第一篇：第1課 美國(guó)《獨(dú)立宣言》 教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì) 教案

教學(xué)準(zhǔn)備

1.教學(xué)目標(biāo)

知識(shí)與能力:《獨(dú)立宣言》的主要內(nèi)容；《獨(dú)立宣言》的民主思想；《獨(dú)立宣言》的意義、作用和局限性。

理解與運(yùn)用：比較分析《獨(dú)立宣言》的思想淵源以及所體現(xiàn)的民主思想和獨(dú)具的歷史價(jià)值。

情感價(jià)值觀：《獨(dú)立宣言》在人類(lèi)歷史上第一次以政治綱領(lǐng)的形式宣布了民主共和國(guó)的原則，是“第一個(gè)人權(quán)宣言”。它體現(xiàn)的民主思想成為一代又一代美國(guó)人不斷追求的理想。

2.教學(xué)重點(diǎn)/難點(diǎn)

重點(diǎn)：《獨(dú)立宣言》體現(xiàn)的民主思想 難點(diǎn)：《獨(dú)立宣言》產(chǎn)生的歷史背景

3.教學(xué)用具

幻燈片。圖片。

4.標(biāo)簽

美國(guó)《獨(dú)立宣言》

教學(xué)過(guò)程 【講授新課】

一、《獨(dú)立宣言》發(fā)表的背景

【問(wèn)題探討】《獨(dú)立宣言》是在怎樣的情景下頒布的？ 學(xué)生思考回答，教師歸納總結(jié)：

1、歐洲啟蒙思想的深刻影響（理論基礎(chǔ)）

2、北美啟蒙思想家富蘭克林和杰斐遜的推動(dòng)

3、潘恩發(fā)表《常識(shí)》，激勵(lì)人民為獨(dú)立而戰(zhàn)

4、獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)爆發(fā)

5、杰斐遜等五人委員會(huì)草擬《獨(dú)立宣言》（1776年7月4日通過(guò)）【探究延伸】學(xué)生閱讀教材26頁(yè)上面小字，了解杰斐遜的生平及貢獻(xiàn)。

二、《獨(dú)立宣言》體現(xiàn)的民主思想

【學(xué)習(xí)探究】《獨(dú)立宣言》的主要內(nèi)容由哪些部分組成？學(xué)生閱讀教材歸納：

1、主要內(nèi)容

第一部分為前言，闡述了宣言的目的。

第二部分高度概括了當(dāng)時(shí)資產(chǎn)階級(jí)最激進(jìn)的政治思想——自然權(quán)利學(xué)說(shuō)和主權(quán)在民思想。

第三部分歷數(shù)英國(guó)壓迫北美殖民地人民的條條罪狀，說(shuō)明殖民地人民是在忍無(wú)可忍的情況下被迫拿起武器的。第四部分莊嚴(yán)宣告獨(dú)立。

【學(xué)習(xí)探究】閱讀下列材料，回答問(wèn)題：

材料一

我們認(rèn)為下面這些真理是不不言而喻的；一切人生來(lái)就是平等的，他們被造物主賦予他們固有的，不可轉(zhuǎn)讓的權(quán)利，其中有生命，自由以及追求幸福的權(quán)利；??如果遇有任何形式的政府損害這些目的，人民就有權(quán)利改變或廢除它??

------《獨(dú)立宣言》

材料二

各州選舉人應(yīng)具該州眾議員之選舉人所需之資格??（眾議院議員人數(shù)及直接稅額應(yīng)按合眾國(guó)所轄各州人口之多寡，分配于各州、此項(xiàng)人口數(shù)目包括所有公民及五分之三非公民。并包括須服役數(shù)年之人，但未被課稅之印第安人不算。）

---《美利堅(jiān)合國(guó)憲法（1787年）》

請(qǐng)回答：（1）材料一發(fā)表于何時(shí)？由何機(jī)構(gòu)發(fā)布？體現(xiàn)了啟蒙思想家的什么學(xué)說(shuō)？

（2）針對(duì)材料

一、材料二保守性表現(xiàn)在哪？

答案提示：

⑴發(fā)表于1776年7月4日；由第二屆大陸會(huì)議發(fā)表；體現(xiàn)了天賦人權(quán)學(xué)說(shuō)，自由平等原則，人民主權(quán)學(xué)說(shuō)。（2）保守性表現(xiàn)在：材料一宣稱(chēng)一切人生來(lái)都是自由平等的，而材料二則以納稅的多少，把人區(qū)分炎公民或非公民，來(lái)限制選舉權(quán)，也材料一的精神相悖。

2、民主思想：平等與自然權(quán)利、主權(quán)在民、人民革命的權(quán)利。

3、發(fā)表的歷史意義

引導(dǎo)學(xué)生從對(duì)美國(guó)的影響和對(duì)世界的貢獻(xiàn)兩個(gè)層次來(lái)認(rèn)識(shí)：

（1）對(duì)美國(guó)：《獨(dú)立宣言》表達(dá)了北美殖民地追求獨(dú)立自由的愿望，在動(dòng)員革命力量、鼓舞人民斗志、贏得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)勝利等方面發(fā)揮了巨大作用，它不僅宣告了美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)這一嶄新國(guó)家的誕生，而且深深地影響到的它的未來(lái)

⑵對(duì)世界：在人類(lèi)歷史上第一次以政治綱領(lǐng)的形式宣告了民主共和國(guó)的原則，徹底摧毀了封建專(zhuān)制主義的理論根基。推動(dòng)了歐洲反封建的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命，直接影響了法國(guó)大革命，對(duì)亞洲、拉丁美洲的民族獨(dú)立運(yùn)動(dòng)也具有一定的推動(dòng)作用。

3、《獨(dú)立宣言》的局限性：它提出的民權(quán)只是擁有一定財(cái)產(chǎn)的白人男性的民權(quán)，窮苦人白人、婦女、契約奴工和黑人沒(méi)有民權(quán)。

【探究延伸】請(qǐng)同學(xué)們聯(lián)系近代中國(guó)的社會(huì)狀況，思考為什么美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和《獨(dú)立宣言》會(huì)在中國(guó)引起如此強(qiáng)烈的反響？

答：（1）1901年《辛丑條約》簽訂，中國(guó)完全淪為半殖民地半封建社會(huì)，要求推翻清王朝的專(zhuān)制統(tǒng)治，獲得民族獨(dú)立，爭(zhēng)取民主權(quán)利成為全國(guó)人民的共同呼聲。（2）北美獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝利，《獨(dú)立宣言》體現(xiàn)出的民主思想給中國(guó)人民極大鼓舞。【鞏固總結(jié)】

材料一

我們認(rèn)為下面這些真理是不言而喻的：一切人生來(lái)都是平等的，他們被造物主賦予他們固有的，不可轉(zhuǎn)讓的權(quán)利，其中有生命、自由以及追求幸福的權(quán)利??

