive new music that is not yet available on record.Gilbert‘s own interest in new music has been widely noted: Alex Ross, a classical-music critic, has described him as a man who is capable of turning the Philharmonic into ―a markedly different, more vibrant organization.But what will be the nature of that difference? Merely expanding the orchestra‘s repertoire will not be enough.If Gilbert and the Philharmonic are to succeed, they must first change the relationship between America‘s oldest orchestra and the new audience it hops to attract.譯文：

紐約愛樂樂團決定聘請Alan Gilbert作為下一任的音樂總監，這從2009年任命被宣布之日起就在古典音樂界引起了熱議.別的不說，大部分人的反應是積極的.―好啊，終于好了！Anthony Thomasine寫道，他可是一個以嚴肅著稱的古典音樂評論家.但是，這個任命之所以一起人們驚訝的原因卻是Gilbert相對而言并不是很有名.甚至在時代雜志上發文支持Gilbert任命的Thomasine都稱其為：低調的音樂家，在他身上找不到那種飛揚跋扈的指揮家的氣質.紐約愛樂樂團迄今為止都是由像Gustav Mahler(古斯塔夫?馬勒)和Pierre Boulez布列茲那樣的音樂家領導的.這樣去描述這個樂團的下一位指揮，至少對于時代的讀者而言，這是一種蒼白的表揚.就我看來，我不知道Gilbert是否是一個偉大的指揮家或者是一個好的指揮.但是我能確定的是，他能表現出很多有趣的樂章，但是我卻應該不會去Avery Fisher Hall或者其他地方去聽一場有趣的交響樂演出.我要做的事情就是去我的CD架上，或者打開的我的電腦從ITUNES上下載更多的唱片.Text 2

When Liam McGee departed as president of Bank of America in August, his explanation was surprisingly straight up.Rather than cloaking his exit in the usual vague excuses, he came right out and said he was leaving ―to pursue my goal of running a company.Broadcasting his ambition was ―very much my decision, McGee says.Within two weeks, he was talking for the first time with the board of Hartford Financial Services Group, which named him CEO and chairman on September 29.McGee says leaving without a position lined up gave him time to reflect on what kind of company he wanted to run.It also sent a clear message to the outside world about his aspirations.And McGee isn‘t alone.In recent weeks the No.2 executives at Avon and American Express quit with the explanation that they were looking for a CEO post.As boards scrutinize succession plans in response to shareholder pressure, executives who don‘t get the nod also may wish to move on.A turbulent business environment also has senior managers cautious of letting vague pronouncements cloud their reputations.As the first signs of recovery begin to take hold, deputy chiefs may be more willing to make the jump without a net.In the third quarter, CEO turnover was down 23% from a year ago as nervous boards stuck with the leaders they had, according to Liberum Research.As the economy picks up, opportunities will abound for aspiring leaders.The decision to quit a senior position to look for a better one is unconventional.For years executives and headhunters have adhered to the rule that the most attractive CEO candidates are the ones who must be poached.Says Korn Ferry，senior partner Dennis Carey :―I can‘t think of a single search I‘ve done where a board has not instructed me to look at sitting CEOs first.Those who jumped without a job haven‘t always landed in top positions quickly.Ellen Marram quit as chief of Tropicana when the business became part of Pep-siCo(PEP)a decade ago, saying she wanted to be a CEO.It was a year before she became head of a tiny Internet-based commodities exchange.Robert Willumstad left Citigroup in 2005 with ambi-tions to be a CEO.He finally took that post at a major financial institution three years later.Many recruiters say the old disgrace is fading for top performers.The financial crisis has made it more acceptable to be between jobs or to leave a bad one.―The traditional rule was it‘s safer to stay where you are, but that‘s been fundamentally inverted, says one headhunter.―The people who‘ve been hurt the worst are those who‘ve stayed too long.譯文：

當八月份，Liam McGee以總裁的身份從美國銀行離職的時候，他的解釋出人意料的直白.他沒有忸怩的用平常的模糊的理由來遮掩他的離開，他很坦誠的講他離開就是為了去追求他經營一家公司的目標.McGee說宣揚自己的目標就是自己的決定.兩周后，他第一次和Hartford Financial Services Group的董事會第一次會談，這家公司在9月29日提名他為董事會主席和CEO.他說在離開的時候并沒有找好后面的職位(下家)，使他有時間去反思他到底想去經營一家什么樣的公司.這同時也就他的激情和決心，給了外界一個清晰的信號.這樣做的并不只是McGee一個人.最近幾周，Avon and American Express的一些高級經理離職并解釋說想需找一個CEO的職位.當董事會迫于股東的壓力對一系列的計劃進行審查的時候，那些計劃被否定掉的經理們也會想離開.激烈的商業環境同樣使得高級經理很小心，模糊的表態可能會破壞他們的聲譽.當經濟復蘇的標志開始確定的時候，二把手們可能更愿意在沒有網(新的工作)情況下換工作.第三季度，根據Liberum的調查，CEO的更迭和一年前相比減少了23%，這是由于緊張的董事會緊盯著他們的CEO們.隨著經濟的復蘇和好轉，對有理想的頭兒們，機會是很多的.離開高管的職位去尋找一個更好的職位，并不是傳統的做法.多年以來，經理們和獵頭們都認同這樣一個原則：最有吸引力的CEO的競爭是那些需要去挖來的人.Korn Ferry，senior partner Dennis Carey說道：我所做的每一次的招聘中，董事會都要求我從那些在任的CEO中尋找人選.那些沒有找到工作就離開的人并不是很快就能找到頂級的職位.10年前，Tropicana被PepsiCo(PEP)收購了，她以經理的身份離職了，她說他想當CEO.但是花了一年的時間她才成為一家小型互聯網交換公司的頭.2005年Robert Willumstad帶著想成為CEO的夢想離開了Citigroup.可是三年后他才成為了一家主要的金融機構的CEO.很多招聘的人都說對于高管而言，過去認為的丟臉的感覺(沒有工作)已經慢慢消失了.金融危機已經使得跳槽，離開一個不好的工作變得更加可以接受了.一個獵頭就說到： ―傳統的規則是待在你原來的地方會更加安全，但是現在已經徹底改變了.那些受傷最厲害的就是那里在一個地方待太久的人.‖

