第一篇:里根在復旦大學的演講
里根在復旦大學的演講(摘 要)
—————————Monday, April 30, 1984 —————————
我們訪問中國才五天,所看到的名勝古跡卻使我們一生難忘。這當中有從太空都能看到的巍峨壯觀的萬里長城;還有古城西安、秦始皇墓和出土兵馬俑大軍。
這些都是歷史上的奇跡。但是,我今天想和你們這所著名學府的年輕人談談未來,談談我們共同的未來,談談我們怎樣才能發揮治學的才智和探索精神來了解彼此的情況,改變人類的生活。
我想略微談談中美之間的教育交流計劃。兩國交換留學生,實際上并不是什么新事物,你們的謝校長曾在美國史密斯學院獲得學位。史密斯學院也是我的夫人南希的母校。謝校長還在麻省理工學院學習過,這是美國最大的一所理工學院。
然而最近幾年以來,兩國交換的留學生人數急劇增加。五年前,中國去國外的留學生還只不過幾百名,而現在中國在全世界的學者和學生已達兩萬多名,其中一半以上到美國學習。現在有一百多家美國大專院校和幾乎同樣多的中國大專院校建立了教育上的交流關系。
美國的“富布賴特獎學金計劃”撥給中國的獎學金,比撥給任何其他國家的都多。在復旦任教的美國教授當中,就有兩位是“富布賴特教授”。還有二十位美國學生也在這里和大家一起學習,我們很為他們自豪。
美國學生在中國學習,有廣闊的天地。他們向中國學習如何監測和預報地震,學習中國在研究癌癥的病因和治療方面是如何取得這么多成就的。中國在神經外科、用草藥治病等方面,有許多東西可供我們學習。我們也非常高興有機會研究中國的語言、歷史和現代社會。
你們也表示很愿意向我們學習--來美國學校學習電子和計算機科學、數學和工程學、物理學、管理學以及人文學科。在這些領域里,我們可以相互學習的地方很多。我們殷切希望從你們的探索精神中獲益。兩國之間相互學習是最近才有的事,很多這類活動只有五年的歷史。但是我們彼此合作的領域還在不斷增加。我們已經商定在貿易、技術、投資以及科學與管理專門知識的交流等方面更密切地合作。此外,我們剛剛還達成了一項重要的協議,通過和平利用核能來促進我們的技術和經濟發展。
我們生活在一個動蕩的世界上,美中兩國都是偉大的國家,對減少戰爭危險都負有特別的責任。我們雙方一致認為,為了使人類寶貴的文明能夠在當代不毀于一旦,只有一種政策是合理的,那就是:永遠不打那種誰也打不贏的核戰爭。不管障礙看來有多大,我們永遠不應放松削減戰爭武器的努力。我們絲毫也不能放松,直到把核武器從地球上徹底銷毀。
只要我們奉行和平合作的方針,就有可能在將來取得巨大的進步。例如,我們期望與中國一起探討是否有可能合作開發太空,這是符合世界人民的利益的。
我們的宇航員發現,在失重的宇宙環境中將能夠生產純度更高、更加有效的藥物,來治療千百萬人的心臟病和中風病。我們將能在軌道上試驗制作“第八因子”,這是一種非常珍貴的稀有藥物,可以治療血友病。我們可以研究Beta細胞,用它來生產胰島素,用它也許能夠根治人類的糖尿病。
我們可以合作發射各種新型衛星,包括用于導航、氣象預報、廣播、電子計算機技術等方面的衛星。我們已經擁有化神奇為現實的技術。我們希望,有那么一天,在復旦研究工程學問題的一個中國科學家,將能夠同美國麻省理工學院的一臺計算機旁的科學家溝通聯系,請他給予協助。同樣,在美國波士頓的一位科學家,也將能夠向上海的一位科學家要求提供專門知識。而這種聯系只需要幾秒鐘的時間就可以接通。
青年朋友們,這就是未來發展的方向。如果我們把才能和資源匯合起來,就能把太空這個尚未開拓的疆域變成一個新的和平疆域。
在自由交流知識方面,中國政府奉行加強對外聯系的政策,這不僅活躍了中國的經濟,而且為促進中美兩國的共同利益開辟了新的渠道。你們已經打開了門戶,我向你們保證,我們的門戶也是敞開著的。
這些新發展,同兩國過去的關系相對照,令人感到特別興奮。兩國關系曾經疏遠了許多年,兩國為此付出了代價。十二年前,情況開始變化,那是在我們共同努力之下促成的變化。在最近這五年里,中國實行的對外開放政策,使我們開始比過去任何時候更加了解對方。
然而這一過程僅僅是個開端。時至今日,仍然有許多美國人覺得中國遠在天涯海角,鮮為人知,令人心馳神往。
我們對中國確實心馳神往。各位可知道,中國已經在許多方面對美國的生活發生了影響。中國的影響,中國的成就,在美國到處可見。
如果我今天下午是在華盛頓,只要向窗外望去,便可以看到一男一女,身穿中國絲綢服裝,在白宮門前的賓夕法尼亞大道上散步。他倆可能正在前往國立人像館去看中國藝術展覽,看完展覽以后,他倆也許會漫步走向國家美術館,去看美籍華裔建筑師貝聿銘為該館設計的新樓。然后他倆可能會去一家中國餐館吃晚飯,以此來結束一天的活動。
我們提到中國就想起朝氣,這是蓬蓬勃勃的朝氣。我們還想起并不總是與朝氣并存的敏銳,這是指洞察事物的敏銳和睿智的頭腦的敏銳。
趙總理在今年一月訪問美國期間,看到了美國對待中國的態度的一些表現。他在訪問了幾天以后說,他“從來沒有料到,美國人民對中國人民懷著這樣深厚的友情。”
我高興地說,我也可以用同樣的贊揚來回贈中國人民。我發現,中國人民對美國人民懷有同樣熱烈和深厚的友情,這使我們感到非常高興。
但是,在今天與大家見面和談話以后,我感到我需要更多地了解中國人民。想來你們也有同感,也想更多地了解美國人民。
我們常把美國稱為“移民之國”,情況確實如此。美國人來自世界上的每一個角落,美國有世界上的每一個種族,每一種宗教,而且各種族、各宗教的人數不是很少,而是很多。
新來的移民不斷給美國帶來新東西,這是一種傳統,它一直延續至今。今天,外國移民仍然不斷前來美國,不斷把他們的才智帶到美國來,不斷提高著美國人民的生活水平。下面讓我介紹其中的幾位,大家一定會知道他們的名字。
王安公司的電子計算機,現在已成為美國各地辦公室里的必備之物。這些計算機是王安先生的天才和心血培育出來的,而王安先生本人是上海的一所大學培養出來的。貝聿銘先生設計的建筑,為美國的城市面貌增添了光彩。貝聿銘先生對建筑藝術的興趣,是他在上海讀書時就產生的。榮獲諾貝爾獎金的科學家李政道博士,豐富了我們對宇宙、對物質的基本特性的認識。他是在上海出生的。
我們贊賞這些人,尊敬這些人。你們為使他們成材作出了貢獻,我們也要向你們致敬。
我們深信這句名言:“人人生而平等,他們享有造物者賦予的若干不可剝奪的權利: 生命的權利、自由的權利和追求幸福的權利。”這就是我們的信念,每一個美國人都能背誦這句名言。散會以后,你們可以把這里的任何一位美國學生或教員拉到一旁,問問他能不能背誦這句出自美國建國文獻《獨立宣言》的名言。
美國人民熱愛自由,也愿意為維護別人的自由而戰斗,而獻身。四十年前,法西斯軍隊席卷歐洲大陸,美國人民挺身而出,投放戰斗,為保衛受侵略的國家作出了重大犧牲。
法西斯軍隊席卷亞洲的時候,我們和你們并肩抗敵。在座的有些人會記得那時的情況,會記得美國的杜立德將軍率領轟炸機隊,飛越半個地球前來助戰的事跡。有些飛行員在中國上空機毀人傷,你們還記得那些勇敢的小伙子吧?你們把它們藏起來,照料他們,給他們包扎傷口,你們救了他們很多人的命。
