第一篇：奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話上的致辭

奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話上的致辭

[ 2010-06-17 15:38 ]

Good morning.It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, “No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.” Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort.Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China.And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.Thank you very much for being here.I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding US Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today.(Applause)Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and —— unlike me ——he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.One hundred years ago ——in the early days of the 20th century —— it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made —— choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.For people everywhere--from Boston to Beijing--the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being? We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.That really must underpin our partnership.That is the responsibility that together we bear.As we look to the future, we can learn from our past —— for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.At that time, the world was much different than it is today.America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate.China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.Our people interact in so many ways.And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off ——because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.Let me name some of those challenges.First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery.The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy —— and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well.That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation—— because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.Together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond.And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia.That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.This is not about singling out any one nation —— it is about the responsibility of all nations.Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year.And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.A balance of terror cannot hold.In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats.The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers —— they come from extremists who would murder innocents;from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others;from diseases that know no borders;and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror.These are the threats of the 21st century.And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game.Progress —— including security ——must be shared.Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation.Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks.Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease.And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict ——and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation.It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate.I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way.This was already noted by our previous speaker.But that only makes dialogue more important ——so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds.And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world.We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people.And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders.These are not things that we seek to impose—— this is who we are.It guides our openness to one another and to the world.China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview.And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America.We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country.My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans.And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic —— ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments.That is how we will narrow our divisions.Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future.Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions;some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China.I take a different view.And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well.I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations;a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity.This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: “A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time.” Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children--to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass;to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey.It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation.I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country.Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.早上好。我很榮幸能歡迎你們前來參加首輪美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話會議。這是對推動兩國建立積極、富有建設(shè)性和全面的關(guān)系至關(guān)重要的一步。胡錦濤主席和我均致力于開展旨在增進(jìn)雙方共同利益的可持續(xù)性對話，對此我感到十分高興。

胡主席和我都認(rèn)為，一個良好的開端對發(fā)展兩國關(guān)系至關(guān)重要。當(dāng)然，作為一名新上任的總統(tǒng)，同時還是一個籃球迷，我從姚明的話中受到了啟發(fā)，他說：“無論你是老隊(duì)員還是新隊(duì)員，你都需要時間與其他隊(duì)員磨合。” 我深信，通過我們此前舉行的富有建設(shè)性的會晤和即將進(jìn)行的對話，我們一定能夠達(dá)到姚明提出的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

我要感謝將共同主持本次對話的美中兩國卓越的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。希拉里?克林頓和蒂姆?蓋特納是我最親密的兩位顧問，他們均有豐富的對華工作經(jīng)驗(yàn)。據(jù)我所知，他們將要面對的是中方能力出眾、責(zé)任心極強(qiáng)的戴秉國國務(wù)委員和王岐山副總理。我對你們今天的出席表示感謝。

我還期待著我們才華橫溢的喬恩?亨茨曼（即洪博培）州長出任美國駐華大使的提名能獲得批準(zhǔn)。他今天也在場。（掌聲）喬恩有著豐富的在亞洲生活和工作經(jīng)驗(yàn)。與我不同的是，他能講一口流利的漢語。碰巧他還是一位共和黨人，曾任麥凱恩參議員競選團(tuán)隊(duì)的共同主席。我認(rèn)為，這反映出喬恩服務(wù)國家的決心以及兩黨對發(fā)展積極且富有成效的美中關(guān)系的廣泛支持。謝謝你，喬恩，感謝你同意擔(dān)當(dāng)這一重任。

今天，我們在一棟曾見證上世紀(jì)歷史的大樓里開會。這里設(shè)有伍德羅?威爾遜總統(tǒng)國家紀(jì)念館。威爾遜在20世紀(jì)初葉當(dāng)選為美國總統(tǒng)，當(dāng)時，美國剛剛開始引領(lǐng)世界。這座大樓以羅納德?里根的名字命名。里根在兩次世界大戰(zhàn)期間長大，并在總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)開創(chuàng)了美國歷史的新紀(jì)元。這座大樓里還陳列著一小塊柏林墻的石頭，柏林墻的拆除結(jié)束了東西德幾十年的分裂，引發(fā)了至今仍左右世界發(fā)展的全球化潮流。

100年前，即20世紀(jì)初葉，很明顯那個時代需要人們做出一些極其重要的抉擇——關(guān)于國界和人權(quán)的選擇。但是，在伍德羅?威爾遜時代，誰也無法預(yù)見歷史變遷能導(dǎo)致柏林墻倒塌，更無法想象這段歷史所特有的沖突與動蕩。無論是波士頓還是北京，對世界各國人民而言，20世紀(jì)是一個取得了重大的進(jìn)步，也為此付出沉重代價的時代。今天，我們眺望新世紀(jì)的地平線。在開展此次對話時，我們有必要對影響未來21世紀(jì)的問題進(jìn)行回顧和反思。是讓當(dāng)前金融危機(jī)之類的事件拖累經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯不前，抑或通過我們之間的合作，創(chuàng)造均衡和可持續(xù)發(fā)展，幫助更多的人擺脫貧困并創(chuàng)造更為普遍的繁榮？是讓對能源的需求導(dǎo)致競爭和氣候變化，抑或通過建立伙伴關(guān)系生產(chǎn)清潔能源來保護(hù)我們的地球？是讓核武器無限制擴(kuò)散，抑或達(dá)成新的共識，把核能僅用于和平目的？是讓極端主義者煽動沖突和分裂的圖謀得逞，抑或團(tuán)結(jié)一致，共保安全？是僅根據(jù)差異來定義不同國家和民族，抑或找到必要的共同點(diǎn)，應(yīng)對共同挑戰(zhàn)并給予每一個人應(yīng)有的尊嚴(yán)？

我們無法確切地預(yù)測未來，但我們可以肯定哪些問題將會決定我們的時代。我們還知道：美中關(guān)系將深刻地影響21世紀(jì)，其重要性不亞于世界上任何一種雙邊關(guān)系，這必定是我們伙伴關(guān)系的基石，亦是我們肩負(fù)的共同責(zé)任。我們應(yīng)以史為鑒，面向未來——?dú)v史告訴我們，互利互敬，合作共盟使兩國受益。在我任職期間，我們將迎來尼克松總統(tǒng)訪華40周年紀(jì)念日。當(dāng)時的世界與今天大不相同。在短短30年間，美國就在東亞打了三場戰(zhàn)爭，而冷戰(zhàn)則陷入僵局。當(dāng)時，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)與世隔絕，大部分中國人生活極端貧困。