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The rough guide to marketing success used to be that you got what you paid for.No longer.While traditional ―paid‖ media – such as television commercials and print advertisements – still play a major role, companies today can exploit many alternative forms of media.Con-sumers passionate about a product may create “earned” media by willingly promoting it to friends, and a company may leverage ―owned‖ media by sending e-mail alerts about products and sales to customers registered with its Web site.In fact，the way consumers now approach the process of making purchase decisions means that marketing's impact stems from a broad range of factors beyond conventional paid media.Paid and owned media are controlled by marketers promoting their own products.For earned media , such marketers act as the initiator for users‘ responses.But in some cases, one marketer‘s owned media become another marketer‘s paid media – for instance, when an e-commerce retailer sells ad space on its Web site.We define such sold media as owned media whose traffic is so strong that other organizations place their content or e-commerce engines within that environment.This trend ,which we believe is still in its infancy, effectively began with retailers and travel providers such as airlines and hotels and will no doubt go further.Johnson & Johnson, for example, has created BabyCenter, a stand-alone media property that promotes complementary and even competitive products.Besides generating income, the presence of other marketers makes the site seem objective, gives companies opportunities to learn valuable information about the appeal of other companies‘ marketing, and may help expand user traffic for all companies concerned.The same dramatic technological changes that have provided marketers with more(and more diverse)communications choices have also increased the risk that passionate consumers will voice their opinions in quicker, more visible, and much more damaging ways.Such hijacked media are the opposite of earned media: an asset or campaign becomes hostage to consumers, other stakeholders, or activists who make negative allegations about a brand or product.Members of social networks, for instance, are learning that they can hijack media to apply pressure on the businesses that originally created them.If that happens, passionate consumers would try to persuade others to boycott products, putting the reputation of the target company at risk.In such a case, the company‘s response may not be sufficiently quick or thoughtful, and the learning curve has been steep.Toyota Motor, for example, alleviated some of the damage from its recall crisis earlier this year with a relatively quick and well-orchestrated social-media response campaign, which included efforts to engage with consumers directly on sites such as Twitter and the social-news site Digg.滬江考研

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譯文：

過去，市場營銷的成功訣竅簡而言之就是一分錢一分貨.然而時過境遷.雖然傳統的―付費‖(paid)媒介，比如電視和廣播廣告、平面廣告和路邊廣告牌等，仍然扮演著重要角色，但企業如今還可以利用許多其他形式的媒介.比如，癡迷于某種產品的消費者，可能會樂意將之推薦給朋友，從而為企業創造因產品的優良品質帶來的―無償‖(earned)媒介.企業還可以利用―自有‖(owned)媒介，通過郵件向其網站的注冊用戶發送產品和銷售提示.事實上，如今消費者作出購買決定的方式，意味著市場營銷的影響力來自于傳統付費媒介之外的廣泛因素.營銷人員通過付費和自有媒介推銷其產品，而在―無償‖媒介方面，營銷人員就像是觸發用戶響應的初始催化劑.在某些情況下，某營銷者的自有媒介會成為另一個營銷者的付費媒介.比如，當某電子商務零售商出售其網站的廣告空間時，我們就將這種―售出‖媒介定義為擁有巨大流量、以致其他機構紛紛前來投放內容或電子商務引擎的自有媒介.我們認為，這種趨勢已蓬勃發端于零售商和航空、酒店等旅游供應商，雖然還處于初始階段，但無疑可以走得更遠.比如，強生公司創建了著名網站BabyCenter，借以推廣互補性乃至競爭性產品，而其他營銷者的出現不僅帶來了收入，還令該網站看起來公正客觀，并且使企業有機會從其他公司的營銷活動中獲得可貴的信息，最后還有助于擴大所有相關企業的用戶流量.劇烈的技術變革使營銷人員獲得了數量更多、種類更廣的溝通選擇，但同時也帶來了更高的風險，因為激動的消費者能夠以更迅速、更明顯、更有害的方式來表達他們的意見.這就是與―無償‖媒介相對的―劫持‖媒介：某項資產或活動變成了對某個品牌或產品不滿的消費者、其他股東或積極分子的劫持物.比如，社交網絡用戶正領悟到，他們可以通過―劫持‖媒介來對最初創建該媒介的企業施加壓力.如果那種事情發生，激動的消費者試圖勸服其他人共同抵制兩家公司的產品，從而危及企業聲譽.當這種事情發生的時候，如果企業的回應不夠快或不夠好，那么就可能釀成悲劇.比如，在今年較早前發生的召回危機中，豐田汽車公司采取了較快且較有序的社交媒體回應行動，包括在Twitter和社會新聞網站Digg等網站上與客戶進行直接交流，從而挽回了部分損失.Text 4

It‘s no surprise that Jennifer Senior‘s insightful, provocative magazine cover story, ―I love My Children, I Hate My Life,‖ is arousing much chatter – nothing gets people talking like the suggestion that child rearing is anything less than a completely fulfilling, life-enriching experience.Rather than concluding that children make parents either happy or miserable, Senior suggests we need to redefine happiness: instead of thinking of it as something that can be measured by moment-to-moment joy, we should consider being happy as a past-tense condition.Even though the day-to-day experience of raising kids can be soul-crushingly hard, Senior writes that ―the very things that in the moment dampen our moods can later be sources of intense gratification and delight.‖

The magazine cover showing an attractive mother holding a cute baby is hardly the only Madonna-and-child image on newsstands this week.There are also stories about newly adoptive – and new-ly single – mom Sandra Bullock, as well as the usual ―Jennifer Aniston is pregnant‖ news.Practically every week features at least one celebrity mom, or mom-to-be, smiling on the newsstands.In a society that so persistently celebrates procreation, is it any wonder that admitting you regret having children is equivalent to admitting you support kitten-killing ? It doesn‘t seem quite fair, then, to compare the regrets of parents to the regrets of the children.Unhappy parents rarely are provoked to wonder if they shouldn‘t have had kids, but unhappy childless folks are bothered with the message that children are the single most important thing in the world: obviously their misery must be a direct result of the gaping baby-size holes in their lives.Of course, the image of parenthood that celebrity magazines like Us Weekly and People present is hugely unrealistic, especially when the parents are single mothers like Bullock.According to several studies concluding that 譯文：

毫無疑問，Jennifer Senior在有煸動意味的的雜志封面故事中表達了她的獨到見解，―我愛我的孩子們，我討厭我的生活‖——這喚起了人們的談興.人們一談到養孩子就會覺得這是一件完全令人愉悅、生活充實的事情.Jennifer Senior沒有指出養孩子到底是使得父母快樂呢還是痛苦呢，她倒是認為，我們需要重新定義幸福：幸福不應該是一個個瞬間的快樂組合的可以被衡量的東西；我們應該把幸福視為一種過去式的狀態.盡管撫養孩子的日子漫長難熬，令人筋疲力盡，但是Jennifer Senior認為，正是那些心緒沉重的時刻，日后卻成為我們歡樂的源泉.雜志封面上一位給力的母親抱著一個可愛的嬰兒，這種圣母與圣子(麥當娜和孩子)的圖畫這周在雜志上多次出現.例如雜志上講到最近剛收養孩子的母親——有時是剛變成單身母親——桑德拉布魯克，以及那種很常見的―詹尼弗阿尼斯頓懷孕了‖的新聞.實際上，每周都有至少一位名人母親、或者準母親在雜志上笑迎讀者.在一個不斷地慶祝生育的社會中，承認自己后悔生育孩子就相當于承認自己支持殺小貓，這難道不值得反思嗎？把父母的后悔與孩子的后悔相比較，這顯然并不合理.沒有人會去讓不情愿養孩子的父母去反思自己是否不該養孩子，但是那不幸福的沒有孩子的人卻為類似這樣的信息所困擾：―孩子是世上唯一最可珍惜的東西‖，顯然，你們的不幸必須通過生兒育女才能得以消除.當然，像美國周刊與人物這樣的雜志提供的名人父母的形象是非常不切實際的.特別是像Bullock這樣的單身母親時更是如此.多項研究表明，有孩子的父母很少比沒有孩子的夫婦更快樂，而單親家庭是最不快樂的.這并不奇怪，因為一個人養一個孩子實在太麻煩了，沒有人可以依靠.然而，你聽聽Sandra和Britney說的話：自己―一個人‖養孩子，其實非常簡單.(她們當然覺得簡單了，因為她們是在周圍有一幫人全天侯的侯著啊.)