美國人民是樂觀的人民。象中國一樣,美國繼承了幅員遼闊的國土,有一望無際的叢山峻嶺,沃土良田和無邊草原。遼闊的國土使我們能用積極的眼光去看待一切事物,使我們充滿希望。
我們歡迎你們多多了解我們,人民之間的友誼就是這樣開始的,而人民之間的友誼,是政府之間的友誼的基礎。
美中兩國政府之間的沉默狀態已告結束。過去的十二年里,兩國人民重新相識。現在我們的關系日益成熟,正是為持久友誼奠定基礎的時候了。
我們大家都很清楚,有許多因素自然而然地使我們之間產生距離。例如時間和空間、不同的語言和價值觀念、不同的文化和歷史、截然不同的政治制度。不承認這些差別是愚蠢的,為了友誼而掩蓋真相也毫無意義,因為向壁虛構的友誼經受不住這個世界的嚴峻考驗。
但是我們暫時可以把那些描寫我們的差別的字眼撇在一旁,想一想我們之間的共同點。我們是兩個偉大的國家,分處在地球的兩邊。兩國都是朝氣蓬勃、力量強大的國家。你們是世界上人口最多的國家,我們是世界上技術最發達的國家。兩國都在地球上自己的一邊發揮著特殊的作用。
美中兩國都擁有大量的人力資源和人才。只要我們通力合作,什么樣的奇跡都能創造出來!
十二年來,美中兩國領導人曾就一系列問題多次舉行過會談。我們常常達成一致意見,即使不能達成一致意見,我們也能加深對彼此的認識,理解對方對世界事務的看法。
這種進程會繼續下去。我們既不要忽視雙方之間的問題,也不要夸大這些問題。我希望,當人們回顧歷史上兩國關系這一新篇章時,將不會忘記今天的情景: 美國和中國為加強我們之間的紐帶,為兩國人民享有更高度的繁榮而合作,為爭取世界更可靠和公正的和平,曾接受過時代的挑戰。
復旦大學的學生,中國和美國所有大學的學者,肩負著兩國未來的重任。今后幾十年里,世界將需要你們這些人相互諒解,發揮才能。今天的領袖可以為未來鋪平道路,這是我們的責任。但是未來終歸要由年青的一代來創造。至于個人之間的持久友誼能不能彌合上下輩之間、國與國之間的分歧,就取決于你們了。世界的希望,就寄托在這種友誼上。
周恩來年輕的時候曾為一位準備出洋留學的同窗寫過一首送別詩。他很欽佩他的同學爭挑重任,負笈遠行。但是他也十分珍惜他們之間的崇高友情。詩的結尾是這樣寫的:“險夷不變應嘗膽,道義爭擔敢息肩。待得歸農功滿日,它年預卜買鄰錢。”讓我們象近鄰一樣生活在一起吧。
有機會在這里向大家講話,在這個對兩國都富有重要意義的城市同大家見面,我感到十分高興。上海是一個學術之城,一個知識之城。上海歷來是你們通向西方之窗,也是我們兩國發表公報、始建新友誼的地方。長江波浪滾滾,是世界的大河之一,它經上海流入東海,東海同太平洋匯合,太平洋的波濤洶涌,直達美國西海岸。
青年朋友們,歷史是一條長河,它用波浪裹挾著我們。但是我們可以駕船航行,選擇方向,同舟共濟。風高潮急,一次富有成果的長途航行的機會正在等待著我們。我們已經作出了選擇。我們將繼續我們新的旅程,但愿我們一路順風,永遠生活在友誼與和平之中。
Remarks at Fudan University in Shanghai, China April 30, 1984
We've been in your country only 5 days, but already we've seen the wonders of a lifetime--the Great Wall of China, a structure so huge and marvelous that it can be seen from space;the ancient city of Xi'an;and the Tomb of the Great Emperor and the buried army that guards him still.These are the wonders of ages past.But today I want to talk to you, the young people of a great university, about the future, about our future together and how we can transform human life on this planet if we bring as much wisdom and curiosity to each other as we bring to our scholarly pursuits.I want to begin, though, with some greetings.I bring you greetings not only from my countrymen but from one of your countrymen.Some of you know Ye Yang, who was a student here.He graduated from Fudan and became a teacher of English at this university.Now he is at Harvard University in the United States, where he is studying for a doctorate in comparative literature.My staff spoke to him before we left.Mr.Ye wants you to know he's doing fine.He's working hard on his spring term papers, and his thoughts turn to you often.He asked me to deliver a message to his former students, colleagues, friends, and family.He asked me to say for him, and I hope I can, ``Wo xiang nian da jia'' [I am thinking of all of you].He wants you to know that he looks forward to returning to Fudan to teach.And President Xie, he said to tell you he misses your friendship and encouragement.And Mr.Ye says you are a very great woman and a great educator.You will be proud to know that he received straight A's last term.And when we congratulated him, he said, ``I have nothing to be proud of myself;I am so proud of my university.''