---美國(guó)《獨(dú)立宣言》（1776年）

材料二 合眾國(guó)公民的選舉權(quán)，不得因種族、膚色或以前是奴隸而被合眾國(guó)或任何一州加以拒絕或限制。

---《美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)憲法》第十五條修正案（1870年）

材料三

合眾國(guó)公民的選舉權(quán)，不得因性別而被合眾國(guó)任何一州加以拒絕或限制。

---《美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)憲法》第十九條修正案（1920年）

材料四（此年前滿(mǎn)二十一歲的公民才擁有選舉權(quán)，現(xiàn)規(guī)定）年滿(mǎn)十八歲和十八歲以上的合眾國(guó)公民的選舉權(quán)，不得因?yàn)槟挲g而被合眾國(guó)或任何一州加以拒絕或限制。

---《美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)憲法》第二十六條修正案（1971年）

（1）材料一確認(rèn)了什么原則？結(jié)合所學(xué)知識(shí)，指出申明這一原則在當(dāng)時(shí)起到了什么作用？

（2）結(jié)合所學(xué)知識(shí)，說(shuō)明材料二的規(guī)定是在什么歷史背景下產(chǎn)生的？

（3）概括材料二、三、四，指出美國(guó)公民的選舉權(quán)是如何變化的。

（4）根據(jù)材料并結(jié)合所學(xué)知識(shí)，簡(jiǎn)述從美國(guó)近兩百年選舉權(quán)的變化中得到的啟示。

（5）運(yùn)用所學(xué)哲學(xué)知識(shí)對(duì)材料一所確認(rèn)的原則作簡(jiǎn)要分析。

答：（1）天賦人權(quán)（或自由平等）。鼓舞了美國(guó)人民為爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立而戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。（2）美國(guó)獨(dú)立后南北經(jīng)濟(jì)以不同方式發(fā)展；南北矛盾的焦點(diǎn)是奴隸制的存廢問(wèn)題；內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中，林肯政府順應(yīng)民意，頒布了《解放黑人奴隸宣言》；北方取得內(nèi)戰(zhàn)勝利，廢除了奴隸制度。（3）取消了選舉權(quán)在種族、膚色和奴隸身份上的限制；取消了選舉權(quán)在性別上的限制；放寬了選舉權(quán)在年齡上限制。（4）（評(píng)分說(shuō)明：依據(jù)材料，符合史實(shí)的看法，）如美國(guó)公民選舉權(quán)在歷史上長(zhǎng)期受到限制，選舉制度的改變是人民爭(zhēng)取和斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)果等，（即可滿(mǎn)分。）（5）天賦人權(quán)的原則雖然在歷史上起過(guò)積極的作用，但在哲學(xué)上是以抽象人性論為基礎(chǔ)，馬克思從“社會(huì)關(guān)系的總和”來(lái)論證人的本質(zhì)，是對(duì)抽象人性論的深刻批判。

課堂小結(jié)

（1）《獨(dú)立宣言》標(biāo)志著美國(guó)的誕生，在人類(lèi)歷史上第一次以政治綱領(lǐng)形式宣布了民主共和國(guó)的原則。宣稱(chēng)人的權(quán)利是神圣不可侵犯的，反映了北美人民獨(dú)立的愿望和要求，成為殖民地人民反英斗爭(zhēng)的旗幟。

（2）它體現(xiàn)的民主思想，成為一代又一代美國(guó)人不斷追求的理想（3）推動(dòng)了歐洲資產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命和亞洲、拉丁美洲的民族獨(dú)立運(yùn)動(dòng)的發(fā)展

課后習(xí)題

亞伯拉罕·林肯對(duì)杰斐遜在《獨(dú)立宣言》的發(fā)布上所作的偉大貢獻(xiàn)作出高度評(píng)價(jià)：“一切光榮屬于杰斐遜，屬于這樣的一個(gè)人：在單獨(dú)一個(gè)民族為其獨(dú)立而進(jìn)行的艱苦斗爭(zhēng)中，他具有足夠的冷靜、遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)和聰睿，把一條可以適用于任何民族和任何時(shí)代的抽象真理納入一個(gè)純粹革命的文獻(xiàn)，并使這條真理在那里永垂不朽，以致無(wú)論是在今天或永遠(yuǎn)的未來(lái)，它對(duì)于死灰復(fù)燃的暴政和壓迫的先兆，都必定是一種譴責(zé)和阻礙。”

有人說(shuō)，杰斐遜起草的《獨(dú)立宣言》強(qiáng)化了美國(guó)人民的法治觀念，使美國(guó)人受到了充分的法律熏陶，奠定了美國(guó)人民主的思想和傳統(tǒng)。你同意這種觀點(diǎn)嗎？說(shuō)說(shuō)你的理由。

板書(shū) 美國(guó)《獨(dú)立宣言》

第二篇：美國(guó)獨(dú)立宣言

有感于《獨(dú)立宣言》

姓名：黃榮威

學(xué)號(hào)：13311011

“哪里有壓迫，哪里就有反抗”像是一個(gè)亙古不變的真理。回到歷史，由于封建專(zhuān)制嚴(yán)重阻礙資本主義的發(fā)展，英國(guó)爆發(fā)了資產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命，人民反對(duì)專(zhuān)制王權(quán)，最后取得了勝利。而那時(shí)的美國(guó)還是英國(guó)的殖民地，當(dāng)新興的美利堅(jiān)民族更渴望得到自由和平等，英國(guó)殘酷的殖民統(tǒng)治激發(fā)了北美人民心中的怒火，一場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)又將打響……

1776年7月4日，《獨(dú)立宣言》發(fā)表，大大鼓舞了北美人民的斗志，成為北美人民爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立的旗幟，對(duì)爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝利起了巨大推動(dòng)作用。《獨(dú)立宣言》也是一篇著名的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命文獻(xiàn)，它提倡資產(chǎn)階級(jí)的自由、平等和主權(quán)在民思想，否定了封建等級(jí)制和專(zhuān)制統(tǒng)治，否定英國(guó)對(duì)殖民地統(tǒng)治的合法性，宣言凝集了北美先進(jìn)分子的思想，它所體現(xiàn)的革命精神，對(duì)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)進(jìn)程具有巨大的鼓舞和指導(dǎo)作用。《獨(dú)立宣言》正式向全世界宣告美國(guó)脫離英國(guó)而獨(dú)立。這標(biāo)志著北美獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)進(jìn)入一個(gè)新的階段，即把反抗英國(guó)殖民統(tǒng)治的武裝斗爭(zhēng)同爭(zhēng)取民族獨(dú)立的偉大的正義事業(yè)聯(lián)系起來(lái)。7月4日這一天，被定為美國(guó)獨(dú)立日。不難看出，《獨(dú)立宣言》在美國(guó)的歷史上有著不言而喻的重要性和人人信仰的魅力。

在中國(guó)，在我們的歷史書(shū)上，專(zhuān)制、斗爭(zhēng)、獨(dú)立、自由是我們所熟悉的名詞。《獨(dú)立宣言》的大名相信大部分學(xué)生也不會(huì)感到陌生。但可惜的是，課文上并沒(méi)有完整的《獨(dú)立宣言》。直到今天，起碼我身邊的人，沒(méi)幾個(gè)是能將《獨(dú)立宣言》從頭看了一遍的，雖然這只有幾千字。所以，我后悔早期沒(méi)有機(jī)會(huì)閱讀，這或許會(huì)帶給我更深刻的影響。但我也很驚訝，這個(gè)已影響了世界的文檔，并沒(méi)有出現(xiàn)在我們高中或者是大學(xué)的教材上。或許專(zhuān)家們認(rèn)為這不是一個(gè)必要的文本。但是，正在我看來(lái)，這不能不說(shuō)是我們的教育系統(tǒng)上一個(gè)巨大的錯(cuò)誤。

且看看，《獨(dú)立宣言》作為美國(guó)立國(guó)精神的最重要的文獻(xiàn)之一，深深地影響了美國(guó)未來(lái)的發(fā)展。自1776年以來(lái)，“人人生而平等”作為美國(guó)立國(guó)的基本原則，作為人們的信念和理想，一直為后人所傳頌。