很難想象有的人生孩子就只是很傻很天真因為Reese和Angelina這種名流使這種行為變的很光鮮，——多數成年人其實理解：養孩子可不是剪頭發那樣簡單.但這確實有趣：反思一下我們每周看到的無憂無慮，幸福誘人的為人父母的生活會不會從一種微小的，無意識的方面加劇我們對于現實生活的不滿.這種方式就好像：我們有那種想成為― the Rachel‖(老友記中的單身媽媽)的心理，這種心理，使得我們看上去有點像詹尼弗安尼斯頓(Rachel 的扮演者).2010年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1 閱讀1 Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quar-ter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and se-riousness of their arts coverage.在過去的25年英語報紙所發生的變化中，影響最深遠的可能就是它們對藝術方面的報道在范圍上毫無疑問的縮小了，而且這些報道的嚴肅程度也絕對降低了。

It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.對于年齡低于 40歲的普通讀者來講，讓他們想象一下當年可以在許多大城市報紙上讀到精品的文藝評論簡直幾乎是天方夜譚。

Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews.然而，在20世紀出版的最重要的文藝評論集中，人們讀到的大部分評論文章都是從報紙上收集而來。

To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.現在，如果讀到這些集子，人們肯定會驚詫，當年這般淵博深奧的內容竟然被認為適合發表在大眾日報中。

We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England be-tween the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared.從 20世紀早期到二戰以前，當時的英國報紙上的評論主題廣泛，包羅萬象，我們現在離此類報紙評論越來越遠。當時的報紙極其便宜，人們把高雅時尚的文藝批評當作是所刊登報紙的一個亮點。

In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in de-tail and at length about the events they covered.在那些遙遠的年代，各大報刊的評論家們都會不遺余力地詳盡報道他們所報道的事情，這在當時被視為是理所當然的事情。

Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about.他們的寫作是件嚴肅的事情，人們相信：甚至那些博學低調不喜歡炫耀的評論家，比如 George Bernard Shaw 和 Ernest Newman也知道自己在做什么。

These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press.這些批評家們相信報刊評論是一項職業，并且對于他們的文章能夠在報紙 上發表感到很自豪。

“So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in jour-nalism, ” Newman wrote, “that I am tempted to define 'journalism' as 'a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'” Newman 曾寫道，“鑒于幾乎沒有作家能擁有足夠的智慧或文學天賦以保證他們在新聞報紙寫作中站穩腳跟，我傾向于把'新聞寫作'定義為不受讀者歡迎的作家用來嘲諷受讀者歡迎的作家的一個 '輕蔑之詞' ” Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten.不幸的是，這些批評家們現在實際上已被人們遺忘。

Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket.從 1917 年開始一直到 1975 年去世不久前還在為曼徹斯特《衛報》寫文章的 Neville Cardus，如今僅僅作為一個撰寫關于板球比賽文章的作家被人們所知。

During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, and a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography(1947)became a best-seller.但是，在他的一生當中，他也是英國首屈一指的古典音樂評論家之一。他也是一位深受讀者青睞的文體家，所以 1947 年他的《自傳》一書就成為熱銷讀物。

He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored.1967年他被授予爵士稱號，也是第一位獲此殊榮的音樂評論家。

Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.然而，他的書現在只有一本可以在市面上買到。他大量的音樂批評，除了專門研究音樂評論的人以外，已鮮為人知。

Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? Cardus 的評論有沒有機會重新流行？

The prospect seems remote.前景似乎渺茫。

Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized.在他去世之前，新聞業的品味早已改變很長時間了，而且他所擅長的措詞華麗的維多利亞愛德華時期的散文風格對后現代的讀者沒有什么用處。

Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat.何況，由業余愛好者作音樂批評的傳統早已經成為昨日黃花了。Text 2 閱讀2 Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods.在過去的十年中，成千上萬的商業方法被授予了專利權。Amazon.com received one for its “one-click” online payment system.亞馬遜網站獲得的專利是在線“單擊”付費系統。

Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy.美林公司的資產分配方案得到了法律保護。

One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.某位發明者的提箱技巧也獲得了專利。

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business-method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago.現在，該國最高專利法院似乎完全準備好要縮減商業方法專利，因為商業方法專利自從十年前第一次批準授予以來一直有爭議。

In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz the U.S.court of Appeals for the federal circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business-method patents.在一項使得知識產權律師們議論紛紛的提議中，美國聯邦巡回上訴法院聲稱它將利用某個具體案件來對商業方法專利進行廣泛的復審。

In re Bilski, as the case is known , is “a very big deal”, says Dennis D.Crouch of the University of Missouri School of law.密蘇里大學法學院 Dennis D.Crouch 說，“正如人們所知道的那樣，Bilski案例是一 件非常大的事情” It “has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents.” 它“可能將消除整個專利類別”。

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the federal circuit itself that introduced such patents with is 1998 decision in the so-called state Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets.對于商業方法訴求的限制是個戲劇性的徹底變化，因為正是聯邦巡回法院自己引進了這種專利。那是在 1998 年，對于所謂的美國道富銀行的案件中，聯邦巡回法院做出了判決，批準了籌集共同基金資產的方法具有專利權。

That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging in-ternet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions.這一裁決使得商業方法專利文件以幾何數級增加，起初只是一些新興的網絡公司對于某些特定類型的在線交易系統試圖爭取獨家專有權。

Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch.后來，更多的知名公司競相添加這樣的專利權，希望這樣的防御性的行為可以先下手為強。

In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method pa-tents despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them.2005 年，IBM公司在一份法院報告中聲稱：盡管懷疑這種專利授權的法律基礎，但它已經申請了300 多份商業方法專利。

Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial prod-ucts, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.同樣，當一些華爾街投資公司出席某些反對其金融產品的法庭案件時，他們會給其各類金融產品申請專利來作為自己的維權武器。

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market.前面提到的 Bilski 案例牽扯到一份已申請的方法專利，即關于能源市場的風險規避方法（注：也可譯為“套期保值或對沖風險”）。

The Federal circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, 美國聯邦巡回上訴法院罕見地裁定，該案件將不由三位法官聽審，而是由全部十二名法官共同進行。and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should “reconsider” its State Street Bank ruling.另外，上訴法院還宣布，它想探討的另一件事情是是否應該“重審”道富銀行的裁決。

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders.聯邦巡回法院的這一裁決效仿了最高法院。最高法院最近做出了一系列的判決，縮小了專利持有者的受保范圍。

Last April, for example the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for “in-ventions” that are obvious.例如，去年四月，法官們認定太多的專利授予了一些顯而易見的“發明”。

The judges on the Federal circuit are “reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court”, says Harold C.Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.喬治華盛頓大學法律學院的專利法律師 Harold C.Wegner 教授表示，“聯邦巡回法院的法官們正在對最高法院的反專利動態做出反應”。Text 3 閱讀3 In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the action of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are un-usually informed, persuasive, or well-connected.在《引爆流行》這本書中，作者 Malcolm Gladwell 認為社會流行潮流在很大程度上是由一小部分特殊個體的行為引起的。這些人就是人們常說的影響者。他們異乎尋常的博聞多識，能言善辯，人脈廣泛。