I'd like to say a few words about our China-U.S.educational exchange programs.It's not entirely new, this exchanging of students.Your President Xie earned a degree from Smith College in the United States.Smith is also my wife Nancy's alma mater.And President Xie also attended MIT, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of our greatest universities of science, engineering, and technology.But in the past few years, our two countries have enjoyed an explosion in the number of student exchanges.Five years ago you numbered your students studying abroad in the hundreds.Since then, 20,000 Chinese scholars have studied throughout the world, and more than half of them have come to American schools.More than 100 American colleges and universities now have educational exchanges with nearly as many Chinese institutions.We have committed more resources to our Fulbright program in China than in any other country.Two of the American professors teaching here at Fudan are Fulbright professors.And there are 20 American students studying with you, and we're very proud of them.American students come to China to learn many things--how you monitor and predict earthquakes, how you've made such strides in researching the cause and treatment of cancer.We have much to learn from you in neurosurgery and in your use of herbs in medicine.And we welcome the chance to study your language, your history, and your society.You, in turn, have shown that you're eager to learn, to come to American schools and study electronics and computer sciences, math and engineering, physics, management, and the humanities.We have much to share in these fields, and we're eager to benefit from your curiosity.Much of this sharing is recent, only 5 years old.But the areas of our mutual cooperation continue to expand.We've already agreed to cooperate more closely in trade, technology, investment, and exchanges of scientific and managerial expertise.And we have just concluded an important agreement to help advance our technological and economic development through the peaceful use of nuclear energy.That term ``peaceful use of nuclear energy'' is key.Our agreement rests upon important principles of nonproliferation.Neither of our countries will encourage nuclear proliferation nor assist any other country to acquire or develop any nuclear explosive device.We live in a troubled world, and the United States and China, as two great nations, share a special responsibility to help reduce the risks of war.We both agree that there can be only one sane policy to preserve our precious civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.And no matter how great the obstacles may seem, we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons of war.We must never stop at all until we see the day when nuclear arms have been banished from the face of this Earth.With peaceful cooperation as our guide, the possibilities for future progress are great.For example, we look forward to exploring with China the possibilities of cooperating in the development of space on behalf of our fellow citizens.Our astronauts have found that by working in the zero gravity environment of space, we will be able to manufacture life-saving medicines with far greater purity and efficiency, medicines that will treat diseases of heart attack and stroke that afflict millions of us.We will learn how to manufacture Factor 8, a rare and expensive medicine used to treat hemophiliacs.We can research the Beta Cell, which produces insulin, and which could provide mankind's first permanent cure for diabetes.New satellites can be launched for use in navigation, weather forecasting, broadcasting, and computer technology.We already have the technology to make the extraordinary commonplace.We hope to see the day when a Chinese scientist working out an engineering problem in Fudan will be able to hook into the help of a scientist at a computer at MIT.And the scientist in Boston will be able to call on the expertise of the scientist in Shanghai, and all of it in a matter of seconds.My young friends, this is the way of the future.By pooling our talents and resources, we can make space a new frontier of peace.Your government's policy of forging closer ties in the free exchange of knowledge has not only enlivened your economy, it has opened the way to a new convergence of Chinese and American interests.You have opened the door, and let me assure you that ours is also open.Now, all of this is particularly exciting in light of the recent history of our two countries.For many years, there was no closeness between us.The silence took its toll.A dozen years ago, it began to change.Together, we made it change.And now in the past 5 years, your policy of opening to the outside world has helped us begin to know each other better than we ever had before.But that process has just begun.To many Americans, China is still a faraway place, unknown, unseen, and fascinating.And we are fascinated.[Laughter]
I wonder if you're aware of the many ways China has touched American life? The signs of your influence and success abound.If I were spending this afternoon in Washington, I might look out the window and see a man and woman strolling along
Pennsylvania Avenue
wearing Chinese silk.They might be on their way to our National Portrait Gallery to see the Chinese art exhibit.And from there, perhaps they would stroll to our National Gallery to see the new building designed by the Chinese American architect, I.M.Pei.After that, they might end their day dining in a restaurant that serves Chinese cuisine.[Laughter]
We associate China with vitality, enormous vitality, and something that doesn't always go along with that--subtlety, the subtlety of discerning and intelligent minds.Premier Zhao saw something of the American attitude toward China when he visited us in January.He said after a few days in our country that he never expected such profound feelings of friendship among the American people for the Chinese people.Well, let me say, I'm happy to return the compliment.I have found the people of China to be just as warm and friendly toward us, and it's made us very glad.But meeting you and talking to you has only made me want to know more.And I sense that you feel the same way about Americans.You, too, wish to know more.The silence between our governments has ended.In the past 12 years, our people have become reacquainted, and now our relationship is maturing.And we're at the point where we can build the basis for a lasting friendship.Now, you know, as I do, that there's much that naturally divides us: time and space, different languages and values, different cultures and histories, and political systems that are fundamentally different.It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences.There's no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, for a friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors of this world.But let us, for a moment, put aside the words that name our differences and think what we have in common.We are two great and huge nations on opposite sides of the globe.We are both countries of great vitality and strength.You are the most populous country on Earth;we are the most technologically developed.Each of us holds a special weight in our respective sides of the world.There exists between us a kind of equipoise.Those of you who are engineering students will perhaps appreciate that term.It speaks of a fine and special balance.Already there are some political concerns that align us, and there are some important questions on which we both agree.Both the United States and China oppose the brutal and illegal occupation of Kampuchea.Both the United States and China have stood together in condemning the evil and unlawful invasion of Afghanistan.Both the United States and China now share a stake in preserving peace on the Korean Peninsula, and we share a stake in preserving peace in this area of the world.Neither of us is an expansionist power.We do not desire your land, nor you ours.We do not challenge your borders.We do not provoke your anxieties.In fact, both the United States and China are forced to arm themselves against those who do.The United States is now undertaking a major strengthening of our defenses.It's an expensive effort, but we make it to protect the peace, knowing that a strong America is a safeguard for the independece and peace of others.Both the United States and China are rich in human resources and human talent.What wonders lie before us if we practice the advice, Tong Li He Zuo--Connect strength, and work together.Over the past 12 years, American and Chinese leaders have met frequently to discuss a host of issues.Often we have found agreement, but even when we have not, we've gained insight into each other, and we've learned to appreciate the other's perspectives on the world.This process will continue, and it will flourish if we remember certain things.We must neither ignore our problems nor overstate them.We must never exaggerate our difficulties or send alarms for small reasons.We must remember that it is a delicate thing to oppose the wishes of a friend, and when we're forced to do so, we must be understanding with each other.I hope that when history looks back upon this new chapter in our relationship, these will be remembered as days when America and China accepted the challenge to strengthen the ties that bind us, to cooperate for greater prosperity among our people, and to strive for a more secure and just peace in the world.You, the students at Fudan University, and the scholars at all the universities in China and America have a great role to play in both our countries' futures.From your ranks will come the understanding and skill the world will require in decades to come.Today's leaders can pave the way of the future.That is our responsibility.But it is always the younger generation who will make the future.It is you who will decide if a continuing, personal friendship can span the generations and the differences that divide us.In such friendship lies the hope of the world.When he was a very young man, Zhou Enlai wrote a poem for a schoolmate who was leaving to study abroad.Zhou appreciated the responsibilities that separated them, but he also remembered fondly the qualities that made them friends.And his poem ends:
Promise, I pray, that someday
When task done, we go back farming,We'll surely rent a plot of ground
And as pairing neighbors, let's live.Well, let us, as pairing neighbors, live.I've been happy to speak to you here, to meet you in this city that is so rich in significance for both our countries.Shanghai is a city of scholarship, a city of learning.Shanghai has been a window to the West.It is a city in which my country and yours issued the communique that began our modern friendship.It is the city where the Yangtze meets the East China Sea, which, itself, becomes the Pacific, which touches our shores.The Yangtze is a swift and turbulent river, one of the great rivers of the world.My young friends, history is a river that may take us as it will.But we have the power to navigate, to choose direction, and make our passage together.The wind is up, the current is swift, and opportunity for a long and fruitful journey awaits us.Generations hence will honor us for having begun the voyage, for moving on together and escaping the fate of the buried armies of Xi'an, the buried warriors who stood for centuries frozen in time, frozen in an unknowing enmity.We have made our choice.Our new journey will continue.And may it always continue in peace and in friendship.Thank you very much.