可以毫不猶豫的說(shuō)，《獨(dú)立宣言》推動(dòng)了世界歷史的發(fā)展。《獨(dú)立宣言》最重要的作用是將歐洲啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)時(shí)期產(chǎn)生的天賦人權(quán)和社會(huì)契約思想轉(zhuǎn)化為現(xiàn)實(shí)政治的原則，它標(biāo)志著美洲和人類(lèi)歷史上一種新的政治生態(tài)環(huán)境的開(kāi)端。《獨(dú)立宣言》是一個(gè)偉大的歷史文件，它在人類(lèi)歷史上，第一次以國(guó)家的名義宣布人民的權(quán)利為神圣不可侵犯的。它比法國(guó)的《人權(quán)宣言》早13年，由于它是最單的闡明了天賦人權(quán)的政治綱領(lǐng)，因此馬克思稱(chēng)它是“第一個(gè)人權(quán)宣言”。《獨(dú)立宣言》充滿(mǎn)著革命精神，在人類(lèi)歷史上第一次以政治綱領(lǐng)的形式宣告了民主共和國(guó)的原則，徹底摧毀了封建專(zhuān)制主義的理論根基，將人民主權(quán)首次貫徹到了新興資產(chǎn)階級(jí)的建國(guó)實(shí)踐中。它直接影響了1789年的法國(guó)大革命，推動(dòng)了整個(gè)歐洲的反封建斗爭(zhēng)，也給拉丁美洲和亞洲民族獨(dú)立運(yùn)動(dòng)以巨大推動(dòng)力。宣言所體現(xiàn)的民主共和思想，也使中國(guó)資產(chǎn)階級(jí)思想家受到啟迪和鼓舞，為辛亥革命爆發(fā)奠定了思想基礎(chǔ)，推動(dòng)了中華民族解放運(yùn)動(dòng)的發(fā)展。

我一直很欣賞《獨(dú)立宣言》中“人人生而平等”的主張，在《人權(quán)宣言》中它又被進(jìn)一步被闡發(fā)為“人生來(lái)是而且始終是自由的，在權(quán)利方面是平等的。”這也是人類(lèi)最純真，最樸實(shí)的一個(gè)共同愿望，即使是現(xiàn)在，人們還力求建設(shè)公平社會(huì)。而佛教中也倡導(dǎo)“眾生平等”，但是他宣傳的是極樂(lè)世界的“平等”，產(chǎn)生了麻醉民眾的消極作用，面對(duì)殘暴的專(zhuān)制統(tǒng)治，信徒們就不會(huì)予以反抗。可是《獨(dú)立宣言》是建立在現(xiàn)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)之上的。是殖民地人民反英斗爭(zhēng)的旗幟，大大鼓舞了北美人民的革命斗志，激勵(lì)美國(guó)人民為實(shí)現(xiàn)獨(dú)立的崇高目標(biāo)而英勇戰(zhàn)斗。

托馬斯·杰斐遜起草的《獨(dú)立宣言》,是政府的基本語(yǔ)句,是它獲取權(quán)力的源頭。它開(kāi)始于那些屬于每個(gè)人的不可剝奪的權(quán)利。所有的來(lái)保護(hù)的這些權(quán)利的力量只能由人民掌控，由政府練習(xí)。

《獨(dú)立宣言》中有一句話(huà)給我留下了深刻的印象。“我們認(rèn)為這些真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等,他們被造物主賦予某些不可剝奪的權(quán)利,其中包括生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利。”它告訴世界,每個(gè)人都想擁有，也應(yīng)該值得擁有他們的獨(dú)立性。我認(rèn)為這是一個(gè)非常重要的句子。

“我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想,有一天,這個(gè)國(guó)家將站起來(lái),并活出它的信條的真正含義:我們認(rèn)為這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。”你能認(rèn)出這個(gè)句子嗎?是的,這個(gè)句子援引馬丁·路德·金在他著名的《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想”的演講。是的，讀了《獨(dú)立宣言》后，偉大的金領(lǐng)略了其深藏的內(nèi)涵。作為普通學(xué)生的我們是否也應(yīng)該從中學(xué)習(xí)一下呢？這個(gè)只能留給我們自己思考了。

最后，我認(rèn)為“獨(dú)立宣言”意味著我們生活在一個(gè)自由的國(guó)家，仍然是要保護(hù)我們的權(quán)利，天賦人權(quán)。我們?nèi)魏稳硕紤?yīng)該相互欣賞。愿我們生活在一個(gè)和平、自由的世界。

第三篇：美國(guó)獨(dú)立宣言 英文版

美國(guó)《獨(dú)立宣言》（英文稿）

The Declaration of Independence

Action of Second Continental Congress, July 4, 1776 The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen United States of America

WHEN in the Course of human Events, it becomes necessary for one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the Separation.WE hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness--That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its Foundation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient Causes;and accordingly all Experience hath shewn, that Mankind are more disposed to suffer, while Evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the Forms to which they are accustomed.But when a long Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future Security.Such has been the patient Sufferance of these Colonies;and such is now the Necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.The History of the present King of Great-Britain is a History of repeated Injuries and Usurpations, all having in direct Object the Establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States.To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid World.HE has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public Good.HE has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended in their Operation till his Assent should be obtained;and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.HE has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommodation of large Districts of People, unless those People would relinquish the Right of Representation in the Legislature, a Right inestimable to them, and formidable to Tyrants only.HE has called together Legislative Bodies at Places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the Depository of their public Records, for the sole Purpose of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Measures.HE has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly Firmness his Invasions on the Rights of the People.HE has refused for a long Time, after such Dissolutions, to cause others to be elected;whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of the Annihilation, have returned to the People

at large for their exercise;the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the Dangers of Invasion from without, and the Convulsions within.HE has endeavoured to prevent the Population of these States;for that Purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners;refusing to pass others to encourage their Migrations hither, and raising the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.HE has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.HE has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the Tenure of their Offices, and the Amount and Payment of their Salaries.HE has erected a Multitude of new Offices, and sent hither Swarms of Officers to harrass our People, and eat out their Substance.HE has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the consent of our Legislatures.HE has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.HE has combined with others to subject us to a Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws;giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: FOR quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us;FOR protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: FOR cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the World: FOR imposing Taxes on us without our Consent: FOR depriving us, in many Cases, of the Benefits of Trial by Jury: FOR transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended Offences: FOR abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary Government, and enlarging its Boundaries, so as to render it at once an Example and fit Instrument for introducing the same absolute Rules into these Colonies: FOR taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: FOR suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with Power to legislate for us in all Cases whatsoever.HE has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.HE has plundered our Seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our Towns, and destroyed the Lives of our People.HE is, at this Time, transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death, Desolation, and Tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized Nation.HE has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the Executioners of their Friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.HE has excited domestic Insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known Rule of Warfare, is an undistinguished Destruction, of all Ages, Sexes and Conditions.IN every stage of these Oppressions we have Petitioned for Redress in the most

humble Terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated Injury.A Prince, whose Character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the Ruler of a free People.NOR have we been wanting in Attentions to our British Brethren.We have warned them from Time to Time of Attempts by their Legislature to extend an

unwarrantable Jurisdiction over us.We have reminded them of the Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here.We have appealed to their native Justice

and Magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of our common Kindred to disavow these Usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our Connections and Correspondence.They too have been deaf to the Voice of Justice and of

Consanguinity.We must, therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of Mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace, Friends.WE, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare, That these United

Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES;that they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political Connection between them and the State of Great-Britain, is and ought to be

totally dissolved;and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do

all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do.And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the Protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.John Hancock.GEORGIA, Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, Geo.Walton.NORTH-CAROLINA, Wm.Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.SOUTH-CAROLINA, Edward Rutledge, Thos Heyward, junr., Thomas Lynch, junr., Arthur Middleton.MARYLAND, Samuel Chase, Wm.Paca, Thos.Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.VIRGINIA, George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Ths.Jefferson, Benja.Harrison, Thos.Nelson, jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.PENNSYLVANIA, Robt.Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja.Franklin, John Morton, Geo.Clymer, Jas.Smith, Geo.Taylor, James Wilson, Geo.Ross.DELAWARE, Caesar Rodney, Geo.Read.NEW-YORK, Wm.Floyd, Phil.Livingston, Frank Lewis, Lewis Morris.NEW-JERSEY, Richd.Stockton, Jno.Witherspoon, Fras.Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra.Clark.NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Josiah Bartlett, Wm.Whipple, Matthew Thornton.MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, Saml.Adams, John Adams, Robt.Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE, C.Step.Hopkins, William Ellery.CONNECTICUT, Roger Sherman, Saml.Huntington, Wm.Williams, Oliver Wolcott.IN CONGRESS, JANUARY 18, 1777.在有關(guān)人類(lèi)事務(wù)的發(fā)展過(guò)程中，當(dāng)一個(gè)民族必須解除其和另一個(gè)民族之間的政治聯(lián)系，并在世界各國(guó)之間依照自然法則和上帝的意旨，接受獨(dú)立和平等的地位時(shí)，出于人類(lèi)輿論的尊重，必須把他們不得不獨(dú)立的原因予以宣布。

我們認(rèn)為下面這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物者賦予他們?nèi)舾刹豢蓜儕Z的權(quán)利，其中包括生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利。為了保障這些權(quán)利，人類(lèi)才在他們之間建立政府，而政府之正當(dāng)權(quán)力，是經(jīng)被治理者的同意而產(chǎn)生的。當(dāng)任何形式的政府對(duì)這些目標(biāo)具破壞作用時(shí)，人民便有權(quán)力改變或廢除它，以建立一個(gè)新的政府；其賴(lài)以奠基的原則，其組織權(quán)力的方式，務(wù)使人民認(rèn)為唯有這樣才最可能獲得他們的安全和幸福。為了慎重起見(jiàn)，成立多年的政府，是不應(yīng)當(dāng)由于輕微和短暫的原因而予以變更的。過(guò)去的一切經(jīng)驗(yàn)也都說(shuō)明，任何苦難，只要是尚能忍受，人類(lèi)都寧愿容忍，而無(wú)

意為了本身的權(quán)益便廢除他們久已習(xí)慣了的政府。但是，當(dāng)追逐同一目標(biāo)的一連串濫用職權(quán)和強(qiáng)取豪奪發(fā)生，證明政府企圖把人民置于專(zhuān)制統(tǒng)治之下時(shí)，那么人民就有權(quán)利，也有義務(wù)推翻這個(gè)政府，并為他們未來(lái)的安全建立新的保障－－這就是這些殖民地過(guò)去逆來(lái)順受的情況，也是它們現(xiàn)在不得不改變以前政府制度的原因。當(dāng)今大不列顛國(guó)王的歷史，是接連不斷的傷天害理和強(qiáng)取豪奪的歷史，這些暴行的唯一目標(biāo)，就是想在這些州建立專(zhuān)制的暴政。為了證明所言屬實(shí)，現(xiàn)把下列事實(shí)向公正的世界宣布：

他拒絕批準(zhǔn)對(duì)公眾利益最有益、最必要的法律。

他禁止他的總督們批準(zhǔn)迫切而極為必要的法律，要不就把這些法律擱置起來(lái)暫不生效，等待他的同意；而一旦這些法律被擱置起來(lái)，他對(duì)它們就完全置之不理。

他拒絕批準(zhǔn)便利廣大地區(qū)人民的其它法律，除非那些人民情愿放棄自己在立法機(jī)關(guān)中的代表權(quán)；但這種權(quán)利對(duì)他們有無(wú)法估量的價(jià)值，而且只有暴君才畏懼這種權(quán)利。

他把各州立法團(tuán)體召集到異乎尋常的、極為不便的、遠(yuǎn)離它們檔案庫(kù)的地方去開(kāi)會(huì)，唯一的目的是使他們疲于奔命，不得不順從他的意旨。

他一再解散各州的議會(huì)，因?yàn)樗鼈円詿o(wú)畏的堅(jiān)毅態(tài)度反對(duì)他侵犯人民的權(quán)利。

他在解散各州議會(huì)之后，又長(zhǎng)期拒絕另選新議會(huì)；但立法權(quán)是無(wú)法取消的，因此這項(xiàng)權(quán)力仍由一般人民來(lái)行使。其實(shí)各州仍然處于危險(xiǎn)的境地，既有外來(lái)侵略之患，又有發(fā)生內(nèi)亂之憂(yōu)。

他竭力抑制我們各州增加人口；為此目的，他阻撓外國(guó)人入籍法的通過(guò)，拒絕批準(zhǔn)其它鼓勵(lì)外國(guó)人移居各州的法律，并提高分配新土地的條件。

他拒絕批準(zhǔn)建立司法權(quán)力的法律，藉以阻撓司法工作的推行。

他把法官的任期、薪金數(shù)額和支付，完全置于他個(gè)人意志的支配之下。

他建立新官署，派遣大批官員，騷擾我們?nèi)嗣瘢⒑谋M人民必要的生活物質(zhì)。

他在和平時(shí)期，未經(jīng)我們的立法機(jī)關(guān)同意，就在我們中間維持常備軍。

他力圖使軍隊(duì)獨(dú)立于民政之外，并凌駕于民政之上。

他同某些人勾結(jié)起來(lái)把我們置于一種不適合我們的體制且不為我們的法律所承認(rèn)的管轄之下；他還批準(zhǔn)那些人炮制的各種偽法案來(lái)達(dá)到以下目的：

在我們中間駐扎大批武裝部隊(duì)；

用假審訊來(lái)包庇他們，使他們殺害我們各州居民而仍然逍遙法外；

切斷我們同世界各地的貿(mào)易；

未經(jīng)我們同意便向我們強(qiáng)行征稅；

在許多案件中剝奪我們享有陪審制的權(quán)益；

羅織罪名押送我們到海外去受審；

在一個(gè)鄰省廢除英國(guó)的自由法制，在那裹建立專(zhuān)制政府，并擴(kuò)大該省的疆界，企圖把該省變成既是一個(gè)樣板又是一個(gè)得心應(yīng)手的工具，以便進(jìn)而向這里的各殖民地推行同樣的極權(quán)統(tǒng)治；

取消我們的憲章，廢除我們最寶貴的法律，并且根本上改變我們各州政府的形式；

中止我們自己的立法機(jī)關(guān)行使權(quán)力，宣稱(chēng)他們自己有權(quán)就一切事宜為我們制定法律。

他宣布我們已不屬他保護(hù)之列，并對(duì)我們作戰(zhàn)，從而放棄了在這里的政務(wù)。

他在我們的海域大肆掠奪，蹂躪我們沿海地區(qū)，焚燒我們的城鎮(zhèn)，殘害我們?nèi)嗣竦纳?/p>

他此時(shí)正在運(yùn)送大批外國(guó)傭兵來(lái)完成屠殺、破壞和肆虐的勾當(dāng)，這種勾當(dāng)早就開(kāi)始，其殘酷卑劣甚至在最野蠻的時(shí)代都難以找到先例。他完全不配作為一個(gè)文明國(guó)家的元首。

他在公海上俘虜我們的同胞，強(qiáng)迫他們拿起武器來(lái)反對(duì)自己的國(guó)家，成為殘殺自己親人和朋友的劊子手，或是死于自己的親人和朋友的手下。

他在我們中間煽動(dòng)內(nèi)亂，并且竭力挑唆那些殘酷無(wú)情、沒(méi)有開(kāi)化的印第安人來(lái)殺掠我們邊疆的居民；而眾所周知，印第安人的作戰(zhàn)規(guī)律是不分男女老幼，一律格殺勿論的。