The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.從直覺上講Malcolm Gladwell的理論似乎很有說服力，但是它沒有解釋流行觀念的實際傳播過程。

The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely untested theory called the “two step flow of communication”: Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else.人們之所以認為影響者很重要，是源于“兩級傳播”理論。即信息先從媒體流向影響者，然后再從影響者流向其他人。這一理論看似合理，但未經驗證。

Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them.營銷人員接受兩級傳播理論是因為該理論認為如果能夠找到影響者，并對他們施加影響。這些精英們就會替他們完成大部分的營銷傳播工作。

The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods.這一理論似乎還可以解釋某些裝扮、品牌或社區為何會突然受到出乎意料的追捧。

In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention.對于許多諸如此類的情況，如果只是走馬觀花地尋找原因，你會發現總是有一小群人開風氣之先，率先穿上、宣傳和開發人們此前從未留意的東西。

Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends 這種事實證據與該觀點正好一拍即合--只有一些特別的人才能引領潮流。

In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed.但是在最近的研究中，一些研究人員發現，影響者對社會流行潮流的影響力遠比人們認為的要小。

In fact, they don't seem to be required of all.事實上，他們似乎根本就是無關緊要。

The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the ex-ception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence-even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others.研究者的觀點源于對社會影響力的簡單觀察：除了少數像 Oprah Winfrey這樣的名人之外（她強大的人氣影響力主要來自媒體影響力，而非她與觀眾互動的人際影響力），即使人群中最有影響力的人也無法與那么多的“其他人”互動，從而引領潮流。

Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly.然而根據兩級傳播理論，正是這些非名人影響者直接影響了他們的朋友和同事，從而推動了社會流行潮流。

For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on;但是，要讓一種社會流行潮流真正發生，每個受影響的人還必須影響他的熟人，而他的熟人又必須影響其他熟人，and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential.依此類推；但是會有多少人去關注這些熟人中的每個人，與最初的影響者幾乎沒有關系。

If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example, the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.舉個例子來說，在這個人際影響的網絡中，如果第一個影響者受到兩次抵制，那么他的連鎖影響范圍就不會繼續擴大，或者說影響的人不會很多。

Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of social influence by conducting thousands of computer simulations of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced.基于這一人際影響力的基本事實，研究者們研究了社會影響的動力機制。我們對不同人群進行了成千上萬次計算機模擬，不斷調整人們影響他人和受他人影響的各種變量。

They found that the principal requirement for what we call “global cascades”-the widespread propagation of influence through networksthe more in-herently creative we become, both in the workplace and in our personal lives.事實上，我們對新事物嘗試得越多，就會走出自己的舒適地帶越遠。在職場和個人生活中變得越有創造性。

But don't bother trying to kill off old habits;但是，不要麻煩地去試圖戒掉舊習慣;once those ruts of procedure are worn into the brain, they're there to stay.一旦這些慣有程序融進腦部，它們就會留在那里。

Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.相反，我們有意使之根深蒂固的新習慣會創建平行路徑，它們可以繞過原來那些路徑。

“The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder, ” says Dawna Markova, au-thor of “The Open Mind” 《開放思想》一書的作者達瓦納?馬克瓦說：“革新所需要的第一樣東西就是對好奇的著迷。

”But we are taught instead to 'decide, ' just as our president calls himself 'the Decider.' “ 然而我們被教導去做'決定'，就像我們的總裁稱呼自己為'決策者'那樣。

She adds, however, that ”to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one.她接著說，“但是，決定意味著除了一種可能性外，其他的都被扼殺了。

A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.” 優秀的具有革新精神的思想家總是在探尋著許多其他的可能性。“ All of us work through problems in ways of which we're unaware, she says.她說，我們都是通過一些自己沒有意識到的方法解決問題的。

Researchers in the late 1960 covered that humans are born with the capacity to approach chal-lenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally(or collaboratively)and innova-tively.研究人員在 20 世紀 60 年代末發現人類天生主要用四種方法應對挑戰：分析法，程序法，相關法(或合作法)和創新法。

At the end of adolescence, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.但是在青春期結束，大腦關閉一半的能力，僅僅保留了那些大約在生命最開始的十幾年時間里似乎是最為寶貴的思維方式。

The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought.標準化測試目前主要強調分析法和程序法這兩種方式。也就是說，我們中很少有人會本能地使用創新和合作的思維方式。

”This breaks the major rule in the American belief systemor at least confirm that he's the kid's dad.俗話說，賢父知己子，但是如今男人可以提升自己做父親的智慧，或者至少可以確認自己是孩子的父親了。

All he needs to do is shell our $30 for paternity testing kit(PTK)at his local drugstoreand pressure from funding agencies, who are questioning why com-mercial publishers are making money from government-funded research by restricting access to itespecially those born to families who have lived in the U.S.for many generationsnotably, protein5'9″ for men, 5'4″ for womenhaving extracted them from the mouths of his slaves.所以要請牙醫給他移植九顆牙齒—而這些牙齒是從他的奴隸口中拔來的。

That's a far different image from the cherry-tree-chopping George most people remember from their history books.這跟很多人在歷史書上讀到過的那個砍櫻桃樹的華盛頓有點大相徑庭。

But recently, many historians have begun to focus on the roles slavery played in the lives of the founding generation.但是最近開始，歷史學家開始越來越關注奴隸制在美國開國一代人的生活中所扮演的角色。

They have been spurred in part by DNA evidence made available in 1998, which almost certainly proved Thomas Jefferson had fathered at least one child with his slave Sally Hemings.他們多半是受了 1998 年 DNA 事件的影響。那個事件證明托馬斯?杰弗遜至少和他的奴隸薩利?赫明思生過一個孩子。

And only over the past 30 years have scholars examined history from the bottom up.學者們從頭至尾地研究歷史還是近三十年的事情。

Works of several historians reveal the moral compromises made by the nation's early leaders and the fragile nature of the country's infancy.一些歷史學家揭示了早期開國者們的道德妥協和早期國家的不穩定性。

More significantly, they argue that many of the Founding Fathers knew slavery was wrongthough not Hemings herself or his approximately 150 other slaves.然而，杰弗遜還是解放了赫明思的孩子們，雖然沒有同樣解放赫明思和其他150名奴隸。

Washington, who had begun to believe that all men were created equal after observing the bravery of the black soldiers during the Revolutionary War, overcame the strong opposition of his relatives to grant his slaves their freedom in his will.華盛頓在目睹了美國獨立戰爭中黑人士兵的英勇之后開始相信人人生就平等。于是，不顧親屬的反對，他解放了自己所有的努力。

Only a decade earlier, such an act would have required legislative approval in Virginia.而僅僅在十年前，解放奴隸的法案才在弗吉尼亞得以批準。Part C : C部分：

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese.Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2.閱讀下面的文章，并將畫線部分翻譯成中文。將你的翻譯答案寫在答題紙第2頁上。