第二篇:里根總統演講中英文
里根總統就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版
里根總統是個非常擅長演講的人,他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿,完全是即席演講。他的語速和聲音的節奏控制得非常好,聽他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場偉大的演出。
Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們:今天對于我們中間的一些人來說,是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。對于這個國家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求,政府權利正在有序地移交,我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀,很少有人覺得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來,我們這個已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個奇跡。
Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統先生,我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作,展示了這樣一個事實:我們是一個團結一致的民族,這個民族決心捍衛一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助,因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承,這種傳承的連續性恰是我們共和國的支柱。
The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹,它擾亂著我們的經濟決策,使儲蓄的人反而受到懲罰,壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人,也因沉重的稅負而得不到公正的勞動報酬,因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就,使我們無法保持充分的生產力。
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重,但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來,我們的赤字額屢屢上升,我們為圖目前暫時的方便,已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢如果長此以往,必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人,你們和我可以靠借貸過一種入不敷出的生活,然而只能維持一段有限的時期,我們怎么可以認為,作為一個國家整體,我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢?為了明天,我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。
The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經濟弊病,幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失,但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失,是因為我們作為現在的美國人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。
In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當前這場危機中,政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為,社會已經越來越復雜,已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理,而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是,假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己,那么,我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任,我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的,不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。
We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論,然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分,沒有人種之分,沒有民族之分,沒有政黨之分,這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成,他們生產糧食,巡邏街頭,管理廠礦,教育兒童,照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員,總而言之,他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國人民。
Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發展的經濟,為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會。使美國復興,意味著使全體美國人都有工作;制止通貨膨脹,意味著使全體美國人免除對勢如脫韁之馬的生活費用的恐懼。人人都應分擔“新開端”的富有成效的工作,人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對待的精神,有了這些,我們就能建立一個強大繁榮的美國,在國內和全世界都相安無事。
So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復興美國開始邁步之際,先讓我們看看我們的實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟,我們的政府除了人民授予的權力,沒有任何別的權力。現在是制止并扭轉政府機構和權力膨脹的時候了,因為種種跡象表明,這種膨脹已超過人民的意愿。
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.我想要做的是限制聯邦政府的規模和權力,并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。必須提醒我們大家注意:不是聯邦政府創立了各州,而是各州創立了聯邦政府。
Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此,請不要誤解,我不是要取消政府,而是要它發揮作用--同我們一起合作,而不是凌駕于我們之上;同我們并肩而立,而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機會,能夠而且必須促進而不是抑制生產力。
If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來我們能取得巨大成就,獲得世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時候都最大程度地發揮人的潛能和個人的天才;這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個人的自由和尊嚴。得到這種自由所付出的代價有時相當昂貴,但我們從沒不愿意付出這種代價。
It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過度膨脹對我們生活的干預和侵擾,這不是偶然的巧合。我們應該真正認識到我們是一個偉大的國家,不能自囿于小小的夢想,我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落,我不相信我們命該如此,無論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命,但我相信,如果我們什么也不做,我們將的確命該如此。為此,讓我們以我們擁有的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新下定決心,拿出我們的勇氣和力量,讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望,我們完全有權利塑造崇高的理想。
Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當下那些不知道去哪發現英雄的人說我們正身處于一個沒有英雄的時代。你們可以看到每天進出于工廠大門的英雄們;另外一些英雄人數雖少,但生產的糧食卻足夠養活我們大家和世界其他地區的人民;你們會在柜臺前遇到英雄--在柜臺的內外遇到英雄們,其中的一些人是對自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業家,他們創造新的職業、新的財富和機會,政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個人和家族繳納的捐稅,教會、慈善事業、文化、藝術和教育事業也是靠他們的自愿捐獻來維持的。他們的愛國主義精神含而不露,但卻是強烈的,他們創造的價值支撐著我們的國民生活。
I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說到這些英雄時,用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個字眼,但也可以說“你們”、“你們的”。因為我現在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們,這個上帝降福的國土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標,愿上帝保佑我做到這一點。
We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?
我們將體現出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛我們的國家而不愛我們的同胞呢?我們要愛他們,在他們摔倒時伸出手去扶住他們,在他們患病時給他們治愈,并提供機會使他們自給自足,使他們獲得實在而不是口頭上的平等。
Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問題嗎?回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個字“能夠”,借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說,我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領導下使這個世界最強大的經濟瓦解。
In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時間,我將建議消除一些使得我們經濟發展緩慢和生產力下降的障礙,將要采取一些旨在恢復各級政府之間保持平衡的步驟,進展也許是緩慢的,用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來衡量,但我們會前進。現在應當是喚醒這個工業巨人的時候,使政府能夠重新量入為出,減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負擔,這將是我們首要的任務,在這些原則上絕不會妥協。
On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”
在我國為獨立而斗爭的前夕,有一個人曾對他的美國同胞說:“我們現在處于危險之中,但并沒有絕望…美國的命運取決與你們。關系到尚未出生的千百萬人的幸福和自由的一個重要問題是由你們來決定,你們的行動要無愧與你自己。”這個人就是馬薩諸塞議會主席約瑟夫沃倫博士,如果他當初沒有在邦克山犧牲,他也許成為我國建國的先人中最偉大的任務之一。
Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信,我們當代美國人已做好無愧于我們自己行動的準備,做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進行工作的準備。
And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當我們在這塊土地上時代相傳時,全世界將看到,我們所具有的力量更加強大,我們將再度成為自由的典范,成為現在還沒有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。
To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國和盟國,我們將加強我們之間傳統性的溝通,保證對他們予以支持,對他們履行應盡的義務,忠誠地報答他們的忠誠,努力爭取建立互利的關系,決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權,因為我們自己的主權也是不能出賣的。
As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對手,我們要提醒他們,和平是美國人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判,為和平而犧牲,但我們絕不為和平而投降,現在不會,將來也永遠不會。
Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對我們的忍讓絕不應誤解。不要把我們對沖突采取的克制態度誤認為是意志不堅強。一旦需要采取行動保衛我們國家的安全,我們就采取行動。我們將保持足以在必要時取勝的力量,這樣我們才最有可能不必動用這種力量。
Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以,我們必須認識到,世界各地軍火庫中的任何武器沒有自由人們的意志和維護道義的勇氣強大,這是當今世界上我們美國獨有而我們對手所沒有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動和掠奪自己鄰國的人懂得這一點。
I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當得知今天舉行的祈禱會成千上萬時,我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國家,我們相信,上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日,那是恰如其逢的好事。
This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.就職儀式在國會大廈西門舉行是美國歷史的第一次。站在這里,宏偉壯麗的景色盡收眼底,可以看到華盛頓這座城市獨特的美麗和歷史。在這條寬闊林蔭大道盡頭矗立著我國歷史偉大的紀念物。
Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀念碑,他就是我們的國父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭,處于時勢所迫才做出偉大業績,領導美國取得革命勝利,建立一個新國家。稍偏一點是莊嚴雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀念堂,獨立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。
And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊,矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴肅穆的林肯紀念堂,任何想徹底了解美國真諦的人都會在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.過了這些英雄紀念物就是波托馬克河,河對岸就是阿靈頓國家公墓,坡地上排者一行行刻著十字架和大衛王之星的樸實無華的白色墓碑,他們僅僅是為了我們的自由所付出的代價的縮影。
Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個墓碑都是對我所提及的那些英雄的紀念。他們在一些叫貝魯伍德、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方,在相隔半個地球之遙的瓜達卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨排山、長津水岸和一個叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻出了他們的生命。
Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人,他于1917年離開一座小鎮的理發館,隨同著名的彩虹師來到法國。在那里的西部戰場上,他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊傳遞信息時犧牲了。
We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們在他的身上發現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題:“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語:“美國必須贏得這場戰爭。為此,我會奮斗,我會拯救,我會犧牲,我會忍受,我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰,就好比所有的戰爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。”
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數以千計人那樣的犧牲,然而,它確實要求我們作出最大的努力去工作,要求我們愿意相信自己,相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業:團結一致,在上帝的幫助下,能夠并且一定會解決我們面臨的種種問題。
And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們為什么不應該相信這一點呢?畢竟我們是美國人。愿上帝祝福你們。
Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統 副總統先生,議長先生,各位兩院議員:
Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天,1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國恥日――美利堅合眾國遭到日本帝國的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國曾與該國和平相處,應該國之邀,還在與該國政府和天皇進行談判,謀求維護太平洋區域和平。
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實上,在日本航空隊開始轟炸美國的瓦湖島一小時后,日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國務卿提交了對我國最近照會的正式答復,其內容是繼續正在進行的外交談判似乎已無意義,沒有任何戰爭或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明,這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間,日本政府蓄意謀求用維護和平的善意的虛假消息來欺騙美國。
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海軍和陸軍造成了嚴重損失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國人喪生。此外,美國船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚雷攻擊。
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間,日本政府發動了對馬來亞的進攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了香港。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了關島。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了威克島。
And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午,日軍攻擊了中途島。
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此,日本已經實施了對太平洋區域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實已經不言而喻了。美國人民已下定決心,并且深知這對國家安全和每個人意味著什么。