當(dāng)時的美中對話是建立在共同對抗蘇聯(lián)的狹隘基礎(chǔ)之上的。今天，美中建立了全面的合作關(guān)系，反映出兩國人民之間的聯(lián)系正不斷加深。迄今為止，美中兩國合作交流的時間比過去彼此疏遠(yuǎn)的時間更長久，且兩國人民交往的形式豐富多彩。我相信，我們有望在當(dāng)代最重要的一些問題上取得穩(wěn)步進(jìn)展。

我的信心源于一個事實(shí)，即美中兩國存在共同利益。如果我們通過合作發(fā)展這些共同利益，兩國人民將從中受益，世界將變得更加美好──只有我們互相合作，才能在當(dāng)今許多迫在眉睫的全球性問題上取得進(jìn)展。

我來列舉一些我們所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)。第一，我們可以在曠日持久的經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇期開展合作，以增進(jìn)雙方的共同利益。當(dāng)前的危機(jī)清楚地表明，各國的內(nèi)部決策會引發(fā)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的連鎖反應(yīng)──不僅在紐約和西雅圖如此，在上海和深圳也是一樣。因此，我們必須繼續(xù)致力于強(qiáng)有力的雙邊和多邊協(xié)作。我們在積極恢復(fù)增長、防止經(jīng)濟(jì)凋敝加劇和保障就業(yè)方面樹立了典范。

展望未來，我們能夠深化合作。我們可以通過增加透明度和改革監(jiān)管體制來提高金融穩(wěn)定性。我們可以開展自由公平的貿(mào)易，力爭達(dá)成目標(biāo)遠(yuǎn)大且照顧到各方利益的多哈回合協(xié)議。我們可以改進(jìn)國際機(jī)制，使包括中國在內(nèi)的發(fā)展中國家能發(fā)揮更大作用，履行更大責(zé)任。而當(dāng)美國人增加儲蓄而中國人增加消費(fèi)時，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長就有了可持續(xù)發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)。因?yàn)橹袊粌H可以從實(shí)質(zhì)性投資和營利性出口中獲益，也可以成為進(jìn)口美國商品的巨大市場。

第二，我們可以通過合作，發(fā)展清潔、安全和繁榮的未來能源，增加共同利益。美中兩國是世界上最大的能源消費(fèi)國，也是最大的溫室氣體排放國。坦率地說，對外國石油依賴日漸加深的狀況不利于任何一方，雙方只有通過合作才能使兩國人民免受氣候變化之災(zāi)。這種共識要求我們做到行動一致。

目前，我們兩國均采取措施，轉(zhuǎn)變能源型經(jīng)濟(jì)。通過共同努力，我們能夠開辟一條低碳復(fù)興之路；能夠擴(kuò)大研發(fā)的合作范圍，推廣清潔高效的能源利用；還能在哥本哈根氣候變化會議以及其他領(lǐng)域攜手合作，打造全球性應(yīng)對機(jī)制。創(chuàng)新能夠增加安全并促進(jìn)繁榮，而推動創(chuàng)新的最佳途徑就是讓市場對新思想、新交流和新能源充分開放。

第三，我們可以通過合作，共同遏制核武器擴(kuò)散，增進(jìn)共同利益。毫無疑問，掌握核武器的國家越多，使用核武器的可能性就越大。恐怖分子謀取核彈或東亞地區(qū)爆發(fā)的核軍備競賽既不符合美國的利益，亦不符合中國的利益。因此，我們必須繼續(xù)加強(qiáng)合作，實(shí)現(xiàn)朝鮮半島無核化，并向朝鮮表明：只有履行義務(wù)，才能走上通往安全和受人尊重的道路。同樣，我們必須聯(lián)合起來，防止伊朗獲取核武器，并敦促其履行國際義務(wù)。這并非是把矛頭指向某一個國家——而是要求所有國家共同承擔(dān)責(zé)任。我們必須共同努力，保障世界各地所有敏感核材料的安全，這將成為于明年舉辦的全球核問題峰會的一個重要議題。我們還必須共同強(qiáng)調(diào)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》，重申其基本觀點(diǎn)：擁有核武器的國家應(yīng)向削減核武器數(shù)量的目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)；沒有核武器的國家不應(yīng)謀取核武器；所有國家都可以和平利用核能。相互威懾的局面不可能長期維持。在21世紀(jì)，只有以強(qiáng)有力的全球性制度為基礎(chǔ)，才能防范世界上最致命武器的威脅。

第四，我們可以在應(yīng)對跨國威脅方面開展合作，增進(jìn)共同利益。我們所面臨的最緊迫的危險不再是來自大國之間的競爭——而是來自濫殺無辜的極端主義分子，來自損人利己的不法商販和盜版商，來自不分國界的疾病疫情，來自滋生動蕩和恐怖的種種苦難和內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。這些都是我們在21世紀(jì)所面臨的威脅。因此，我們絕不能再將各國對強(qiáng)權(quán)的追求視為零和游戲。我們必須追求包括安全在內(nèi)的共同進(jìn)步。

我們可以通過加強(qiáng)我們兩軍之間的聯(lián)系來減少沖突的根源并提供一個合作框架。我們可以通過不間斷的情報共享來挫敗恐怖分子的陰謀，摧毀恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。我們可以通過預(yù)警和協(xié)作來遏制疾病的傳播。我們必須通過遵循堅定不移的外交政策，履行自身職責(zé)，尋求以和平方式解決沖突。作為開端，我們可以繼續(xù)努力結(jié)束達(dá)爾富爾地區(qū)的苦難，促進(jìn)蘇丹的全面和平。

上述所有問題都源于這樣一個事實(shí)：任何一個國家都無法憑一己之力應(yīng)對21世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)，更無法在閉關(guān)自守的情形下有效增進(jìn)發(fā)展自身利益。正是這一基本事實(shí)促使我們展開合作。我并不幻想美中兩國能就所有議題達(dá)成一致，或擁有同樣的世界觀。剛剛那位演講者已經(jīng)闡明了這一點(diǎn)。但這會凸顯對話的重要性——只有通過對話，我們才能加深相互了解，開誠布公地討論我們所關(guān)注的問題。

例如，美國尊重中國在幫助億萬民眾擺脫貧困方面所取得的進(jìn)步。我們尊重歷史悠久和光輝燦爛的中華文明以及中國所取得的舉世矚目的成就。同樣，我們深信各民族的宗教和文化應(yīng)受到尊重與保護(hù)，每一個人都能夠暢所欲言，其中包括中國的少數(shù)民族和少數(shù)派宗教團(tuán)體，當(dāng)然也包括美國的少數(shù)族裔和少數(shù)派宗教團(tuán)體。