在這些壓迫的每一陷階段中，我們都是用最謙卑的言辭請(qǐng)求改善；但屢次請(qǐng)求所得到的答復(fù)是屢次遭受損害。一個(gè)君主，當(dāng)他的品格已打上了暴君行為的烙印時(shí)，是不配作自由人民的統(tǒng)治者的。

我們不是沒(méi)有顧念我們英國(guó)的弟兄。我們時(shí)常提醒他們，他們的立法機(jī)關(guān)企圖把無(wú)理的管轄權(quán)橫加到我們的頭上。我們也曾把我們移民來(lái)這里和在這里定居的情形告訴他們。我們?cè)?jīng)向他們天生的正義善感和雅量呼吁，我們懇求他們念在同種同宗的份上，棄絕這些掠奪行為，以免影響彼此的關(guān)系和往來(lái)。但是他們對(duì)于這種正義和血緣的呼聲，也同樣充耳不聞。因此，我們實(shí)在不得不宣布和他們脫離，并且以對(duì)待世界上其它民族一樣的態(tài)度對(duì)待他們：和我們作戰(zhàn)，就是敵人；和我們和好，就是朋友。

因此，我們，在大陸會(huì)議下集會(huì)的美利堅(jiān)聯(lián)盟代表，以各殖民地善良人民的名義，并經(jīng)他們授權(quán)，向全世界最崇高的正義呼吁，說(shuō)明我們的嚴(yán)正意向，同時(shí)鄭重宣布；這些聯(lián)合一致的殖民地從此是自由和獨(dú)立的國(guó)家，并且按其權(quán)利也必須是自由和獨(dú)立的國(guó)家，它們?nèi)∠磺袑?duì)英國(guó)王室效忠的義務(wù)，它們和大不列顛國(guó)家之間的一切政治關(guān)系從此全部斷絕，而且必須斷絕；作為自由獨(dú)立的國(guó)家，它們完全有權(quán)宣戰(zhàn)、締和、結(jié)盟、通商和采取獨(dú)立國(guó)家有權(quán)采取的一切行動(dòng)。

為了支持這篇宣言，我們堅(jiān)決信賴(lài)上帝的庇佑，以我們的生命、我們的財(cái)產(chǎn)和我們神圣的名譽(yù)，相互保證，共同宣誓。

第四篇：《獨(dú)立宣言》教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)

《獨(dú)立宣言》教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)

初二學(xué)生對(duì)于美國(guó)（如自由女神像、民主制度、美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬）有一定的了解，對(duì)于《獨(dú)立宣言》的內(nèi)容卻所知甚少，對(duì)其與美國(guó)歷史的聯(lián)系也缺乏認(rèn)識(shí)。在教學(xué)中，可將學(xué)生已有的經(jīng)驗(yàn)作為教學(xué)資源，結(jié)合相關(guān)史料進(jìn)行分析，探討《獨(dú)立宣言》的核心理念，揭示《獨(dú)立宣言》與美國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)展的聯(lián)系。

《獨(dú)立宣言》是美國(guó)歷史上一份重要的文獻(xiàn)，它揭示了天賦人權(quán)、反抗暴政的基本原則。對(duì)于這樣一份歷史文獻(xiàn)，如果單純從文字角度進(jìn)行解讀，對(duì)于初二的學(xué)生顯得過(guò)于枯燥，以簡(jiǎn)單“三段論”為工具將《獨(dú)立宣言》文本背后隱含的邏輯顯性化，可以加深學(xué)生的理解。

《獨(dú)立宣言》道出了北美人民的共同心聲，激勵(lì)美國(guó)人民贏得獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的最終勝利，它的基本理念成為美國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)展的不朽基石，為此本設(shè)計(jì)將《獨(dú)立宣言》置于美國(guó)歷史發(fā)展的進(jìn)程之中，輔以生動(dòng)的故事細(xì)節(jié)與形象的材料，幫助學(xué)生理解《獨(dú)立宣言》的作用及其深遠(yuǎn)影響。

本設(shè)計(jì)旨在通過(guò)對(duì)《獨(dú)立宣言》文本的分析，使學(xué)生了解其主要內(nèi)容，知道《獨(dú)立宣言》的發(fā)表標(biāo)志著美國(guó)的誕生;從觀察歷史圖片的形式，嘗試運(yùn)用按照一定的順序提取有效信息進(jìn)而提煉主題的讀圖方法，并培養(yǎng)學(xué)生基于史實(shí)進(jìn)行合理想象的意識(shí);運(yùn)用多種史料，理解《獨(dú)

【收稿日期】2014-12-01

立宣言》對(duì)北美獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的重大作用和對(duì)美國(guó)歷史發(fā)展的深遠(yuǎn)影響，也是本課要掌握的。根據(jù)以上分析，大致形式如下教學(xué)思路：

第一，多維度看歷史。從《獨(dú)立宣言》的核心理念，及其對(duì)于美國(guó)民眾、獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和美國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)展的影響等多個(gè)方面分析《獨(dú)立宣言》，將一個(gè)立體和豐滿(mǎn)的《獨(dú)立宣言》呈現(xiàn)在學(xué)生面前，引導(dǎo)學(xué)生歷史、客觀地評(píng)價(jià)《獨(dú)立宣言》。

第二，注重學(xué)法指導(dǎo)。主要體現(xiàn)在三個(gè)方面：其一，對(duì)于《獨(dú)立宣言》的文本，教師提供一個(gè)三段論的分析示例，然后讓學(xué)生模仿示例去分析;其二，對(duì)于歷史圖片，指導(dǎo)學(xué)生按照一定的順序和視角（由近及遠(yuǎn)、從上往下）觀察圖片，提取有效信息進(jìn)而提煉出圖片主題;其三，指導(dǎo)學(xué)生基于相關(guān)史實(shí)，對(duì)歷史展開(kāi)合理的想象，加深對(duì)所學(xué)歷史內(nèi)容的深刻理解。

二、教學(xué)過(guò)程

這就是《獨(dú)立宣言》，1776年7月4日，56

位來(lái)自北美13塊殖民地的代表一一在上面簽字，他們中有律師、法官、醫(yī)生、商人，還有音樂(lè)家和詩(shī)人。他們共同見(jiàn)證了一個(gè)偉大時(shí)刻的到來(lái)――美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的誕生。他們簽署的是一份怎樣的文件呢。讓我們來(lái)共同分析《獨(dú)立宣言》的內(nèi)容。

我們來(lái)看一句英文（All men are created equal）譯成中文就是“人生而平等”。但是，大家有沒(méi)有注意到，“出生”這個(gè)詞的英文是Bear，而《獨(dú)立宣言》用的是Create，創(chuàng)造。二者有區(qū)別嗎？Bear是媽媽把孩子生下來(lái)。Create是上帝造人。也就是說(shuō)，人從娘胎里出來(lái)的時(shí)候，是不平等的，有的人健壯，有的人瘦弱;有的人長(zhǎng)得好看，有的人相貌一般。但是，當(dāng)上帝造人時(shí)，人是沒(méi)有差別的，都被賦予了平等的權(quán)利。

這句話(huà)的上下文是什么呢？

我們認(rèn)為，下面這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物者賦予他們?nèi)舾刹豢蓜儕Z的權(quán)利，其中包括生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利。

請(qǐng)用自己的話(huà)概括這段文字的主要內(nèi)容。同學(xué)們都注意到這段話(huà)的一些關(guān)鍵詞，人人、權(quán)利，等等。概括起來(lái)，這句話(huà)的意思就是，生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利是每個(gè)人都應(yīng)享有的神圣權(quán)利。