In his autobiography, Darwin himself speaks of his intellectual powers with extraordinary mod-esty.在自傳中，達爾文極其謙遜地評價了自己的智力。

He points out that he always experienced much difficulty in expressing himself clearly and con-cisely, but he believes that this very difficulty may have had the compensating advantage of forc-ing him to think long and intently about every sentence, and thus enabling him to detect errors in reasoning and in his own observations.他在想要簡明地表達自己觀點時，總會遇到很大的困難，但是他認為，正是這種困難起了彌補作用，使他長時間專注地思考每個句子，從而能在推理和親自觀察中發現自己的錯誤。

He disclaimed the possession of any great quickness of apprehension or wit, such as distin-guished Huxley.他承認自己不具備像著名的赫胥黎那樣的快速理解能力。

He asserted, also, that his power to follow a long and purely abstract train of thought was very limited, for which reason he felt certain that he never could have succeeded with mathematics.他還認為，在深入理解冗長且完全抽象的一系列觀點方面，自己的能力非常有限；因此，他曾深信自己在數學方面本來就不該獲得成功。

His memory, too, he described as extensive, but hazy.他還說他的記憶雜亂而模糊，So poor in one sense was it that he never could remember for more than a few days a single date or a line of poetry.在某個方面甚至很糟糕，即使記下了某個日子或者一行詩歌，幾天后就能忘記。

On the other hand, he did not accept as well founded the charge made by some of his critics that, while he was a good observer, he had no power of reasoning.另一方面，一些批評家指責說，盡管他善于觀察，但卻不能推理，他對此既不接，認為毫無根據。

This, he thought, could not be true, because the “Origin of Species” is one long argument from the beginning to the end, and has convinced many able men.他認為這種批評是不正確的，因為《物種起源》這本書從頭到尾都是長篇大論，而且還說服了很多有才華的人。

No one, he submits, could have written it without possessing some power of reasoning.他說，如果不具備推理能力，沒有人能夠寫出這樣的書。

He was willing to assert that “I have a fair share of invention, and of common sense or judg-ment, such as every fairly successful lawyer or doctor must have, but not, I believe, in any higher degree.” 他愿意這樣評價自己：“正如每一位成功的律師和醫生一樣，我具有一定的發現能力和常識判斷力；但是，我認為自己的水平不高。” He adds humbly that perhaps he was “superior to the common run of men in noticing things which easily escape attention, and in observing them carefully.” 他謙虛地補充說，或許他“和普通人相比，更能注意到他們容易忽略的細節，更能對這些細節進行仔細觀察”。

Writing in the last year of his life, he expressed the opinion that in two or three respects his mind had changed during the preceding twenty or thirty years.在去世的最后一年，他寫道在過去的二三十年中，他的思想發生了變化。

Up to the age of thirty or beyond it poetry of many kinds gave him great pleasure.到三十多歲的時候，詩歌給他帶來極大的快樂。

Formerly, too, pictures had given him considerable, and music very great, delight.以前，繪畫給他帶來了極高的興致，音樂給他帶來了無窮的樂趣。

In 1881, however, he said: “Now for many years I cannot endure to read a line of poetry.然而在1881年，他說：“這幾年來，讀一行詩，我就受不了。

I have also almost lost my taste for pictures or music.” 我對音樂和繪畫的品味也幾乎快要喪失了。” Darwin was convinced that the loss of these tastes was not a loss of happiness, but might possi-bly be injurious to the intellect, and more probably to the moral character.達爾文認為，失去對音樂和繪畫方面的興趣，不是失去了幸福，但可能損傷智力，甚至更可能敗壞道德。2007年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1 閱讀1 If you were to examine the birth certificates of every soccer player in 2006's World Cup tourna-ment, you would most likely find a noteworthy quirk: 如果你打算在 2006 年世界杯錦標賽上調查所有足球運動員的出生證明，那么你很有可能發現一個引人注目的巧合：

elite soccer players are more likely to have been born in the earlier months of the year than in the later months.優秀足球運動員更可能出生于每年的前幾個月而不是后幾個月。

If you then examined the European national youth teams that feed the World Cup and profes-sional ranks, you would find this strange phenomenon to be even more pronounced.如果你接著調查世界杯和職業比賽的歐洲國家青年隊的話，那么你會發現這一奇怪的現象甚至更明顯。

What might account for this strange phenomenon? 什么可以解釋這一奇怪的現象呢？

Here are a few guesses: a)certain astrological signs confer superior soccer skills;下面是一些猜測：a）某種占星術征兆使人具備更高的足球技能；

b)winter-born babies tend to have higher oxygen capacity, which increases soccer stamina;b）冬季出生的嬰兒往往具有更高的供氧能力，這增加了踢足球的持久力；

c)soccer-mad parents are more likely to conceive children in springtime, at the annual peak of soccer mania;c）熱愛足球的父母更可能在春季（每年足球狂熱的鼎盛時期）懷孕；

d)none of the above.d）以上各項都不是。

Anders Ericsson, a 58-year-old psychology professor at Florida State University, says he believes strongly in “none of the above.” 58歲的安德斯?埃里克森是佛羅里達州立大學的一名心理學教授，他堅信“以上各項都不是”這一猜測。

Ericsson grew up in Sweden, and studied nuclear engineering until he realized he would have more opportunity to conduct his own research if he switched to psychology.在瑞典長大的埃里克森，一直研究核工程，直到他認識到，如果他轉向心理學領域，他將會有更多機會從事自己的研究。

His first experiment, nearly 30 years ago, involved memory: 他的首次試驗是在大約30年以前進行的，與記憶相關： training a person to hear and then repeat a random series of numbers.訓練一個人先聽一組任意挑選的數字，然后復述這些數字。

“With the first subject, after about 20 hours of training, his digit span had risen from 7 to 20,” Ericsson recalls.“在經過大約 20小時的訓練之后，第一個試驗對象（復述）的數字跨度從 7個上升到 20個，” 埃里克森回憶說。

“He kept improving, and after about 200 hours of training he had risen to over 80 numbers.” “該試驗對象不斷進步，在接受大約 200個小時的訓練后，他復述的數字已經達到 80多個。” This success, coupled with later research showing that memory itself is not genetically deter-mined, led Ericsson to conclude that the act of memorizing is more of a cognitive exercise than an intuitive one.這一成功，連同后來證明的記憶本身不是遺傳決定的研究，使得埃里克森得出結論，即記憶過程是一種認知練習，而不是一種本能練習。

In other words, whatever inborn differences two people may exhibit in their abilities to memor-ize, those differences are swamped by how well each person “encodes” the information.換句話說，無論兩個人在記憶力能力上可能存在怎樣的天生差異，這些差異都會被每個人如何恰當地“解讀”所記的信息所掩蓋。

And the best way to learn how to encode information meaningfully, Ericsson determined, was a process known as deliberate practice.埃里克森確信，了解如何有目的地解讀信息的最佳方法就是一個為人所知的有意練習過程。

Deliberate practice entails more than simply repeating a task.有意練習需要的不僅僅是簡單地重復一個任務。

Rather, it involves setting specific goals, obtaining immediate feedback and concentrating as much on technique as on outcome.相反，它包括確定明確的目標、獲得即時的反饋以及技術與結果的濃縮。