在美國，人們對人權(quán)與人類尊嚴(yán)的擁護(hù)根深蒂固。美國是一個由來自世界各地的移民組成的國家。我們保障所有公民的基本權(quán)利，維護(hù)國家統(tǒng)一并努力使我們的合眾國盡善盡美。這些權(quán)利包括言論自由、宗教信仰自由和選舉自由。但我們并不尋求將自己的民族特性強(qiáng)加給別人。它能引導(dǎo)我們對彼此打開心扉，向世界敞開胸懷。

中國以其獨(dú)特的經(jīng)歷形成了自己的世界觀。美國人民了解中國豐富的歷史底蘊(yùn)，因?yàn)樗鼘λ茉焓澜纭⑺茉烀绹龀隽素暙I(xiàn)。我們了解中國人民的聰明才智，因?yàn)樗麄儏⑴c創(chuàng)建了美國這個偉大的國家。我的內(nèi)閣中就有兩位美籍華人。我們知道，擁有13億人口的中國歷史悠久且充滿活力。盡管我們兩國之間存在分歧，但隨著兩國人民日益頻繁的交流，政府間建設(shè)性雙邊關(guān)系的不斷增強(qiáng)，兩國關(guān)系不斷深入，這使美國獲益匪淺。在此基礎(chǔ)上，我們之間的分歧將會縮小。

請允許我直言不諱，我們知道有些人對未來心存警惕。一些中國人認(rèn)為美國會竭力遏制中國的雄心壯志，一些美國人則對中國的崛起表示擔(dān)憂。我對上述看法并不認(rèn)同。我相信胡主席也不會同意他們的觀點(diǎn)。我所相信的未來是——中國是國際社會中強(qiáng)大、繁榮和成功的一員；美中兩國將成為合作伙伴，而這不僅是出于需要，更是機(jī)遇使然。雖然未來無法確定，但是只要我們堅持進(jìn)行像今天這樣即將開始的對話，并依照我們的所見所聞采取行動，我們的目標(biāo)就一定能實(shí)現(xiàn)。

幾千年前，偉大的哲學(xué)家孟子曾說過：“山徑之蹊間，介然用之而成路。為間不用，則茅塞之矣。”我們的任務(wù)就是要開辟一條造福子孫后代的未來之路，防止因彼此缺乏信任或目前不可避免的分歧使這條蹊徑淪為茅塞，永遠(yuǎn)銘記我們攜手走過的旅程。此次對話將有助于確定這一旅程的最終目的地。它代表的是一種承諾，即通過持續(xù)合作而非對抗來塑造我們所在的新世紀(jì)。我期待著能夠在首次訪華期間推進(jìn)雙方合作，加深對中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人、中國人民和中國這一偉大國度的了解。我深信，只要我們攜起手來，就能朝著既定目標(biāo)穩(wěn)步前進(jìn)，履行我們對兩國人民以及我們共同的未來所肩負(fù)的責(zé)任。

第二篇：奧巴馬美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話致辭

奧巴馬美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話致辭

Thank you.Good morning.It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.謝謝各位。早上好。能夠在此歡迎你們前來參加美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話首次會議，我深感榮幸。這是推動兩國積極、建設(shè)性、全面關(guān)系的極其重要的步驟。胡錦濤主席同我一樣致力于為增進(jìn)兩國的共同利益而開展持續(xù)對話，我對此感到高興 President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, “No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.” Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.胡主席和我都認(rèn)為兩國關(guān)系有一個良好的開端很重要。當(dāng)然，作為一位新任總統(tǒng)和籃球迷，我從姚明說過的話中受到啟示，他說：“無論你是新隊(duì)員還是老隊(duì)員，你都需要時間相互適應(yīng)。”通過我們已經(jīng)舉行的建設(shè)性會晤和這項(xiàng)對話，我深信我們能夠達(dá)到姚明提出的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort.Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China.And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.Thank you very much for being here.我來介紹一下將共同主持這一對話的美中兩國卓越的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。希拉里克林頓（Hillary Clinton）和蒂姆蓋特納（Tim Geithner）是與我接觸最密切的顧問中的兩位，他們在與中國合作方面都有非凡的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。我知道他們的對話伙伴王岐山副總理和戴秉國國務(wù)委員也是能力超凡并堅定地致力于對話。

I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S.Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today.Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and--unlike me--he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.我還期待喬恩亨茨曼（Jon Huntsman，中文名洪博培）州長通過確認(rèn)，成為一位出色的美國駐華大使。他今天也在座。喬恩在亞洲有豐富的生活和工作經(jīng)歷，并且，同我不一樣的是，他能說一口流利的中國普通話。他還是一位共和黨人，曾任麥凱恩（McCain）參議員總統(tǒng)競選團(tuán)隊(duì)的共同主席。我認(rèn)為，這反映了喬恩為國效勞的堅定承諾以及兩黨對發(fā)展積極和富有成果的美中關(guān)系的廣泛、一致的支持。謝謝您，喬恩，謝謝您同意擔(dān)任這項(xiàng)職務(wù)。

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.今天，我們在一個見證了上個世紀(jì)歷史的大樓里開會。這里有伍德羅威爾遜（Woodrow Wilson）總統(tǒng)的國家紀(jì)念館。他任職于20世紀(jì)初期，當(dāng)時，美國在世界上剛剛嶄露頭角。這座大樓以羅納德里根（Ronald Reagan）的名字命名。里根在兩次世界大戰(zhàn)期間成年，在他擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)時期，美國政府幫助迎來了一個新的歷史時代。這座大樓里還陳列著象征幾十年對立的柏林墻（Berlin Wall）的一塊磚石，這堵墻的最終拆除引發(fā)了全球化的潮流，這一潮流至今仍在繼續(xù)塑造我們的世界。

One hundred years ago--in the early days of the 20th century--it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made--choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.For people everywhere--from Boston to Beijing--the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.100年前，在20世紀(jì)初期，顯然有兩種極其重要的選擇等待人們?nèi)プ鞒觥P(guān)于國界和人權(quán)的選擇。但是，在伍德羅?威爾遜時代，誰也無法預(yù)見導(dǎo)致柏林那堵墻倒塌的歷史進(jìn)程，也無法想象這段歷史所特有的沖突與動蕩。對從波士頓到北京的世界各地的人們來說，20世紀(jì)是取得巨大進(jìn)步的時代，但為了取得這些進(jìn)步，也付出了巨大的代價。

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being? 今天，我們眺望新世紀(jì)的地平線。在我們啟動這項(xiàng)對話的時候，我們有必要思索將影響21世紀(jì)的那些問題。是讓當(dāng)前的金融危機(jī)及其他事件導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟(jì)增長停步，還是我們通過合作創(chuàng)造平衡而可持續(xù)的增長，幫助更多人擺脫貧困，為世界帶來更大范圍的繁榮？是讓對能源的需求導(dǎo)致競爭和氣候變化，還是我們通過建立伙伴關(guān)系生產(chǎn)清潔能源和保護(hù)我們的地球？是讓核武器無止境擴(kuò)散，還是我們達(dá)成新的共識，把核能僅僅用于和平目的？是讓恐怖分子煽動沖突和分裂的圖謀得逞，還是我們團(tuán)結(jié)一致共保安全？國家和民族是拘泥于差異思維，還是我們能夠找到應(yīng)對共同挑戰(zhàn)所必需的共同點(diǎn)，并給予每一個人應(yīng)有的尊嚴(yán)？