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國海陸軍總司令,我已下令不惜一切保衛國家。但是我們全國都要永記這次偷襲的性質。
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長時間,我們終將戰勝這次有預謀的侵略,美國人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。
I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國會和人民的意志,我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛自己,還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會再次發生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對敵意,我們不能閃爍其詞,因為我們的人民、國土和利益都在最危險之中。
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對軍隊的信心,有人民的不屈決心,我們必勝!上帝保佑!I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因為周日,1941年12月7日,日本對我國的無故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲,我懇請國會宣布美國和日本帝國進入戰爭狀態。
第三篇:里根就職演講名言
first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任總統就職演說 tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任總統(1981年-1989年)
(一)senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice president mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.in the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先 生、發言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生,以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們:今天對于我們
中間的一些人來說,是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然,對于這個國家的歷史來說,卻是
一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求,政府權利正在有序地移交,我們已經如此“例行公事”了
兩個世紀,很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來,這個我們已經習以為
常的四年一次的儀式,卻實在是一個奇跡。
(二)mr.president, i want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.by your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and i thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic.總統先生,我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交
程序中的通力合作,你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實:我們是發誓要團結起來維護這樣一
個政治體制的團體,這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同
時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助,因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承,而這恰恰是我們共和
國的根基。the business of our nation goes forward.these united states are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.we suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.it distorts our economic decisions, penalizes shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上
歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹,它擾亂著我們的經濟決策,打擊著節儉的風氣,壓迫
著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。
(三)idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人,也因稅
收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬,因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就,使我們無法保持充分的生產力。盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重,但還是跟不上公共開支的
增長。數十年來,我們的赤字額屢屢上升,我們為圖目前暫時的方便,把自己的前途和子
孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往,必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面
的大動蕩。
(四)you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.they will go away because we, as americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.government is the problem.作為個人,你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活,然而只能維持一
段有限的時期,我們怎么可以認為,作為一個國家整體,我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢?為了保住明天,我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。
我們深受其害的經濟弊病,幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失,但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失,是因為我們作
為現在的美國人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存這個最后而
又最偉大的自由堡壘。
在當前這場危機中,政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是
問題所在。government for, by, and of the people.but if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? all of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為,社會已經越來越復雜,已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理,而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是,假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己,那么,我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。
我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任,我們謀
求的解決辦法必須是公平的,不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。
(六)we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論,然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了
大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分,沒有人種之分,沒有民族之分,沒有政黨之分,這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成,他們生產糧食,巡邏街
頭,管理廠礦,教育兒童,照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店
主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員,總而言之,他們就是我們人民--這個
稱之為美國人的民族。
(七)well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發展的經濟,為
全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會,讓美國重新工作
起來,意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹,意味著讓全體美國人
從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔新開端的富有成效的工 作,人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和
公正態度,有了這些,我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩定并同全世界和平相
處的美國。
(八)so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此,在我們開始之際,讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟,我們的政
府除了人民授予的權力,沒有任何別的權力。目前,政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超
過被統治者同意的跡象,制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規模和權力,并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力
同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。我們大家都需要提醒:不是聯邦政
府創立了各州,而是各州創立了聯邦政府。
因此,請不要誤會,我的意思不是要取消政府,而是要它發揮作用--同我們
一起合作,而不是凌駕于我們之上;同我們并肩而立,而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會,而不是扼殺機會,它能夠而且必須促進生產力,而
不是抑制生產力。
(九)if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than篇二:1981年里根就職演講稿-中英文對照 就職演說文本: first inaugural address of ronald reagan tuesday, january 20, 1981 senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth.the price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.it is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.it is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.we are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable we have every right to dream heroic dreams.those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just dont know where to look.you can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.you meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.there are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.they are individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.their patriotism is quiet but deep.their values sustain our national life.i have used the words they and their in speaking of these heroes.i could say you and your because i am addressing the heroes of whom i speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me god.can we solve the problems confronting us? well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic yes.to paraphrase winston churchill, i did not take the oath i have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the worlds strongest economy.in the days ahead i will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.progress may be slow--measured in inches篇三:美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(下)美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(下)我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論,然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分,沒有人種之分,沒有民族之分,沒有政黨之分,這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成,他們生產糧食,巡邏街頭,管理廠礦,教育兒童,照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員,總而言之,他們就是我們人民——這個稱之為美國人的民族。
本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發展的經濟,為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會,讓美國重新工作起 來,意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹,意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔新開端的富有成效的工 作,人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態度,有了這些,我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩定并同全世界和平相處的美國。因此,在我們開始之際,讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家——而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟,我們的政府 除了人民授予的權力,沒有任何別的權力。目前,政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統治者同意的跡象,制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。
我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規模和權力,并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。我們大家都需要提醒:不是聯邦政府創 立了各州,而是各州創立了聯邦政府。因此,請不要誤會,我的意思不是要取消政府,而是要它發揮作用——同我們一起合作,而不是凌駕于我們之上;同我們并肩 而立,而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會,而不是扼殺機會,它能夠而且必須促進生產力,而不是抑制生產力。
如果我們要探究這么多年來我們為什么能取得這么大成就,并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛,其原因是在這片土地上,我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發揮。在這里,個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當高昂,但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價。
我們目前的困難,與政府機構因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預、侵擾我們的生活同步增加,這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個泱泱大國,不能自囿于小小的夢想,現在正是認識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落,盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信,無論我們做些什么,我們都將命該如此,但我相信,如果我們什么也不做,我們將的確命該如此。為此,讓我們以掌握的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量,讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權去做英雄夢。
有人告訴我們在他的身上發現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題:“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語:“美國必須贏得這場戰爭。為此,我會奮斗,我會拯救,我會犧牲,我會忍受,我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰,就好比所有的戰爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。”篇四:翟鴻燊
翟鴻燊
翟鴻燊是我國當代傳統文化的倡導者和傳播者。系國學實踐應用專家,經濟與文化學者,清華大學、北京大學、北京科技大學、美國國家大學客座教授。
簡介
國學實踐應用專家:翟鴻燊(zhái hóng shēn)中國傳統文化的倡導者和傳播者。長期以來,翟教授一直懷著強烈的民族心和使命感致力于中國傳統文化與哲學的研究,在融匯國際各種極具代表性的哲學主流、營銷理論后,結合中國實際情況,針對管理科學、決策科學、人才培養、市場營銷、企業團隊等方面提出一整套獨到的解決方案,并在學術界引起很大反響。
翟鴻燊教授所研發的著名“tat(思考力?行動力?表達力)”課程,已在清華大學、中國人民大學、北京科技大學、美國國家大學等知名院校的mba、emba、dba、卓越領導力項目等研修班中倍受歡迎。
翟鴻燊教授暢銷專著:《領導的力量》
曾經服務過:中國聯通、中原油田、國強集團、婷美集團、大亞集團、始峰集團、宇通客車集團等等。更多的是一些正在發展的中小型企業,如銀曼公司、勰睿公司等。這些企業均在翟教授親歷其企業文化建設、團隊建設、企業內部員工培訓和全國各地經銷商、代理商的教育訓練之后獲得了蓬勃的生機并且短時間內在全國擁有上千家連鎖機構,年營業額突破億元!