《獨(dú)立宣言》為什么要在開(kāi)篇闡釋這個(gè)道理呢？顧名思義，《獨(dú)立宣言》就是要向世人說(shuō)明北美獨(dú)立的理由。所以，《獨(dú)立宣言》非常講究論證的邏輯。這個(gè)邏輯就是西方人非常熟悉的三段論――大前提、小前提、結(jié)論。大前提講的是普遍條件，小前提講的是具體條件。大前提正確，小前提正確，則結(jié)論正確。生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利是每個(gè)人都應(yīng)享有的神圣權(quán)利，這就是大前提。小前提是什么呢？北美殖民地人民是人，同人生而平等一樣，這也是不言而喻的。根據(jù)大前提和小前提，大家能得出什么結(jié)論？北美人也有生命權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利。下面我們就用這種方法來(lái)分析《獨(dú)立宣言》中的其他內(nèi)容。

大家先概括這兩段材料的意思。

材料1：當(dāng)任何形式的政府對(duì)這些權(quán)利（生命、自由、追求幸福）具破壞作用時(shí)，人民便有權(quán)力改變或廢除它，以建立一個(gè)新的政府。

材料2：他（英王）拒絕批準(zhǔn)對(duì)公眾利益最有益、最必要的法律。未經(jīng)我們同意便向我們強(qiáng)行征稅。他在我們的海域大肆掠奪，蹂躪我們沿海地區(qū)，焚燒我們的城鎮(zhèn)，殘害我們?nèi)嗣竦纳?/p>

第一則材料講的是政府、人民的關(guān)系。概括起來(lái)就是，若政府損害人民的權(quán)利，則人民有權(quán)更換政府。

第二則材料講的是以英王為代表的政府與北美人民的關(guān)系。概括起來(lái)就是，以英王為代表的政府損害北美人的權(quán)利。

現(xiàn)在請(qǐng)大家仿照剛才的范例，將對(duì)應(yīng)的語(yǔ)句放置在正確的位置，哪個(gè)是大前提，哪個(gè)是小前提？“若政府損害人民的權(quán)利，則人民有權(quán)更換政府”是大前提，“以英王為代表的政府損害北美人的權(quán)利”是小前提。

根據(jù)這兩個(gè)前提，大家能得出什么結(jié)論？北美人有權(quán)脫離英王的統(tǒng)治，建立自己的政府。

《獨(dú)立宣言》就是用這樣鏗鏘有力的語(yǔ)言，嚴(yán)密規(guī)整的邏輯，向全世界宣告了北美人民獨(dú)立的正當(dāng)性。我們剛才引用的幾段材料，也是《獨(dú)立宣言》所要表達(dá)的核心意思，即自由平等、反抗暴政。《獨(dú)立宣言》是人類(lèi)歷史上第一次對(duì)人權(quán)的鄭重宣示。

了解《獨(dú)立宣言》的主要內(nèi)容后，回過(guò)頭再看這幅油畫(huà)，我們對(duì)畫(huà)中人物的神情就有了更深刻的理解。在簽字現(xiàn)場(chǎng)，羅德島代表威廉?艾勒里特意觀察了與會(huì)者在簽名時(shí)的面部表情。從所有人的臉上，他都看到了“堅(jiān)不可摧的信念”。

大陸會(huì)議主席約翰?漢考克特意用大大的黑體字簽名，他說(shuō)這樣英王就是不用眼鏡也能看清他的名字。本杰明?富蘭克林則幽默地說(shuō)：要是能一起被吊死就好了，否則單獨(dú)去見(jiàn)死神未免太孤單。

他們絕非危言聳聽(tīng)，當(dāng)時(shí)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)局勢(shì)不明，敵人又如此強(qiáng)大，一旦他們失敗了，所有在《獨(dú)立宣言》上簽字的人都會(huì)被絞死。

他們后來(lái)的命運(yùn)如何呢？56位代表中有4位在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間犧牲，5位被俘，有幾位妻離子散，還有9位傾家蕩產(chǎn)。由此可見(jiàn)，這些會(huì)議代表，真的是用“生命、財(cái)產(chǎn)和神圣的名譽(yù)”來(lái)簽署這份宣言。

當(dāng)然，他們也不是在孤軍奮戰(zhàn)。

《獨(dú)立宣言》剛剛印好，還帶著熱氣，就被迅速送往十三個(gè)殖民地。7月19日，《獨(dú)立宣言》到達(dá)波士頓，發(fā)生了一件事情，地點(diǎn)就在波士頓的馬薩諸塞議會(huì)大廈。當(dāng)時(shí)沒(méi)有攝影攝像設(shè)備，人們用畫(huà)筆記錄下了珍貴的歷史瞬間（見(jiàn)圖1）。

請(qǐng)同學(xué)們跟著老師，由近及遠(yuǎn)地來(lái)觀察這張圖片。在近處，同學(xué)們觀察到了什么？在廣場(chǎng)上，有矜持的紳士、女士，有往前奔跑的小孩。人們?nèi)宄扇海谧h論著什么。在人們的前方，是一棟房子，這就是馬薩諸塞議會(huì)大廈。在二樓的陽(yáng)臺(tái)上，有幾個(gè)人。其中一個(gè)人穿著白衣服，他在當(dāng)眾大聲朗讀《獨(dú)立宣言》。他是誰(shuí)呢？是議長(zhǎng)嗎？是議員嗎？還是一位行政長(zhǎng)官或地方鄉(xiāng)紳？都不是，他叫湯姆?克拉夫，只是一個(gè)普通的工匠。由此可見(jiàn)，《獨(dú)立宣言》道出了像他這樣的普通人的心聲，激發(fā)了他作為一個(gè)美國(guó)人的主人翁的意識(shí)。

再往上看，在大廈的屋頂站著個(gè)人，他正在用斧頭砍砸英國(guó)王權(quán)的象征――獅子像，這一舉動(dòng)有何寓意？對(duì)，意味著北美人民對(duì)英王統(tǒng)治的反抗。

通過(guò)這幅畫(huà)作，我們能形象感受到《獨(dú)立宣言》體現(xiàn)了北美人民的共同心聲，在美國(guó)社會(huì)各個(gè)階層中引起了層層波瀾。

圖片里也有和同學(xué)們年齡相似的孩子，他們也能理解大人們所做的事情嗎？

圖2是獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間一個(gè)來(lái)自北卡羅來(lái)納的小姑娘親手繪制的筆記本封面。按照我們剛剛學(xué)習(xí)的讀圖方法，從上往下看，同學(xué)們能讀到哪些信息？首先，Martha Ryan’s book，瑪塔?賴(lài)安筆記本。左側(cè)有一面旗幟，有同學(xué)說(shuō)這旗子不是美國(guó)國(guó)旗，其實(shí)在1777年確定13顆星的星條旗（圖片）前，曾經(jīng)出現(xiàn)過(guò)幾種不同的國(guó)旗方案，瑪塔畫(huà)的就是其中一種。往下看，看到這些帆船和房屋，大家會(huì)想到什么呢？這個(gè)同學(xué)說(shuō)：畫(huà)的是賴(lài)安自己的祖先漂洋過(guò)海來(lái)到北美，在北美安家了。有同學(xué)不同意，認(rèn)為這些船也許代表著一百多年間陸續(xù)乘船來(lái)到北美的人們，這些房子可能就是他們到達(dá)美洲后建立的家園。老師認(rèn)為，同學(xué)們的推測(cè)非常有道理。此外，老師注意到你們用了“也許”和“可能”兩個(gè)詞，看來(lái)你已經(jīng)意識(shí)到我們只是基于史實(shí)的合理想象。最下方，大家認(rèn)識(shí)這兩個(gè)英文單詞吧？自由和死亡。中間的or，可譯為“或者”，連在一起就是“要么自由，要么死亡”。“不自由，毋寧死”，這是當(dāng)時(shí)在北美殖民地流傳最廣泛的口號(hào)。我們不知道賴(lài)安是在什么情形下對(duì)自己的筆記本做這樣裝飾的。也許英國(guó)的軍隊(duì)攻打到北卡羅來(lái)納，在家中或者學(xué)校的書(shū)桌旁學(xué)習(xí)的賴(lài)安能清晰地聽(tīng)到兩方交戰(zhàn)的槍炮聲;也許由于戰(zhàn)事正緊，她的父親正作為民兵抵抗英軍的進(jìn)攻;也許她已經(jīng)見(jiàn)過(guò)不少人為了保衛(wèi)家園失去了生命……