We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.That really must underpin our partnership.That is the responsibility that together we bear.我們無法確定無疑地預(yù)期未來，但我們確知將會影響我們時代的問題。我們還知道：美中關(guān)系將影響二十一世紀(jì)，因此，其重要性不亞于世界上任何一種雙邊關(guān)系。我們的伙伴關(guān)系必須基于這一現(xiàn)實(shí)。這是我們共同承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past--for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.At that time, the world was much different than it is today.America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate.China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.在我們展望未來之時，我們可以借鑒過去——因?yàn)闅v史向我們表明，我們兩國都受益于建立在共同利益和相互尊重基礎(chǔ)之上的接觸。在我任職期間，我們將迎來尼克松總統(tǒng)訪問中國四十周年紀(jì)念日。當(dāng)時，我們所處的是一個與現(xiàn)在大不相同的世界。在短短30年里，美國在東亞就打了三場戰(zhàn)爭，而冷戰(zhàn)則陷于僵局。中國經(jīng)濟(jì)與世隔絕，中國人口的很大一部分生活在赤貧之中。

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.Our people interact in so many ways.And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.當(dāng)時我們的對話建立在一個狹隘的基礎(chǔ)上，即我們各自與蘇聯(lián)展開的競爭。今天，我們享有反映兩國人民之間日益深化的紐帶的全面關(guān)系。迄今為止，我們兩國的交往時間已經(jīng)超過相互隔絕的時間。兩國人民的交往領(lǐng)域不可勝數(shù)。我認(rèn)為，我們已經(jīng)具備條件，將在這個時代所面臨的一些最重要的議題上取得穩(wěn)步進(jìn)展。My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off--because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.我的信心基于一個事實(shí)：即美國和中國有著共同利益。如果我們通過合作來推進(jìn)這些利益，我們的人民將受益，世界也會受益──因?yàn)槲覀兿嗷ズ献鞯哪芰κ窃谠S多最緊迫的全球問題上取得進(jìn)展的先決條件之一。

Let me name some of those challenges.First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery.The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy--and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well.That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.讓我來列舉出其中的一些挑戰(zhàn)。第一，我們能夠?yàn)樵诔志玫慕?jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇中增進(jìn)共同利益展開合作。目前的危機(jī)表明，我們在各自國內(nèi)所作的選擇會引發(fā)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的連鎖反應(yīng)──在紐約和西雅圖如此，在上海和深圳也是如此。因此，我們必須繼續(xù)致力于強(qiáng)有力的雙邊和多邊協(xié)調(diào)。我們通過果斷行動恢復(fù)增長，防止進(jìn)一步衰退，保障人民的工作機(jī)會，發(fā)揮了典范作用。

Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation--because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.未來，我們可以深化這一合作。我們可以通過增進(jìn)透明度和改革監(jiān)管體制來促進(jìn)金融穩(wěn)定。我們可以開展自由和公平的貿(mào)易，尋求達(dá)成宏大而平衡的多哈回合協(xié)議。我們可以改進(jìn)國際機(jī)制，使中國等發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟(jì)體發(fā)揮更大的作用和承擔(dān)更大的責(zé)任。當(dāng)美國人增加儲蓄而中國人增加消費(fèi)時，我們的增長便有了更加可持續(xù)的基礎(chǔ)──因?yàn)檎缰袊靡嬗诰薮笸顿Y和贏利性出口一樣，它也能夠成為美國商品的巨大市場。

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.其次，我們能夠?yàn)樵谇鍧崱踩头睒s的能源未來中增進(jìn)共同利益展開合作。美國和中國是世界上兩個最大的能源消費(fèi)國。我們也是世界上兩個排放溫室氣體最多的國家。坦率地說，我們必須展開合作，否則我們兩國將受制于對外國石油的更大依賴，我們的人民將飽受氣候變化之苦。這是基本常識，它要求我們共同采取行動。

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.Together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and dev

第三篇：奧巴馬致辭美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話

奧巴馬致辭美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話

Thank you.Good morning.It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.謝謝各位。早上好。能夠在此歡迎你們前來參加美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話首次會議，我深感榮幸。這是推動兩國積極、建設(shè)性、全面關(guān)系的極其重要的步驟。胡錦濤主席同我一樣致力于為增進(jìn)兩國的共同利益而開展持續(xù)對話，我對此感到高興。

President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, “No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.” Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.胡主席和我都認(rèn)為兩國關(guān)系有一個良好的開端很重要。當(dāng)然，作為一位新任總統(tǒng)和籃球迷，我從姚明說過的話中受到啟示，他說：“無論你是新隊(duì)員還是老隊(duì)員，你都需要時間相互適應(yīng)。”通過我們已經(jīng)舉行的建設(shè)性會晤和這項(xiàng)對話，我深信我們能夠達(dá)到姚明提出的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort.Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China.And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.Thank you very much for being here.我來介紹一下將共同主持這一對話的美中兩國卓越的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。希拉里?克林頓（Hillary Clinton）和蒂姆?蓋特納（Tim Geithner）是與我接觸最密切的顧問中的兩位，他們在與中國合作方面都有非凡的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。我知道他們的對話伙伴王岐山副總理和戴秉國國務(wù)委員也是能力超凡并堅定地致力于對話。

I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S.Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today.Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and--unlike me--he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.我還期待喬恩?亨茨曼（Jon Huntsman，中文名洪博培）州長通過確認(rèn)，成為一位出色的美國駐華大使。他今天也在座。喬恩在亞洲有豐富的生活和工作經(jīng)歷，并且，同我不一樣的是，他能說一口流利的中國普通話。他還是一位共和黨人，曾任麥凱恩（McCain）參議員總統(tǒng)競選團(tuán)隊(duì)的共同主席。我認(rèn)為，這反映了喬恩為國效勞的堅定承諾以及兩黨對發(fā)展積極和富有成果的美中關(guān)系的廣泛、一致的支持。謝謝您，喬恩，謝謝您同意擔(dān)任這項(xiàng)職務(wù)。