Ericsson and his colleagues have thus taken to studying expert performers in a wide range of pursuits, including soccer.因此，埃里克森和他的同事開始研究包括足球領域在內的廣泛領域中專業執行者。

They gather all the data they can, not just performance statistics and biographical details but also the results of their own laboratory experiments with high achievers.他們收集了能夠收集的所有資料，不只是表現方面的統計數據和傳記詳細資料，還包括他們自己對取得很高成就的人員進行的實驗室實驗結果。

Their work makes a rather startling assertion: the trait we commonly call talent is highly over-rated.他們的研究得出了一個非常令人驚奇的結論--我們通常稱為天分的特征被高估了。

Or, put another way, expert performersare nearly always made, not born.或者，換句話說，專業執行者――無論是在記憶還是手術方面，在芭蕾還是計算機編程領域――幾乎總是培養的，而不是天生的。Text 2 閱讀2 For the past several years, the Sunday newspaper supplement Parade has featured a column called “Ask Marilyn.” 在過去的幾年，《星期日報》的增刊《漫步》開設了一個名為《詢問瑪麗琳》的專欄。

People are invited to query Marilyn vos Savant, who at age 10 had tested at a mental level of someone about 23 years old;人們被邀請去詢問瑪麗琳?沃斯?薩文特。瑪麗琳?沃斯?薩文特在10歲時測試的智力水平達到別人 23 歲時的水平，that gave her an IQ of 228that is, it pre-dicted the opposite.但是，在壓力大狀況下，智商測試所得的結果與領導才能的關系是否定的，也就是說，它預測的結果是相反的。

Anyone who has toiled through SAT will testify that test-taking skill also matters, whether it's knowing when to guess or what questions to skip.任何經歷過學術能力檢測的人都會認為，應試能力也很重要，無論是知道何時應該進行推測，還是知道應該忽略什么問題。Text 3 閱讀3 During the past generation, the American middle-class family that once could count on hard work and fair play to keep itself financially secure had been transformed by economic risk and new realities.在過去的十幾年里，美國那些曾經可以依靠辛勤勞動和公平條件維持穩定收入的中產階層家庭的生活被經濟風險和新現實改變了。

Now a pink slip, a bad diagnosis, or a disappearing spouse can reduce a family from solidly middle class to newly poor in a few months.如今，一份解雇通知書、一個不利的診斷結果或者配偶的去世都可能在幾個月之內將一個家庭從穩定的中產階層家庭降格成為一個新貧困家庭。

In just one generation, millions of mothers have gone to work, transforming basic family eco-nomics.在僅僅一代人的時間里，數百萬母親出去工作，改善家庭的基本經濟狀況。

Scholars, policymakers, and critics of all stripes have debated the social implications of these changes, but few have looked at the side effect: family risk has risen as well.學者、決策者以及各類批評人士對這些變化的社會意義爭論不休，但是，很少有人關注這些變化的副作用：家庭的風險增加了。

Today's families have budgeted to the limits of their new two-paycheck status.如今的家庭根據其新的雙收入限度安排開支。

As a result, they have lost the parachute they once had in times of financial setbackand newly fashionable health-savings plans are spreading from legislative halls to Wal-Mart workers, with much higher deductibles and a large new dose of investment risk for families' future healthcare.衛生保健和家庭承擔份額的絕對成本都上漲了——而且，最近實施的健康儲蓄計劃正在從立法機關擴展到沃爾瑪員工，包含大量更高的減免，并且給家庭未來的衛生保健帶來許多新投資風險。

Even demographics are working against the middle class family, as the odds of having a weak elderly parenthave jumped eightfold in just one generation.甚至人口統計狀況也對中產階層家庭不利，因為有一個體弱、年邁的父母——以及由此而產 生的所有物資和經濟援助——就在僅僅一代人的時間里增長了8倍。

From the middle-class family perspective, much of this, understandably, looks far less like an opportunity to exercise more financial responsibility, and a good deal more like a frightening ac-celeration of the wholesale shift of financial risk onto their already overburdened shoulders.從中產階層家庭的角度來看，大多數情況是可以理解的，這根本不像一種發揮更多支付能力的機會，而是像一種將經濟風險大規模轉向那些已經負擔過重的家庭的令人恐懼的加速行為。

The financial fallout has begun, and the political fallout may not be far behind.經濟副作用已經開始，政治副作用可能也將開始。Text 4 閱讀4 It never rains but it pours.不鳴則易，一鳴驚人

Just as bosses and boards have finally sorted out their worst accounting and compliance troubles, and improved their feeble corporation governance, a new problem threatens to earn themthe sort of nasty headlines that inevitably lead to heads rolling in the executive suite: data insecurity.正當老板和董事長終于解決了最糟糕的財務和規章問題并加強其公司的薄弱管理之后，數據安全這個新問題又威脅到他們。該問題以讓人厭惡的方式出現在頭版頭條新聞中（尤其在美國)，進而不可避免地導致管理層的走馬換任。

Left, until now, to odd, low-level IT staff to put right, and seen as a concern only of data-rich industries such as banking, telecoms and air travel, information protection is now high on the boss's agenda in businesses of every variety.在這之前，信息保護通常還只是臨時的、低層次的值息技術員的工作，并且只被諸如銀行、電信、航空公司等數據量大的行業重視，可現在這個問題被放在了各行各業老板的議亊日程的重要位置。

Several massive leakages of customer and employee data this yearhave left managers hurriedly peering into their intricate IT systems and business processes in search of potential vulnerabilities.今年發生了多起消費者和員工信息的重大泄密事件。這些泄密事件發生在時代華納、美國國防部承包的科學應用國際公司以及加州大學伯克利分校這樣的不同機構。這使得管理人員匆忙檢查那些復雜的信息系統和商業程序，以便尋找潛在隱患。

“Data is becoming an asset which needs to be guarded as much as any other asset, ” says Haim Mendelson of Stanford University's business school.斯坦福大學商學院的海姆?門德爾森認為“信息正在成為一種需要像保護其他財產一樣而保護的財產”。

“The ability to guard customer data is the key to market value, which the board is responsible for on behalf of shareholders.” “保護消費者信息的能力是市場價值的關鍵因素，這是董事會應該為了股東的利益而承擔的責任”。

Indeed, just as there is the concept of Generally Accepted Accounting Principles(GAAP), perhaps it is time for GASP, Generally Accepted Security Practices, suggested Eli Noam of New York's Columbia Business School.紐約哥倫比亞商學院的埃尼?諾姆暗示，事實上正如存在公認會計原則的觀念一樣，或許可能應該是采取公認安全措施的時候了。

“Setting the proper investment level for security, redundancy, and recovery is a management issue, not a technical one, ” he says.他表示“為安全、備份以及恢復確定適當的投資標準是一個管理問題，不是技術問題。”。

The mystery is that this should come as a surprise to any boss.其神秘在于，對任何老板來說，這可能是一個意外。

Surely it should be obvious to the dimmest executive that trust, that most valuable of economic assets, is easily destroyed and hugely expensive to restorethough not justified-by the lack of legal penalty(in America, but not Europe)for data leakage.這類事情的現狀可能受到缺乏有關信息泄露的法律處罰（在美國，不是在歐洲）的激勵，盡管還沒有的到證實。