當(dāng)我們?cè)倌曔@幅圖片，200多年前一個(gè)同齡人用自己的筆記錄了她眼中的世界。也許戰(zhàn)事正酣，她卻用了許多的花朵來(lái)裝飾她的筆記

本。我們是不是可以想象，瑪塔，這樣一個(gè)非常愛(ài)美的小女孩，也許還有許多美好的希望寄托在這些美麗的花中呢。

美好的希望是需要通過(guò)艱苦的斗爭(zhēng)去爭(zhēng)取的。據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)參戰(zhàn)人數(shù)最多時(shí)有25萬(wàn)人，這意味著北美殖民地每2～3個(gè)白人男子中就有一個(gè)要走上戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)。這是一份士兵名單，從中我們不難發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們中年齡最大的42歲，最小的僅有11歲。他們的職業(yè)五花八門(mén)，有農(nóng)民、有木匠、有皮匠、有理發(fā)匠還有作家。他們?yōu)槭裁茨茏叩揭黄鹉兀棵绹?guó)當(dāng)時(shí)實(shí)行的志愿兵制，他們不是被抓過(guò)來(lái)當(dāng)兵的。雖然他們具體的動(dòng)機(jī)存在差異，許多人是因?yàn)樯钏炔艆⒈胛椋撬麄兊母灸繕?biāo)是一致的，那就是為了《獨(dú)立宣言》所揭示的自由平等的原則。為了這個(gè)目標(biāo)，不同年齡、不同職業(yè)、不同地域的人民走到了一起。因此，是《獨(dú)立宣言》吹響了北美獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝利號(hào)角。

二百年多后，一位混血黑人當(dāng)上了美國(guó)總統(tǒng)，他就是奧巴馬。他在寫(xiě)給女兒的信中寫(xiě)道：

那時(shí)的我和你們差不多大，當(dāng)你們的祖母指著《獨(dú)立宣言》一字一句讀給我聽(tīng)時(shí)，她告訴我，我們的戰(zhàn)士之所以勇敢地踏上追求自由平等的征程，是因?yàn)樗麄兿嘈牛覀兊淖嫦仍?00年前寫(xiě)在紙上的這些文字，一定有著深刻的內(nèi)涵。

《獨(dú)立宣言》不是完美的，在它頒布之初，只有白人男子獲得自由平等權(quán)。但是，隨著歷史的發(fā)展，美國(guó)社會(huì)不同膚色、不同性別、不同階層的人都從“人人生而平等”中獲得了啟示，進(jìn)而去爭(zhēng)取自己的權(quán)利。美國(guó)社會(huì)也在這個(gè)過(guò)程中逐漸得到發(fā)展。奧巴馬當(dāng)上總統(tǒng)就是美國(guó)社會(huì)進(jìn)步歷程的一個(gè)縮影。因此，可以講，《獨(dú)立宣言》是美國(guó)社會(huì)不斷往前發(fā)展的一塊重要基石。

《獨(dú)立宣言》第一次在世人面前高舉人權(quán)的旗幟，是第一份人權(quán)宣言;《獨(dú)立宣言》道出了北美人民的心聲，鼓舞著他們?yōu)樽杂啥鴳?zhàn)，吹響了勝利的號(hào)角;為美國(guó)社會(huì)的不斷發(fā)展奠定了不朽的基石。它早已超越了一個(gè)國(guó)家的界限，對(duì)世界產(chǎn)生了深遠(yuǎn)影響。今天，當(dāng)人們站在哈德遜河口仰望自由女神像的時(shí)候，一定會(huì)注意到自由女神手中牢牢握住的《獨(dú)立宣言》。在學(xué)完這節(jié)課之后，我們對(duì)《獨(dú)立宣言》又懷有何種感想呢？