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.今天，我們在一個見證了上個世紀(jì)歷史的大樓里開會。這里有伍德羅?威爾遜（Woodrow Wilson）總統(tǒng)的國家紀(jì)念館。他任職于20世紀(jì)初期，當(dāng)時，美國在世界上剛剛嶄露頭角。這座大樓以羅納德?里根（Ronald Reagan）的名字命名。里根在兩次世界大戰(zhàn)期間成年，在他擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)時期，美國政府幫助迎來了一個新的歷史時代。這座大樓里還陳列著象征幾十年對立的柏林墻（Berlin Wall）的一塊磚石，這堵墻的最終拆除引發(fā)了全球化的潮流，這一潮流至今仍在繼續(xù)塑造我們的世界。

One hundred years ago--in the early days of the 20th century--it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made--choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.For people everywhere--from Boston to Beijing--the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.100年前，在20世紀(jì)初期，顯然有兩種極其重要的選擇等待人們?nèi)プ鞒觥P(guān)于國界和人權(quán)的選擇。但是，在伍德羅?威爾遜時代，誰也無法預(yù)見導(dǎo)致柏林那堵墻倒塌的歷史進(jìn)程，也無法想象這段歷史所特有的沖突與動蕩。對從波士頓到北京的世界各地的人們來說，20世紀(jì)是取得巨大進(jìn)步的時代，但為了取得這些進(jìn)步，也付出了巨大的代價。

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being? 今天，我們眺望新世紀(jì)的地平線。在我們啟動這項(xiàng)對話的時候，我們有必要思索將影響21世紀(jì)的那些問題。是讓當(dāng)前的金融危機(jī)及其他事件導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟(jì)增長停步，還是我們通過合作創(chuàng)造平衡而可持續(xù)的增長，幫助更多人擺脫貧困，為世界帶來更大范圍的繁榮？是讓對能源的需求導(dǎo)致競爭和氣候變化，還是我們通過建立伙伴關(guān)系生產(chǎn)清潔能源和保護(hù)我們的地球？是讓核武器無止境擴(kuò)散，還是我們達(dá)成新的共識，把核能僅僅用于和平目的？是讓恐怖分子煽動沖突和分裂的圖謀得逞，還是我們團(tuán)結(jié)一致共保安全？國家和民族是拘泥于差異思維，還是我們能夠找到應(yīng)對共同挑戰(zhàn)所必需的共同點(diǎn)，并給予每一個人應(yīng)有的尊嚴(yán)？

We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.That really must underpin our partnership.That is the responsibility that together we bear.我們無法確定無疑地預(yù)期未來，但我們確知將會影響我們時代的問題。我們還知道：美中關(guān)系將影響二十一世紀(jì)，因此，其重要性不亞于世界上任何一種雙邊關(guān)系。我們的伙伴關(guān)系必須基于這一現(xiàn)實(shí)。這是我們共同承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past--for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.At that time, the world was much different than it is today.America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate.China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.在我們展望未來之時，我們可以借鑒過去——因?yàn)闅v史向我們表明，我們兩國都受益于建立在共同利益和相互尊重基礎(chǔ)之上的接觸。在我任職期間，我們將迎來尼克松總統(tǒng)訪問中國四十周年紀(jì)念日。當(dāng)時，我們所處的是一個與現(xiàn)在大不相同的世界。在短短30年里，美國在東亞就打了三場戰(zhàn)爭，而冷戰(zhàn)則陷于僵局。中國經(jīng)濟(jì)與世隔絕，中國人口的很大一部分生活在赤貧之中。

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.Our people interact in so many ways.And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.當(dāng)時我們的對話建立在一個狹隘的基礎(chǔ)上，即我們各自與蘇聯(lián)展開的競爭。今天，我們享有反映兩國人民之間日益深化的紐帶的全面關(guān)系。迄今為止，我們兩國的交往時間已經(jīng)超過相互隔絕的時間。兩國人民的交往領(lǐng)域不可勝數(shù)。我認(rèn)為，我們已經(jīng)具備條件，將在這個時代所面臨的一些最重要的議題上取得穩(wěn)步進(jìn)展。

My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off--because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.我的信心基于一個事實(shí)：即美國和中國有著共同利益。如果我們通過合作來推進(jìn)這些利益，我們的人民將受益，世界也會受益──因?yàn)槲覀兿嗷ズ献鞯哪芰κ窃谠S多最緊迫的全球問題上取得進(jìn)展的先決條件之一。

Let me name some of those challenges.First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery.The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy--and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well.That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.讓我來列舉出其中的一些挑戰(zhàn)。第一，我們能夠?yàn)樵诔志玫慕?jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇中增進(jìn)共同利益展開合作。目前的危機(jī)表明，我們在各自國內(nèi)所作的選擇會引發(fā)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的連鎖反應(yīng)──在紐約和西雅圖如此，在上海和深圳也是如此。因此，我們必須繼續(xù)致力于強(qiáng)有力的雙邊和多邊協(xié)調(diào)。我們通過果斷行動恢復(fù)增長，防止進(jìn)一步衰退，保障人民的工作機(jī)會，發(fā)揮了典范作用。Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation--because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.未來，我們可以深化這一合作。我們可以通過增進(jìn)透明度和改革監(jiān)管體制來促進(jìn)金融穩(wěn)定。我們可以開展自由和公平的貿(mào)易，尋求達(dá)成宏大而平衡的多哈回合協(xié)議。我們可以改進(jìn)國際機(jī)制，使中國等發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟(jì)體發(fā)揮更大的作用和承擔(dān)更大的責(zé)任。當(dāng)美國人增加儲蓄而中國人增加消費(fèi)時，我們的增長便有了更加可持續(xù)的基礎(chǔ)──因?yàn)檎缰袊靡嬗诰薮笸顿Y和贏利性出口一樣，它也能夠成為美國商品的巨大市場。

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.其次，我們能夠?yàn)樵谇鍧崱踩头睒s的能源未來中增進(jìn)共同利益展開合作。美國和中國是世界上兩個最大的能源消費(fèi)國。我們也是世界上兩個排放溫室氣體最多的國家。坦率地說，我們必須展開合作，否則我們兩國將受制于對外國石油的更大依賴，我們的人民將飽受氣候變化之苦。這是基本常識，它要求我們共同采取行動。

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.Together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond.And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.我們兩國都在采取措施實(shí)現(xiàn)能源經(jīng)濟(jì)的轉(zhuǎn)型。我們通過共同努力，能夠開辟一條低碳復(fù)蘇的道路；能夠擴(kuò)大研究和開發(fā)的合作范圍，以提倡清潔能源和高效使用能源；還能夠攜手在哥本哈根氣候變化問題會議（Climate Change Conference）及今后其他場合確立一個全球應(yīng)對方案。要為增進(jìn)我們的安全和繁榮推動創(chuàng)新，其最佳途徑是使我們的市場面對新想法、新交流和新能源保持開放。