Until California recently passed a law, American firms did not have to tell anyone, even the victim, when data went astray.直到加利福尼亞最近通過了一項法律，美國的公司不必告知任何人信息何時泄露，甚至包括受害人。

That may change fast: lots of proposed data-security legislation is now doing the rounds in Washington, D.C.這種情況可能迅速改變：如今，許多被提議的信息保護立法正在華盛頓特區討論。

Meanwhile, the theft of information about some 40 million credit-card accounts in America, disclosed on June 17th, overshadowed a hugely important decision a day earlier by America's Federal Trade Commission(FTC)that puts corporate America on notice that regulators will act if firms fail to provide adequate data security.同時，6 月 17 日有關偷竊約 4000 萬信用卡賬戶信息事件的披露給此前一天美國商務委員會的一個重要決定蒙上陰影，該決定的內容是：如果公司沒有提供適當的信息安全保護措施，那么監管人員就會采取行動。

The study of law has been recognized for centuries as a basic intellectual discipline in European universities.幾個世紀以來，有關法律的研究一直被看成是歐洲各國大學的一門基本的知識學科。

However, only in recent years has it become a feature of undergraduate programs in Canadian universities.不過，只是在最近幾年有關法律的研究才成為加拿大大學教育的一門學科。

Traditionally, legal learning has been viewed in such institutions as the special preserve of law-yers, rather than a necessary part of the intellectual equipment of an educated person.傳統上在加拿大的高等學府里，學習法律一直被看作是律師的專門工作，而不是一個受過良好教育的人所必須具備的知識素養。

Happily, the older and more continental view of legal education is establishing itself in a number of Canadian universities and some have even begun to offer undergraduate degrees in law.幸運的是，加拿大的許多大學正在樹立法律教育更傳統、更具有大陸特性的觀念，有些甚至已經開始授予法律學士學位.If the study of law is beginning to establish itself as part and parcel of a general education, its aims and methods should appeal directly to journalism educators.如果有關法律的研究正在開始成為普通教育一個不可缺少的學科的話，那么它的目的和方法應該會即刻吸引新聞學教育家。

Law is a discipline which encourages responsible judgment.法律是一門學科，這門學科鼓勵進行有責任的判斷。

On the one hand, it provides opportunities to analyze such ideas as justice, democracy and freedom.一方面，它分析提供了分析如公正、民主以及自由概念的機會。

On the other, it links these concepts to everyday realities in a manner which is parallel to the links journalists forge on a daily basis as they cover and comment on the news.另一方面，法律又將正義、民主和自由這些觀念與日常生活中的實際聯系在一起，其方式就如同新聞工作者在報道和評論新聞事件時，以日常生活為基礎，使這些觀念與實際情況相結合一樣。

For example, notions of evidence and fact, of basic rights and public interest are at work in the process of journalistic judgment and production just as in courts of law.比如，有關證據和事實、基本權利和公眾利益這樣的概念在新聞判斷和新聞制作過程中起作用，就像在法庭上一樣。

Sharpening judgment by absorbing and reflecting on law is a desirable component of a journal-ist's intellectual preparation for his or her career.通過學習并且反省法律來強化判斷是一名新聞記者為其事業進行知識準備時渴望實現的。

But the idea that the journalist must understand the law more profoundly than an ordinary citi-zen rests on an understanding of the established conventions and special responsibilities of the news media.但是，新聞工作者對于法律的理解應該比普通公民更加深刻，這個觀點是建立在對新聞媒體的既定規范和特殊的社會責任有深刻認識之上的。

Politics or, more broadly, the functioning of the state, is a major subject for journalists.政治，或者更廣泛一點，國家的職能，是新聞記者報道的一個主要方面。

The better informed they are about the way the state works, the better their reporting will be.他們對國家運作的方式了解越多，他們的報道就越優秀。

In fact, it is difficult to see how journalists who do not have a clear grasp of the basic features of the Canadian Constitution can do a competent job on political stories.實際上，很難想象那些對加拿大憲法的基本特點缺乏清晰了解的新聞工作者能夠勝任政治新聞報道的工作。

Furthermore, the legal system and the events which occur within it are primary subjects for journalists.此外，法律體系以及其中發生的事件是新聞記者報道的主題。

While the quality of legal journalism varies greatly, there is an undue reliance amongst many journalists on interpretations supplied to them by lawyers.雖然與法律有關的新聞報道的性質差別很大，但是，許多新聞記者過分依賴律師提供給他們的詮釋。

While comment and reaction from lawyers may enhance stories, it is preferable for journalists to rely on their own notions of significance and make their own judgments.律師的評論和反應當然能夠提升新聞報道的價值，但是記者們最好還是依靠自己對于事件重要性的認識來做出判斷。

These can only come from a well-grounded understanding of the legal system.只能通過對法律體系的深刻了解才能得出。2006年考研英語閱讀真題 Text 1 閱讀1 In spite of “endless talk of difference, ” American society is an amazing machine for homo-genizing people.不管我們如何喋喋不休地談論差別，美國社會實際上是一臺同化人們的神奇的機器。

There is “the democratizing uniformity of dress and discourse, and the casualness and absence of deference” characteristic of popular culture.這就是民主化的著裝和言談，并且還有種隨意和缺乏尊重感，這些構成了通俗文化的特性。

People are absorbed into “a culture of consumption” launched by the 19th-century department stores that offered “vast arrays of goods in an elegant atmosphere.Instead of intimate shops catering to a knowledgeable elite, ” 人們被一種消費文化所吸引了，這種文化是由十九世紀在高雅的氛圍中陳列著琳瑯滿目的商品的百貨商店所開始的，不是為了迎合有知識的精英們而開設的專門商店，these were stores “anyone could enter, regardless of class or background.而是創建了“不分階層和背景人人都可以進入”的大眾商店。

This turned shopping into a public and democratic act.” 這使得購物成為一種大眾的、民主的行為。

The mass media, advertising and sports are other forces for homogenization.大眾傳媒、廣告和體育也是協助人們均質化的推動力。

Immigrants are quickly fitting into this common culture, which may not be altogether elevating but is hardly poisonous.盡管這種文化并不算高雅，但也算不上有害，移民們很快就融入了這種共同文化。

Writing for the National Immigration Forum, Gregory Rodriguez reports that today's immigration is neither at unprecedented levels nor resistant to assimilation.Gregory Rodriguez 為美國移民研討會撰文指出，今天的移民既不是處于空前的水平，也不抵制同化。

In 1998 immigrants were 9.8 percent of population;in 1900, 13.6 percent.在 1998 年，移民占全國人口的 9.8%；在 1900 年為 13.6%。

In the 10 years prior to 1990, 3.1 immigrants arrived for every 1, 000 residents;在 1990年以前的十年之中，在每千位居民當中，有千分之 3.1的新來的移民；

in the 10 years prior to 1890, 9.2 for every 1, 000.而在 1890 年以前的十年之中，每千位居民當中就有千分之 9.2 的移民。

Now, consider three indices of assimilation--language, home ownership and intermarriage.現在，讓我們來看一下三個同化指標——語言、擁有產權住房和異族結婚情況。