【作者簡(jiǎn)介】梁爽，女，中學(xué)一級(jí)教師，北京市第七中學(xué)歷史教師，主要從事歷史教學(xué)研究。

【責(zé)任編輯：王雅貞】

第五篇：英文分析美國(guó)獨(dú)立宣言

Commentary on Declaration of Independence

I.Preamble The Declaration of Independence is important because it inspired many revolutionary efforts throughout the world and contributed to Americans' understanding of their values as a new nation.The introduction, called the preamble, to the Declaration of Independence is especially important because it builds connections between philosophical theory and practical politics, expresses the fundamental values of the new American government, and also appeals to other nations to accept the new nation.The introduction relies heavily on the philosophical and political ideas of the Enlightenment period of 18th century Europe, including the ideas of Thomas Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rousseau, and, most particularly, John Locke.Locke believed that humans, by nature, had the right to protection of life, health, liberty and possessions.Jefferson altered this slightly when he claims the unalienable rights include “l(fā)ife, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Locke also strongly opposed the divine right of kings--which held that kings held absolute power because they were placed on their throne by God--and insisted that the people had the right to consent to their government and that the power of law making resides with the people.Jefferson included this theory when he writes “to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Jefferson's declaration helped to put Locke's philosophies into the realm of real-world politics.Many revolutions that occurred after the American Revolution cited Jefferson's Declaration of Independence as justification in overthrowing a corrupt and dictatorial power.The introduction to the Declaration of Independence also is important for the ways it contributed to Americans' understanding of their rights as citizens.Americans continue to believe that the phrase “all men are created equal” is a fundamental “l(fā)aw” in the country.While this phrase was included in the introduction to the declaration, it appears nowhere else in official documents defining rights granted under the U.S.Government.The Declaration of Independence holds no legal authority in our country, yet it continues to be cited as the foundation for American equality.Various groups throughout history have criticized American “equality”, referring to the introduction of the declaration for support.Critics point to Jefferson's contradictory message regarding equality in reference to slavery.Although Jefferson stated that all men are created equal and have the right to liberty, he ran a large plantation and was a slaveholder.Other critics point to the use of the word “men” as excluding women citizens.The 1848 Seneca Falls Convention used Jefferson's format and style to draft The Declaration of Sentiments, a document declaring women's unfair treatment by the U.S.government and by society.Both as a source for debate about equality and as a definition of the ideological foundation of the new nation, the introduction to the Declaration played a crucial role in defining American values and laws.The introduction is also significant because Jefferson insisted on the importance of explaining the rebellious actions of the 13 colonies to the nations and statesmen of the world.The most powerful nations of the world in the 18th century were monarchies.The ideas of Jefferson could serve not only to threaten Great Britain's colonial empire, but the colonial empires of other nations in Europe.Recognizing the importance of maintaining good diplomatic relations with European nations, Jefferson sought to explain the actions of the 13 colonies in rational terms.Anticipating that this document would influence rebellions elsewhere, Jefferson clarified that governments should not be overthrown for trivial causes.Instead, Jefferson explained that only “despotic” or totalitarian governments should be overthrown.II.The list of abuses reflects the colonists' belief that their rights as British Citizens had been slowly eroded ever since the French and Indian War ended in 1763.Although the Declaration does not name the specific legislation passed by Parliament, its listing of the abuses and usurpation effectively covers the history of the King and Parliament's attempts to gain more power and control over the colonies.The list crescendos with the most offensive actions, aimed at total suppression of the colonies, that were put into effect just prior to the signing of the Declaration.Many of the acts that the Declaration criticizes were intended to tighten royal control over the colonies.The history of Parliament's acts unfolded over a period of 13 years during which royal attempts to squash the civil liberties of colonists met with heightened colonial resistance.Beginning with The Proclamation of 1763, Parliament stripped colonists of the right to settle in the land between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River.This meant that although many colonists had given their lives to defend that land from the French, they would not be permitted to reap the benefits.Shortly after the proclamation, Parliament decided that the colonies would help repay the war debts, and enacted laws such as the Sugar Act(1764), the Stamp Tax(1765), the Townshend Acts(1767)and the Tea Act(1773).When the colonists protested against these acts, the King and Parliament responded by further suppressing the rights of colonists.Legislation in 1774 referred to by colonists as the “Intolerable Acts” struck especially hard at the civil rights of the colony of Massachusetts.The Intolerable Acts differed from previous legislation.These acts struck not only at the economic freedom of the colonies, but at their political rights and legislative independence as well.Not only was the port of Boston closed to all trade, but a military governor was also appointed and the people of Massachusetts no longer had the right to elect their representatives, select jurors, or hold town meetings.Additionally, British soldiers accused of crimes would be tried in England, not in the colony, and a new Quartering Act forced colonists in Massachusetts to feed and house British soldiers.The passage of the Intolerable Acts indicated to many colonists, even those not living in Massachusetts, that the King and Parliament were more interested in asserting unconditional control than in preserving the civil liberties of the colonists.The basic principle upon which the Declaration rests is that colonists, as British citizens, believed they were entitled to the rights and privileges granted by the Magna Carta, and the British Bill of Rights of 1689.Among other things, these documents established that the King was not above the law, that the people, represented in parliament, had a right to endorse or reject taxation, and that citizens were entitled to a trial by jury of their peers.Additionally, the Declaration relied on precedent: most British colonies had enjoyed self-rule and had been governed through their own legislative bodies since their founding.By 1774, most of the colonists that had once protested “no taxation without representation” found themselves without any representation whatsoever, neither in Parliament nor in any colonial house of representation.Towards the end of the list of abuses, the Declaration focuses attention on a few specific incidents that demonstrate the King's disregard for colonial life and liberty, the danger of colonists remaining divided on the issue of independence, and the preparations being made by Great Britain for an all-out war.These statements served, in many cases, to convince moderates in the Second Continental Congress to see that reconciliation was not a possibility and to cast their vote in favor of independence.The British attack on colonists and the loss of American lives at the Battles of Lexington and Concord in April of 1775 and the Battle of Bunker Hill in June of 1775 demonstrated the King's “waging war against us” and his disregard for American lives.In December of 1775, Parliament withdrew British military protection from the colonies and enacted a policy of seizure and confiscation of American ships and sailors(“...[King George] has plundered our seas...he has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas...”).This action also left colonists living on the frontier, especially those in Georgia, with no military protection from Native American attacks(“...he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages...”).Furthermore, the heightened tension between colonists and the King began to overflow into hostile relations between those colonists loyal to the king(Tories)and those seeking independence(Whigs).This tension actually erupted into an armed battle between colonists in early 1776 in the Battle at Moore's Creek Bridge(“He has excited domestic insurrections among us...”).It is interesting to note that the Declaration reserved his most scathing language to describe the King's use of mercenaries.Accusing George III's mercenaries of cruelty “scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation, ”the Declaration aims to evoke support from moderates within the colonies by revealing that the British civilization in which they took pride was no more than a cruel and tyrannical monarchy.Interestingly, Jefferson devoted approximately one-fourth of the abuses in his original draft of the Declaration of Independence to the topic of slavery.Jefferson held the King accountable for maintaining and protecting slavery as an institution in the colonies.Not surprisingly, the moderate congress, already fearful of being too radical, removed all references to slavery from the document.It remains a source of historical debate why a slave-owning man like Jefferson would have devoted so much intellectual energy to criticizing slavery and to attempting to remove it from the colonies.III.Between 1763 and 1776, American colonists made many attempts to organize in protest against the acts of Parliament.The Declaration of Independence represents the last in a long chain of declarations that began with the declaration of the Stamp Act Congress of 1765, which stated colonists were entitled to the same rights as Englishmen.This document also affirmed that taxing the colonists without their consent was a violation of their rights as British Citizens and that Parliament had no right to tax colonists.In 1774, after the passage of the Intolerable Acts, these themes would surface again in a document written by the First Continental Congress called the Declaration of Rights and Grievances.This document clarified the Stampt Act Congress declaration by stating only colonial legislatures had the right to tax the colonists.Additionally, this document declared the Intolerable Acts unconstitutional and criticized the King and Parliament for dissolving colonial assemblies, maintaining a standing army in peacetime, and for enforcing heavy taxation.Meeting again as the Second Continental Congress in May of 1775, the delegates understood that things had only worsened between the colonists and the British government.Although fighting had already broken out between minutemen and British troops, many delegates still pressed for a peaceful reconciliation.This congress issued a Declaration of Causes of Taking-up Arms and sent an Olive-Branch Petition to the King to humbly request that he negotiate a peaceful reconciliation.Once again, the King ignored the requests of the colonists and responded instead by sending an additional 20,000 troops to the colonies.Throughout the struggle to assert their rights, colonial leaders understood the importance of maintaining unity between the 13 colonies.Samuel Adams knew that the people would have to be persuaded to view an attack on one colony as an attack on all colonies.To help maintain a unified protest, Samuel Adams organized Committees of Correspondence in 1772 to ensure that colonies could stay informed about new developments regarding the British King and Parliament.This information network proved crucial when the First Continental Congress agreed to boycott trade with Great Britain and to refuse to use British goods until a resolution was reached.During the Second Continental Congress, patriot leaders carefully waited to declare independence until all delegations unanimously supported it.Although the colonies were technically at war with Great Britain for most of the time the congress met, it took them 14 months to write the formal declaration of war.After the rejection of the Olive Branch Petition, the publication of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, and the hiring of German mercenaries, all of which took place in early 1776, the themes stated in earlier declarations were finally put to use to justify separation rather than reconciliation.The Declaration of Independence relied on the content and claims of earlier declarations, but firmly stated that ten years of peaceful political and economic actions had failed to reach the desired effect.Therefore, as concluded in this section, the King and Parliament left the colonists no other choice but to seek separation through military means.IV.The conclusion is important in clarifying the identity of the new nation, as well as defining the powers granted to the new government.Many of the delegates to the Second Continental Convention saw the Declaration of Independence as important because of the message it would send to foreign nations.They were especially concerned with enlisting the military help of the French in their war against Great Britain.They therefore thought it necessary to assert clearly that they had no allegiance or connection to Great Britain.The new nation is not only named in this conclusion as the United States of America, but its authority is defined as well.The conclusion serves to establish the authority of the Second Continental Congress over issues of international affairs, war and peace, and trade.With these powers in hand, the Congress is empowered to run the affairs of government related to the declared war.However, the conclusion is unclear regarding the individual states' responsibilities to each other.The Declaration describes itself as a union of colonies, each of which is a free and independent state.This is problematic because the statement indicates that the colonies are one united whole, while simultaneously stating that each state is free and independent.A few sentences later, the Declaration states that the former colonies, “ as free and independent states,...have full power to levy war,” thereby indicating that each state, individually, has the right to levy war, make peace, etc.This inconsistency would later turn into a debate about the nature of the government of the United States.Was the United States a loose confederation of independent states, each of which could act on behalf of its own interest? Or, was the United States a strong centralized nation in which the powers of the whole were stronger than the powers of each individual state? The Declaration states that the colonists have pledged mutual allegiance, but does that mean the pledge will continue beyond the war effort?

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