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia.That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.第三，我們能夠合作促進(jìn)我們在遏制核武器擴(kuò)散方面的共同利益。毫無疑問：掌握核武器的國家越多，使用核武器的可能性就越大。恐怖主義分子謀取核彈，或是東亞地區(qū)爆發(fā)核武競賽，既不符合美國的利益，也不符合中國的利益。正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀儽仨毨^續(xù)合作，實(shí)現(xiàn)朝鮮半島無核化，并向北韓闡明，只要他們履行自己的義務(wù)，便能走上獲得安全和尊重的道路。也正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀儽仨毩鲆恢碌刂浦挂晾手\取核武器，并敦促這個伊斯蘭共和國履行其國際義務(wù)。

This is not about singling out any one nation--it is about the responsibility of all nations.Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year.And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.A balance of terror cannot hold.In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.這并非是把矛頭指向某一個國家——而是要求所有國家承擔(dān)責(zé)任。我們必須共同努力，保障世界各地所有危險核材料的安全，這將是我們明年要舉辦的全球核問題峰會（Global Nuclear Summit）的一個重點(diǎn)議題。我們還必須共同努力強(qiáng)化《核不擴(kuò)散條約》（Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty），重申其基本前提：有核武器的國家應(yīng)向核裁軍的目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)；沒有核武器的國家不應(yīng)謀取武器；所有國家都應(yīng)有和平利用核能的途徑。相互威懾的局面不可能長期維持。在21世紀(jì)，只有以一個強(qiáng)大的、全球性的制度為基礎(chǔ)，才能防范世界上最具殺傷力的武器。

And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats.The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers--they come from extremists who would murder innocents;from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others;from diseases that know no borders;and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror.These are the threats of the 21st century.And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game.Progress--including security--must be shared.第四，我們能夠合作增進(jìn)我們在應(yīng)對跨國威脅方面的共同利益。我們所面臨的最緊迫的威脅不再是大國之間的競爭——而是來自濫殺無辜的極端主義分子；來自為了牟取暴利不惜危害他人的販運(yùn)分子和海盜；來自不識疆界的疾病疫情；來自滋生動蕩和恐怖的壓迫和內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。這些都是21世紀(jì)所面臨的威脅。因此，各國增強(qiáng)國力的追求絕不能再被視為一場零和游戲。進(jìn)步——包括安全在內(nèi)——必須共享。

Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation.Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks.Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease.And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict--and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.通過我們兩軍間已經(jīng)增強(qiáng)的聯(lián)系，我們能夠減少造成爭端的因素，同時提供一個合作框架。通過繼續(xù)進(jìn)行情報交換，我們能夠挫敗恐怖主義分子的陰謀，并搗毀恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。通過早期預(yù)警和協(xié)作，我們能夠遏制疾病的傳播。通過堅定的外交努力，我們必須履行爭取以和平方式解決沖突的責(zé)任——首先可以通過再次努力結(jié)束達(dá)爾富爾地區(qū)的困苦，并促使蘇丹實(shí)現(xiàn)全面和平。

All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation.It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate.I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way.This was already noted by our previous speaker.But that only makes dialogue more important--so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.上述所有問題都基于這樣一個事實(shí)：沒有任何一個國家能夠單獨(dú)應(yīng)對21世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)，也沒有任何一個國家能在閉關(guān)自守的情況下有效地增進(jìn)自身利益。正是這個根本事實(shí)促使我們展開合作。我不會不切實(shí)際地以為美國和中國能就所有議題達(dá)成一致，或以同樣的方式看待這個世界。前面幾位講話的人士已經(jīng)闡明了這一點(diǎn)。但這只會增強(qiáng)對話的重要性——以使我們加深相互了解，開誠?公地討論我們關(guān)切的問題。

For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds.And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.例如，美國對于中國幫助億萬人民擺脫貧困所取得的進(jìn)展表示欽佩。正如我們尊重中國古老與輝煌的文化及其杰出成就，我們同時也深信各民族的宗教和文化應(yīng)受到尊重與保護(hù)，所有的人都應(yīng)該能自由地表達(dá)他們的想法，這包括中國的少數(shù)民族和少數(shù)派宗教人士，當(dāng)然也包括美國的少數(shù)民族和少數(shù)派宗教人士。

Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world.We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people.And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders.These are not things that we seek to impose--this is who we are.It guides our openness to one another and to the world.對人權(quán)與人類尊嚴(yán)的支持在美國根深蒂固。我們的國家是由來自世界各地的移民所組成。我們通過把基本權(quán)利擴(kuò)大至全體美國人保護(hù)了我們的團(tuán)結(jié)，并力爭使我們的合眾國盡善盡美。這些權(quán)利包括表達(dá)意見、信奉神明、選擇領(lǐng)袖的自由。這些不是我們謀求強(qiáng)加給人的東西，而是我們自己的民族特性。這是指導(dǎo)我們彼此之間和向全世界開誠布公的行為準(zhǔn)則。

China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview.And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America.We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country.My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans.And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic--ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments.That is how we will narrow our divisions.中國形成自己的世界觀也有其獨(dú)特的經(jīng)歷。美國人了解中國歷史的豐富底蘊(yùn)，因?yàn)樗鼘κ澜缫矊γ绹a(chǎn)生了影響。我們了解中國人民的才能，因?yàn)樗麄儙椭鷦?chuàng)建了美國這個偉大的國家。我本人的內(nèi)閣中就有兩位華裔美國人。我們知道，盡管我們之間有分歧，但通過加深與一個有13億人口、既古老又有活力的國家之間的聯(lián)系，美國將受益匪淺。這些聯(lián)系能夠通過加強(qiáng)兩國人民之間的交流及兩國政府之間建設(shè)性的雙邊關(guān)系得到鞏固。這就是我們賴以減少分歧的方式。

Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future.Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions;some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China.I take a different view.And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well.I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations;a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity.This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.請允許我直言不諱：我們知道有些人對未來小心翼翼。中國的有些人認(rèn)為美國將試圖遏制中國的雄心壯志；美國的有些人則認(rèn)為一個崛起的中國有些可怕。我有不同的看法。我相信胡主席也有不同的看法。我所相信的未來是：中國是國際社會強(qiáng)大、繁榮和成功的一員；屆時我們的國家將不僅是出于需要而且也是出于尋求機(jī)遇成為合作的伙伴。未來并非一定如此，但是，如果我們堅持進(jìn)行像今天即將開始的對話，并基于我們聽到和學(xué)到的內(nèi)容行事，這應(yīng)當(dāng)是一個能夠達(dá)到的目標(biāo)。

Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: “A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time.” Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children--to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass;to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.數(shù)千年前，偉大的哲學(xué)家孟子曾經(jīng)說過：“山徑之蹊間，介然用之而成路，為間不用，則茅塞之矣。”我們的任務(wù)是要開辟出一條造福子孫后代的通向未來的道路，防止缺乏信任或不可避免的一時分歧使這條道路被雜草堵塞，要隨時想到我們正在共同完成的旅程。

This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey.It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation.I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country.Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.這項(xiàng)對話將有助于確定該旅程的最終目的地。它展示了我們通過持久合作——而并非對抗——來定格新世紀(jì)的承諾。我期待著在首次訪問中國時進(jìn)一步推動這項(xiàng)努力，我希望更好地了解你們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人、你們的人民和你們偉大的國家。我深信，只要我們攜起手來，就能沿著進(jìn)步的方向穩(wěn)步向前，履行我們對我們的人民和我們共同的未來所承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。

Thank you very much.多謝各位。

第四篇：奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話上的致辭[范文模版]

奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話上的致辭

Good morning.It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, “No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.” Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort.Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China.And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.Thank you very much for being here.I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding US Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today.(Applause)Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and —— unlike me ——he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.One hundred years ago ——in the early days of the 20th century —— it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made —— choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.For people everywhere--from Boston to Beijing--the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being? We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.That really must underpin our partnership.That is the responsibility that together we bear.As we look to the future, we can learn from our past —— for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.At that time, the world was much different than it is today.America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate.China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.Our people interact in so many ways.And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off ——because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.Let me name some of those challenges.First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery.The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy —— and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well.That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation—— because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.Together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond.And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia.That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.This is not about singling out any one nation —— it is about the responsibility of all nations.Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year.And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.A balance of terror cannot hold.In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats.The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers —— they come from extremists who would murder innocents;from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others;from diseases that know no borders;and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror.These are the threats of the 21st century.And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game.Progress —— including security ——must be shared.Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation.Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks.Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease.And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict ——and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation.It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate.I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way.This was already noted by our previous speaker.But that only makes dialogue more important ——so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds.And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world.We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people.And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders.These are not things that we seek to impose—— this is who we are.It guides our openness to one another and to the world.China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview.And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America.We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country.My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans.And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic —— ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments.That is how we will narrow our divisions.Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future.Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions;some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China.I take a different view.And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well.I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations;a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity.This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: “A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time.” Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children--to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass;to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey.It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation.I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country.Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

第五篇：奧巴馬在美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話上的致辭全文

The prepared remarks of President Barack Obama on economic and strategic relations between the U.S.and China

Good morning.It's an honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue between the United States and China.This is an essential step forward in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries.I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.Of course, as a new President and as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said 'No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.' Well, through the constructive meetings that we have already had, and through this dialogue, I am confident that we will meet Yao's standard.I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will Co-Chair this effort.Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they both have extraordinary experience working with China.I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.早上好。很榮幸在此歡迎你參加首輪美中戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話。這是推動“積極的、有建設(shè)性的和全面的”美中關(guān)系的重要步驟。我很高興地看到，胡錦濤主席同我一樣都致力于通過持續(xù)的對話加強(qiáng)我們的共同利益。

胡錦濤向首輪中美戰(zhàn)略與經(jīng)濟(jì)對話開幕式致辭胡錦濤主席和我都認(rèn)為，讓美中關(guān)系有個好的開始至關(guān)重要。當(dāng)然，作為一名新總統(tǒng)，同時又是一個籃球迷，我想借用中國籃球明星姚明的一句話說：無論是新隊(duì)員也好，還是老隊(duì)員也好，都需要時間互相磨合。通過我們已經(jīng)進(jìn)行的建設(shè)性會談，以及這次對話，我相信我們能夠達(dá)到姚明的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

在這里，我要感謝將共同主持此次會議的美國和中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。希拉里?克林頓(Hillary Clinton)和蒂姆?蓋特納(Tim Geithner)是我最親近的兩位顧問，他們在對華關(guān)系方面都擁有極其豐富的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。我知道他們將要面對的是中方能力非凡、責(zé)任心極強(qiáng)的國務(wù)委員戴秉國先生和國務(wù)院副總理王岐山先生。

I also look forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S.Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman.Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and unlike me he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese.He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign.I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging.It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.One hundred years ago in the early days of the 20th century it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings.But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between.For people everywhere from Boston to Beijing the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.我還期待著才華出眾的美國駐華大使、州長洪博培(Jon Huntsman)的提名獲得確認(rèn)。洪博培具有在亞洲生活和工作的豐富經(jīng)歷，而且不像我，他能說一口流利的漢語普通話。他也碰巧是曾負(fù)責(zé)參議員麥凱恩(McCain)競選的共和黨人。我認(rèn)為這顯示了洪博培為祖國效力的責(zé)任感，以及兩黨對美中建立富有成果的積極關(guān)系的廣泛支持。

今天，我們是在一座體現(xiàn)上世紀(jì)歷史的建筑中舉行會議。這座建筑里有一個紀(jì)念美國伍德羅?威爾遜(Woodrow Wilson)總統(tǒng)的中心，當(dāng)他擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)時，20世紀(jì)才開始不久，美國在世界的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位還剛剛顯現(xiàn)。這座建筑以羅納德?里根(Ronald Reagan)命名，里根是在兩次世界大戰(zhàn)期間長大成人，他的總統(tǒng)任期推動了新的歷史時代的到來。大廈里有一塊柏林墻上的磚，它見證了幾十年來象征分裂的柏林墻最終的倒塌，放開了仍在繼續(xù)改變我們世界的全球化浪潮。

在100年前，也就是20世紀(jì)初的那些日子里，顯然有重大的選擇需要做出，這些抉擇有關(guān)國家邊界和人類的權(quán)力。但在威爾遜時期，沒有人能預(yù)見到歷史的變遷能夠?qū)е掳亓值囊坏缐Φ牡顾麄円矡o從想象其間那些年里的沖突劇變。無論是波士頓還是北京，對各地的人來說，20世紀(jì)都是一個取得偉大進(jìn)步的時代，但這種進(jìn)步也伴隨著巨大的代價。

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century.And as we launch this dialogue, it is important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century.Will growth be stalled by events like our current crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes?

Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find the common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?