The 1990 Census revealed that “a majority of immigrants from each of the fifteen most com-mon countries of origin spoke English 'well' or 'very well' after ten years of residence.” 1990年的人口普查透露：“來自十五個移民數量最多的國家的移民在到美國十年后英語說得‘好’或‘很好’。” The children of immigrants tend to be bilingual and proficient in English.移民的子女幾乎都說兩種語言，且精通英語。

“By the third generation, the original language is lost in the majority of immigrant families.” “到了第三代，在大多數移民家庭，他們的母語就消失了。”

Hence the description of America as a “graveyard” for languages.因此，有人就把美國描 述成了“語言的墳場”。

By 1996 foreign-born immigrants who had arrived before 1970 had a home ownership rate of 75.6 percent, higher than the 69.8 percent rate among native-born Americans.到了 1996 年，出生于國外的、在 1970 年以前到達美國的移民有 75.6%購置了自己的住房，這個數字高出土生土長的美國人的擁有自己所有權住房的百分比——69.8%。

Foreign-born Asians and Hispanics “have higher rates of intermarriage than do U.S.-born whites and blacks.” 在國外出生的亞裔和西班牙裔移民“與美國本土白人和黑人相比，與異族通婚的比率要高。”

By the third generation, one third of Hispanic women are married to non-Hispanics, 到了第三代，有三分之一的西班牙裔女性與非西班牙裔男性結婚，and 41 percent of Asian-American women are married to non-Asians.而有41%亞裔美國婦女與非亞裔男性結婚。

Rodriguez notes that children in remote villages around the world are fans of superstars like Arnold Schwarzenegger and Garth Brooks, 羅得里格斯寫道，即使那些住 在世界各地偏僻村莊的的孩子們都是諸如阿諾?施瓦辛格和加思?布魯克斯等明星的星迷，yet “some Americans fear that immigrants living within the United States remain somehow immune to the nation's assimilative power.” 然而“一些美國人卻害怕住在美國的移民不知怎樣才能免受美國的同化力量影響”。

Are there divisive issues and pockets of seething anger in America? Indeed.在美國是否存在不和以及潛在的不安？答案是肯定的，It is big enough to have a bit of everything.因為這個國家足夠大以至于什么現象都存在。

But particularly when viewed against America's turbulent past, today's social indices hardly suggest a dark and deteriorating social environment.但是與美國動蕩狂暴的過去相比，如今的社會基本不能說明美國的社會環境正在惡化，變得黑暗。Text 2 閱讀2 Stratford-on-Avon, as we all know, has only one industry--William Shakespeare--but there are two distinctly separate and increasingly hostile branches.眾所周知 Stratford-on-Avon 只有一個特色，那就是威廉?莎士比亞，但這兒卻有兩個相互獨立的部門，他們隨著時間的變化而日益變得敵對。

There is the Royal Shakespeare Company(RSC), which presents superb productions of the plays at the Shakespeare Memorial Theatre on the Avon.這兒有皇家莎士比亞公司（RSC），它在 Avon 的莎士比亞紀念劇院里將很多優秀的戲劇作品呈現給大家。

And there are the townsfolk who largely live off the tourists who come, not to see the plays, but to look at Anne Hathaway's Cottage, Shakespeare's birthplace and the other sights.這兒的居民大部分是靠掙來游玩的游客的錢來維持生計，這些游客并不是來看戲劇的，而是來看 Anne Hathaway的莊園。這是莎士比亞的出生地和其他的景色。

The worthy residents of Stratford doubt that the theatre adds a penny to their revenue.Strat-ford 的當地鄉紳們都質疑劇院有沒有為當地的稅收收入做一點貢獻。

They frankly dislike the RSC's actors, them with their long hair and beards and sandals and noi-siness.他們直言討厭 RSC的演員，這些演員留著長頭發，長胡須，拖著涼鞋，吵吵嚷嚷。

It's all deliciously ironic when you consider that Shakespeare, who earns their living, was himself an actor(with a beard)and did his share of noise-making.這真是一種絕妙的諷刺，當你想到作為他們搖錢樹的莎士比亞，自己也是個演員，留著胡子，一起大吵大鬧。

The tourist streams are not entirely separate.游客群并不是完全分開的。

The sightseers who come by bus--and often take in Warwick Castle and Blenheim Palace on the side--游覽者乘公車來，經常會去游覽 Warwick城堡和Blenheim 宮殿，don't usually see the plays, and some of them are even surprised to find a theatre in Stratford.通常不會去看戲，并且他們中的一些人甚至會對在 Stratford 能找到劇院感到驚訝。

However, the playgoers do manage a little sight-seeing along with their playgoing.然而，看戲者只花少量的時間在觀光上，也就是在戲劇演出時順便看看。

It is the playgoers, the RSC contends, who bring in much of the town's revenue because they spend the night(some of them four or five nights)pouring cash into the hotels and restaurants.RSC主張，是看戲者給城鎮帶來大量的稅收，因為他們通常花整晚上時間（有些是四到五個晚上）在旅館或飯店里大量消費。

The sightseers can take in everything and get out of town by nightfall.然而游覽者在當天的黃昏前就能把所有事情做完了，然后離開小鎮。

The townsfolk don't see it this way and local council does not contribute directly to the subsidy of the Royal Shakespeare Company.當地居民并不這么認為，地方政府也直接沒有給予RSC補貼。

Stratford cries poor traditionally.Stratford 一向都會哭窮。

Nevertheless every hotel in town seems to be adding a new wing or cocktail lounge.然而城鎮上每一家旅館似乎都增加了新的部門或是雞尾酒酒吧。

Hilton is building its own hotel there, which you may be sure will be decorated with Hamlet Hamburger Bars, the Lear Lounge, the Banquo Banqueting Room, and so forth, and will be very expensive.希爾頓也在這兒建了一座自己的酒店，這里肯定可以能看到被裝飾一新的哈姆雷特漢堡酒吧，Lear 休息室，宴會廳等等。進一步說，這里消費將很貴。

Anyway, the townsfolk can't understand why the Royal Shakespeare Company needs a subsidy.總之，居民不明白為什么 RSC 需要補貼。

(The theatre has broken attendance records for three years in a row.（劇院已經打破了連續三年以來的就座率紀錄。

Last year its 1, 431 seats were 94 percent occupied all year long and this year they'll do better.)去年整年的 1431 個座位的就坐率達到了94%，今年將會更高。）

The reason, of course, is that costs have rocketed and ticket prices have stayed low.當然，原因是，演戲的花費高了，然而票價仍然很低。

It would be a shame to raise prices too much because it would drive away the young people who are Stratford's most attractive clientele.大幅增加票價是一件很為難的事情，因為這樣會把 Stratford 的最有魅力的顧客－年輕人趕走。

They come entirely for the plays, not the sights.他們完全是為了戲而來，不是為風景。

They all seem to look alike(though they come from all over)--lean, pointed, dedicated faces, wearing jeans and sandals, 他們看起來都一個樣（雖然他們從各個地方而來）——消瘦、率直、專注的臉龐，穿著牛仔褲和便鞋，eating their buns and bedding down for the night on the flagstones outside the theatre to buy the 20 seats and 80 standing-room tickets held for the sleepers and sold to them when the box