翟教授不斷探索中國人才培養之道,自發籌建“中國大學生創業訓練營”,親自成功訓練了數十萬名大學畢業生,成就了無數人才的創業夢想,被譽為“中國創業營銷教父”!
主要作品
《大智慧》內容介紹:
領導者的個人價值、凝塑自我魅力、提升管理實踐;感受“自強不息,厚德載物”的境界;體會“道法自然”、“天人合一”的真實感受。本套課程深入淺出,在妙趣橫生之中感悟天道、地道、人道、商道和王道。
1、修養篇:道不遠人
2、心態篇:喜悅心
3、孝道篇:小孝治家,中孝治企,大孝治國
4、交友篇:君子和而不同,小人同而不和
5、管理篇:得其時,當其位
《大智慧(2)》內容提要:
《大智慧3-道德經應用智慧》
課程提要:
《道德經》易求,《道德經》之真法真傳難得。為此,我們十分榮幸地邀請到著名國學大師翟鴻燊教授來“函谷關論道”,傳授《道德經》之真諦,分享其珍藏的歷代帝王對《道德經》之注解,引領您追尋老子的足跡,領悟天地自然的大道與智慧!翟教授自幼研讀中國傳統文化,尤其對《道德經》感悟頗深。長期以來,翟教授一直懷著強烈的民族心與使命感致力于中國傳統文化與哲學的研究,是中國傳統文化與大圣智慧的實踐
者和傳播者。近年來翟教授應邀在各級政府、知名院校做過數千場各種形式的教育訓練與演講,使近百萬人在震撼和覺悟中獲得心智上的成長和突破。
《道法自然》內容介紹:國學智慧精粹:
掌握進退自如的生存智慧
領悟剛柔相濟的處世策略
學會順逆從容的自然選擇
感受禍福相倚的因果效應
創造靜躁合一的人生狀態 提升企業發展的管理之道
1.儒道精髓—— 以“仁”為本,是企業和諧發展之根本
以“義”育人,可培養企業團隊精神
以“禮”待客,贏得人際關系,獲得企業信譽
以“智”為貴,勇于創新,不斷發展
以“信”為貴,人而無信,不知其可,信是做人之本、興業之道 2.道家智慧——
3.禪宗智慧與企業倫理——
深刻體會禪宗所蘊含的對本性的關懷,以及由此出發而展開的處世方式、人生追求、審美情趣、超越精神,將禪宗精神澄明高遠的境界引入到企業,建立各自企業的倫理體系,真正實現企業治理的至高境界,再現領導藝術的顛峰。
《國學應用智慧》內容介紹:
第一集 見賢思齊 1.學而時習之,不亦說悅乎? 2.有朋自遠方來,不亦樂乎? 3.獨樂樂,眾樂樂 4.四海之內皆兄弟!案例:北京2008奧運會開幕式。第二集 立德修身 1.人與人之間的關系 2.人與自然之間的關系 3.人與道之間的關系 案例:1.現行車輛,換來數日藍天; 2.快樂資產負債表 第三集 忠孝天下 1.為人謀而不忠乎!與朋友交而不信乎!2.忠告而善道之,不可則止,毋自辱焉。3.小孝治家,中孝治企,大孝治國 案例:1.經濟崛起文化繁榮,“漢語熱”席卷全球 2.孝敬父母要趁早 第四集 處世之道 1.君子務本,本立而道生.孝弟(悌)之道,其為仁之本與(歟)2.子曰:色難!至于犬馬,皆能有養.不敬,何以別乎? 3.求百世功 求千秋利用 求萬代名
案例:1.感恩要常懷于心 2.蒙牛文化
第五集 溝通智慧
1.精乃生命之力;氣乃生命之能;神乃生命之光 2.喜悅心——是最好的人格狀態。
案例:
第六集 人脈建設
1.喜悅心——是最好的人格狀態。2.人脈建立
案例:火車站接人
第七集 團隊精神
1.有教無類,道不同不相為謀 2.財聚則民散,財散則民聚。3.利者義之合也。
案例:1.捐出全部資產580億美元的比爾蓋茨。2.將源兵魂(亮劍)
第八集 團隊打造
1.精乃生命之力;氣乃生命之能;神乃生命之光 2.領導人:生命取向要高!生命體驗要深!生命能量要強!4.修之于身,其德乃真
5.知治身,則能治國,內圣外王,其理一貫。
案例:里根拜老子為師 視頻音頻講座全集 01、翟鴻燊--國學中的管理之道(最新作品)4dvd+4cd 單購¥80元 02、翟鴻燊--紫氣東來-國學應用智慧 1vcd 單購¥5元
翟鴻燊 03、翟鴻燊--道法自然 1dvd 單購¥20元 04、翟鴻燊--高品質溝通 1dvd 單購¥20元 05、翟鴻燊--北大講國學-大智慧 1dvd 單購¥20元 06、翟鴻燊--國學應用智慧 1vcd 單購¥5元 07、翟鴻燊--清華講國學之《國學應用智慧》 2vcd+1cd(8cd轉mp3合成1張光盤)單購¥20元
08、翟鴻燊-大智慧第二部(最新作品)1dvd+4cd 單購¥30元 09新增:
翟鴻燊-世紀成功論壇之《女人的資本-國學應用智慧》
翟鴻燊-仁,義,德,學,愛
翟鴻燊-大智慧第三部
翟鴻燊語錄
1、成功者的常態就是失敗者的變態。
2、知識就是力量是錯誤的,會使用知識才是力量。
3、教育不等于訓練,教育改變觀念,訓練才能改變行為。
4、沒有發大財就是因為沒有發大瘋,有人說你瘋了,你就離成功不遠了。
5、建立與人溝通的主動性,看到人在動,就像看到錢在動。
6、主動接近潛在顧客,說服并誘導其接受你的產品,就是推銷。
7、銷售是種最佳的生活方式。
8、顧客永遠是對的這句話不一定對,顧客是需要幫助和教育的。
9、溝通不但是語言、文字交流,眼神和體態都很重要。
10、人的行為受兩種因素影響:逃離痛苦、接近快樂。
11、拒絕別人是一種慣性,當被別人拒絕的時候,工作才開始。
12、銷售不是賣東西,是幫顧客買東西。
13、顧客不拒絕你的產品和服務,只拒絕你的平庸。
14、同流才能交流,要做什么樣的事情,就要想辦法和什么樣的人混在在一起。
15、人脈等于神脈,關系就是實力,朋友是最大的生產力。
16、對朋友不能太挑剔,清泉雖高,養不了大魚,包容才能做大。
17、溝通高手,能跟各色人打交道,18、不要小看你身邊的每一個人,輾轉五次可以見到總統。
19、有道理不如有效率,有效率不如有效果。20、講話的聲音跟胸懷有關系,胸懷跟財富命運有關系。
21、不是需要更多的知識,而是需要更好的狀態。
22、世界上最不能等的是什么?比爾蓋茨的回答:孝敬父母。篇五:美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(上)美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(上)議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生,以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們: 今天對于我們中間的一些人來說,是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然,對于這個國家的歷史來說,卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求,政府權利正在有序地移交,我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀,很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來,這個我們已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式,卻實在是一個奇跡。總統先生,我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作,你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實:我們是發誓要團結起來維護這樣一個政治體制的團體,這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助,因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承,而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹,它擾亂著我們的經濟決策,打擊著節儉的風氣,壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。
停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人,也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬,因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就,使我們無法保持充分的生產力。盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重,但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來,我們的赤字額屢屢上升,我們為圖目前暫時的方便,把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往,必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。作為個人,你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活,然而只能維持一段有限的時期,我們怎么可以認為,作為一個國家整體,我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢?為了保住明天,我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得——我們從今天起就要采取行動。我們深受其害的經濟弊病,幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失,但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失,是因為我們作為現在的美國人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。
在當前這場危機中,政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。
我們時常誤以為,社會已經越來越復雜,已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理,而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是,假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己,那么,我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。
我們大家——不論政府官員還是平民百姓——必須共同肩負起這個責任,我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的,不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。
第四篇:奧巴馬在復旦大學的演講