We cannot predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.And we also know this: the relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.That reality must underpin our partnership.That is the responsibility we bear.As we look to the future, we can learn from our past for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect.During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China.At that time, the world was much different than it is today.America had fought three wars in East Asia in just thirty years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate.China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.今天，我們展望一個新世紀(jì)的地平線。在我們啟動這次對話時，我們需要思考一下那些將塑造21世紀(jì)的問題。與目前的危機(jī)類似的情況會讓經(jīng)濟(jì)增長陷入停滯嗎？我們會通過合作創(chuàng)造出平衡和可持續(xù)的增長，讓更多人擺脫貧困并創(chuàng)造更普遍的繁榮嗎？對能源的需求是會帶來競爭和氣候變化，還是我們會發(fā)展合作關(guān)系，來生產(chǎn)清潔能源保護(hù)我們的地球？我們是讓核武器毫無節(jié)制地擴(kuò)散，還是達(dá)成新的共識，只將核能用于和平目的？極端分子會挑起沖突和分裂嗎？還是我們?yōu)榱斯餐陌踩鴪F(tuán)結(jié)一致？國家和人民會完全按照彼此間的分歧而定義自己？還是我們能夠找到必要的共同點(diǎn)，迎接我們共同的挑戰(zhàn)，并尊重每個人的尊嚴(yán)？

我們不能確切地預(yù)測到未來將會如何，但我們能夠確定的是哪些問題將決定我們的時代。我們也都知道：美國與中國的關(guān)系將塑造21世紀(jì)，它的重要性不遜于世界上的任何雙邊關(guān)系。這一現(xiàn)實(shí)必須支撐我們的合作伙伴關(guān)系。這是我們擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任。

面向未來，我們可以從過去學(xué)到很多，歷史讓我們看到，我們兩國都從基于共同利益和相互尊重的交往中受益頗豐。在我的任期內(nèi)，我們將紀(jì)念尼克松總統(tǒng)訪華40周年。當(dāng)時的世界與今天有很大的不同。美國在短短30年的時間里就在東亞打了三場戰(zhàn)爭，冷戰(zhàn)陷入了僵局。中國經(jīng)濟(jì)被隔離于世界之外，很大一部分中國人生活在極其貧窮的狀態(tài)中。

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people.Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged.Our people interact in so many ways.And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests.If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit, and the world will be better off because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a lasting economic recovery.The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy and this is true not just of New York and Seattle, but Shanghai and Shenzhen as well.That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination.And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, prevent a deeper recession and save jobs for our people.當(dāng)時，指引中美間對話的力量僅僅是兩國與蘇聯(lián)都存在對抗關(guān)系。今天，美中建立了全面關(guān)系，反映出兩國人民之間不斷加深的聯(lián)系。美中兩國現(xiàn)在相互聯(lián)系的時間比過去疏遠(yuǎn)的時間還要長。兩國人民以各種各樣的方式進(jìn)行交流。我相信，我們有望在這個時代最重要的一些問題上取得穩(wěn)步進(jìn)展。

我的信心植根于美中兩國有著共同利益這一事實(shí)。如果雙方通過合作推進(jìn)這些共同利益，兩國人民將會受益，世界將變得更美好──這是因?yàn)槲覀兿嗷ズ献鞯哪芰κ窃诤芏嘧顬榫o迫的全球挑戰(zhàn)上取得進(jìn)展的前提條件。

首先，我們可以合作在一場持久的經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇中發(fā)展雙方的共同利益。目前這場危機(jī)明確顯示出，各國在國內(nèi)做出的決定會在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中造成影響。不僅在紐約和西雅圖如此，在上海和深圳也是如此。正因?yàn)檫@樣，我們必須繼續(xù)致力于強(qiáng)有力的雙邊和多邊協(xié)作。通過采取積極措施恢復(fù)增長、防止衰退加深、挽救民眾的就業(yè)崗位，我們樹立了這樣一個榜樣。

Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement.We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation-because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future.The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world.We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world.Let's be frank: neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate.Common sense calls upon us to act.Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.Together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond.And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.展望未來，我們可以深化合作。我們可以通過增加透明度和進(jìn)行監(jiān)管改革，提高金融穩(wěn)定性。我們可以尋求自由公平的貿(mào)易，尋求達(dá)成一份雄心勃勃而又均衡的多哈回合協(xié)議。我們可以改革國際機(jī)構(gòu)，以便中國等發(fā)展中國家能發(fā)揮與自己更大的責(zé)任相稱的更大作用。此外，隨著美國人更多地儲蓄，中國人更多地消費(fèi)，我們就能將增長建立在一個更加可持續(xù)的基礎(chǔ)上──因?yàn)檎缰袊鴱拇笠?guī)模投資和利潤可觀的出口獲益了一樣，中國也能成為美國商品的一個巨大市場。

其次，我們可以合作發(fā)展有關(guān)一個清潔、安全和繁榮的能源未來上的共同利益。美國和中國是世界上最大的兩個能源消費(fèi)國，也是最大的溫室氣體排放國。讓我們坦白地承認(rèn)：兩國都不會從對進(jìn)口石油依賴加重中獲益，除非我們進(jìn)行合作，否則兩國也無法使本國人民免遭氣候變化的災(zāi)難。常識要求我們行動起來。

兩國都在采取措施，轉(zhuǎn)變本國的能源經(jīng)濟(jì)。我們可以攜手計劃一場低碳排放的復(fù)蘇；我們可以擴(kuò)大研發(fā)上的共同努力，推廣清潔有效的能源利用，我們可以一起努力在丹麥哥本哈根舉行的氣候變化大會等國際論壇上制定一種全球性的應(yīng)對方法。培養(yǎng)創(chuàng)新，進(jìn)而增加我們的安全與繁榮的最佳途徑是，保持市場對新觀點(diǎn)、新交流和新能源的開發(fā)。

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.Make no mistake: the more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia.That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.This is not about singling out any one nation it is about the responsibility of all nations.Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year.And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.A balance of terror cannot hold.In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.再次，我們可以合作推進(jìn)在反核武器擴(kuò)散上的共同利益。要清楚：越多的國家擁有核武器，這種武器越有可能被使用。無論是美國還是中國都不希望一個恐怖分子獲取炸彈、或是在東亞爆發(fā)核軍備競賽。正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀儽仨毨^續(xù)合作以實(shí)現(xiàn)朝鮮半島的無核化，并向朝鮮明確表明，如果朝鮮履行自己的義務(wù)，就可以走上通往安全和尊重的道路。也正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀冞€必須聯(lián)合起來防止伊朗獲得核武器，并敦促其兌現(xiàn)自己的國際承諾。

這并不是針對任何一個具體的國家，而是所有國家的責(zé)任。我們必須合作確保全球各地所有易受攻擊的核材料的安全，這也將是明年全球核峰會的一個重點(diǎn)。我們必須攜手加強(qiáng)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》，重申條約的基本觀點(diǎn)：擁有核武器的國家要向無核化邁進(jìn)，沒有核武器的國家將不會獲取核武器；所有的國家都能利用用于和平目的的核能。恐怖平衡站不住腳。在21世紀(jì)，一個強(qiáng)有力的全球性機(jī)制是擺脫世界上最致命武器威脅的唯一基礎(chǔ)。