Good afternoon.It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you.I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome.I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations.I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.(Laughter.)What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman.And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country.Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world--the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity.And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past.Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall.Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries.Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China.It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people.However, America's ties to this city--and to this country--stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty.Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China.This is a common American impulse--the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions.And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties.For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so.And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis.The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success--because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed.As one American player described his visit to China--“[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different.” Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979.And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion--today it tops over $400 billion each year.The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways.America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear;and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry.This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life.And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time--economic recovery and the development of clean energy;stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change;the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe.All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited.Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors.The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students.There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together.American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery.And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball--I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change.China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty--an accomplishment unparalleled in human history--while playing a larger role in global events.And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future.” Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years.Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty.But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined--not when we consider the past.Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure.We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding--on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another.For just as that American table tennis player pointed out--we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.I believe that each country must chart its own course.China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture.The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles--that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights;that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes;that commerce should be open, information freely accessible;and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters.In many ways--over many years--we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union.We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery.It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced.Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.None of this was easy.But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms.That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal” could long endure.That is why Dr.Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed.That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores;why opportunity is available to all who would work for it;and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world.We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation.These freedoms of expression_r and worship--of access to information and political participation--we believe are universal rights.They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities--whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation.Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries;our respect for different cultures;our commitment to international law;and our faith in the future.These are all things that you should know about America.I also know that we have much to learn about China.Looking around at this magnificent city--and looking around this room--I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future.Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements.For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research--a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use.China is now the world's largest Internet user--which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change--and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow.But above all, I see China's future in you--young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected.The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek--all of these things are shared.And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game;one country's success need not come at the expense of another.And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise.On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations--a China that draws on the rights, strengths and creativity of individual Chinese like you.To return to the proverb--consider the past.We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide.That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations.And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government.It must be rooted in our people--in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play.And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000.And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century.And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people.For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world.And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.So thank you very much.And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you.Thank you very much.下午好。我很榮幸能來到這里,并在上海有這個機會與你們眾人同在。我想感謝復旦大學的校長楊為他和他的盛情款待表示歡迎。我想要謝謝我們的杰出的大使,喬恩·亨斯邁、領帶和尊敬的深,我們兩國之間。我不知道他說了些什么,但是我希望它是好的。(笑)。
我想要做的事情就是要讓一些開放的評論,然后我真是迫不及待地想要做的事是問題,不但從學生在觀眾中,但我們也收到了問題,它將被要求網上的一些學生在聽眾,以及由大使獵手。我很抱歉,我的中文還比不上你的英語,但我很期待這次機會有一段對話。
這是我第一次到中國旅游,我非常樂意看到這個宏偉的國家。在這里,在上海,我們看到的增長已經引起了世界的關注——高聳入云的摩天大樓,熙熙攘攘的街道和創業活動。就像我留下深刻的印象,這些癥狀的中國之旅,二十一世紀的時候,我很渴望看到那些古老的地方,對我們說話,從中國遙遠的過去。
明天、后天,我希望能有機會的時候,我在北京看威嚴的紫禁城和神奇的長城。真的,這是一個國家包含豐富的歷史和信仰在未來的希望。
這同樣也可以,我們兩國之間的關系。上海,當然是一個城市,具有重大的意義,在歷史上的中美兩國關系。正是在這里,37年前,上海公報打開門,一個新的篇章的接觸,我們的政府和人民。然而,美國的聯系到這個城市——這個國家——伸回來,最早的美國獨立。
1784年,我們的開國之父,喬治·華盛頓,委托中國后,一艘駛往這一仗使它可以追求貿易與清朝。華盛頓想見船舶攜帶旗幟,在全球范圍內建立新的關系,像中國這樣的國家。這是一種常見的欲望沖動——美國“新視野”,為打造新伙伴,互惠互利。
在過去的兩個世紀的歷史中,電流之間的關系已經朝我們國家在許多方面。甚至在紛亂的風,我們的人民有機會偽造深,甚至是戲劇性的關系。舉例來說,美國人將永遠不會忘記我們的熱情好客的飛行員被擊落了你的土在第二次世界大戰期間,中國平民和關心他們所有的人,將自己的頸項,置之度外了這樣做。這場戰爭的退伍軍人,中國人還是歡迎那些美國老兵回歸到何處去幫助他們的職業。
另一種不同的連接是近40年前,當霜,我們兩國之間開始解凍通過簡單的乒乓球比賽。很可能導致的訂婚的成功,因為它對我們所有的分歧,雙方共同人性和我們共享的好奇心被揭示。作為一個美國運動員形容他對中國的訪問——“[]人就像我們一樣…這個國家是非常相似,但是仍然非常不同的美國。”
當然這個小口緊隨其后的分別是上海公報的成果,并最終建立正式的美國和中國關系在1979年。在三十年里,看看我們有多遠。
1979年的今天,美國之間的貿易和中國站在約5億美元——今天是每年超過4000億美元。商業影響我們的人民生活在如此多的方面。美國從中國進口許多計算機部分我們使用,衣服穿,我們向中國出口機械,幫助你的產業。該貿易可以創造更多就業兩邊的太平洋,同時讓我們的人民能夠更好地享受高質量的生活。隨著需求變得更為均衡,它能夠導致更加廣闊的繁榮。
1979年的今天,在政治上的美國與中國之間的合作建立在很大程度上我們共同的競爭與蘇聯。今天,我們有一個積極的、建設性的、綜合性的關系,打開門合伙等關鍵問題,我們的時間——全球經濟的復蘇和發展清潔能源,停止核武器的擴散和天災的氣候變化問題;促進和平與安全,在亞洲和世界的每一個角落。所有的這些問題會被提上了日程,明天我會見胡錦濤主席。
在1979年,在我們的人有限公司聯系。今天,我們看到的好奇那些乒乓球隊員之間的關系體現在被偽造橫跨許多領域。第二高的外國學生在美國從中國來,然后我們已經看過增加了50%在學習漢語的過程中自己的學生。全世界近200個“友誼”城市社區聯系在一起。美國和中國的科學家共同合作的新研究和探索。當然,姚明只是一個信號,我們的共同愛好籃球,我只是遺憾,我不可能去看一場上海鯊魚,當我訪問。
它不是巧合,我們兩國之間的關系有一個時期的積極變化。中國已經將成千上萬的人們擺脫貧困——在人類歷史上空前的成就——在全球事件中扮演更重要的角色。和美國的經濟增長已經看過我們一起享受生活的標準,而我們的人民帶來了冷戰圓滿結束。
中國有一句諺語:“把過去,你要知道未來。”當然,我們都知道挫折和挑戰,在過去的30年。我們的關系也并不是沒有分歧和困難。但是,我們必須的敵人不是命中注定的——而不是當我們考慮過去。事實上,由于我們的合作,美國和中國正在日益繁榮、更安全。我們已經看到什么是可能的,當我們建立在我們的共同利益,并進行相互尊重的基礎上。
而成功,取決于理解——在訂婚的可持續性、公開對話,并了解彼此。因為美國乒乓球運動員指出——我們共同的地方作為人類,但是我們的國家是不同的,在某些方面。
我相信每個國家都必須自身課程。圖中國是一個古老的國家,有著根深蒂固的文化。美國,相比之下,是一個年輕的國家,其文化是由許多不同的移民,他們都來參加我們的海岸,由建國文件,引導我們的民主。
這些文件提出一個簡單的人事異,推崇幾個核心原則——所有的男人和女人是平等的,并具有一定的基本權利;政府應體現人民的意志和對他們的愿望,就應當是開放的,商業信息自由開放;而法律,而不是簡單的人,應保證司法程序。
當然,我們的國家的故事是沒有任何困難的章節。在許多方面——多年來,我們一直在努力推進——這些原則的承諾,我們所有的人,并建立一個更完美的聯邦。我們打了一場非常痛苦的內戰,釋放了一份我們的人口從奴隸制。花了一些時間來延長婦女選舉權,工人們贏得了組織,并為移民從世界各個角落中被完全融入。甚至在他們被釋放,非裔美國人,都堅持通過條件,不如以前,分離和贏得平等的權利。
這是一件容易的事。但我們取得了長足的進步,因為我們相信這些核心原則,它已經成為我們的羅盤在最黑暗的暴風雨。這就是為什么林肯能站在中間的內戰,宣示努力看是否有任何國家,它孕育于自由,并且獻身給一種理念,即“人人生來平等”能長久存在。
這就是為什么博士馬丁·路德·金能站在林肯紀念碑前的臺階上,要求我們國家住它的信條的真正含義。這就是為什么中國移民的肯尼亞能找到回家的路上我們的海岸,為什么機會都能有誰會為它工作,為什么有人喜歡我,小于50年前就有麻煩的投票在一些地方,現在已經可以作為它的總統。
這就是為什么美國,總是會說出這些核心原則環游世界。我們不要試圖強加任何的政府體制,對任何其他國家,但是我們也不相信的原則,我們主張是獨一無二的,我們的國家。這些自由的表達和崇拜——獲取信息和政治參與——我們認為是普遍的權利。
他們應該提供給所有人,包括種族和宗教的少數民族,他們是否在美國、中國、或任何國家。事實上,它是尊重普遍人權,引導美國公開到其他國家,我們尊重不同的文化,我們的承諾,我們信心的國際法。
這些都是你應該知道關于美國。我也知道我們有多了解中國。這座雄偉的城市環視四周看這個房間———我認為我們的國家共同舉辦一些重要的東西,那就是一個信念。美國和中國都是停留在我們的成就的內容。對于中國是一個古老的國家,你也清醒地展望未來充滿信心,野心,并承諾要看到明天的一代能做得更好。
除了你的經濟增長,我們欣賞中國非凡的承諾——科學研究證實了在所有的承諾從基礎設施建設的技術,你使用。中國現在是世界上最大的互聯網用戶——這就是為什么我們這么高興包括互聯網作為今天的活動的一部分。
這個國家如今已成為全球最大的移動電話網絡,它是投資于新形式的能量,它既能維持增長與氣候變化作斗爭,我期待著深化合作夥伴關系美國和中國在該區域。明天見。但首先,我看到你在中國的未來——年輕人的天賦和奉獻精神和夢想將會做這么多幫助塑造了21世紀。
我已經說過很多次,我相信我們的世界正從根本上互連。我們的工作,我們建造、環境的繁榮,我們的安全保護,我們尋求——所有這些都是共享的。連接,并在二十一世紀已不再是一個零和游戲,一個國家的成功不需要付出了代價。
這是為什么,美國堅持認為我們不尋求遏制中國的崛起。相反,我們歡迎中國富強和成功的社區成員的國家——中國的人權、優勢和創造性的思考的中國人喜歡你。
回到這個諺語——把過去。我們知道,更多的時候是為了得到大國合作比碰撞。這是一個教訓,人類已經學會一次又一次的例子,這是我們兩國之間的歷史。我堅信合作必須超越我們的政府。它必須扎根于我們的人——在我們共享、業務,我們做什么,我們得到的知識,甚至在體育比賽。與這些橋梁必須由年輕的男人和女人就像您及您的同行在美國。
這就是為什么我高興的宣布美國將急劇擴大我們的學生人數在中國學習到10萬美元。這些交流馬克明確承諾建立關系在我們的人民,我指著你將幫助決定命運的二十一世紀。我絕對相信美國沒有提供比我們更好的大使的年輕人。因為他們,就像你一樣,充滿天賦和能源和樂觀主義的歷史,是有待書寫。
所以讓這句話做下一步的穩定的追求,為我們的合作,與世界各國。如果有一件事情我們可以從今天的對話,我希望它是一種承諾繼續這段對話向前邁進。
所以,非常感謝您。我盼望去取一些問題,從你們所有的人。非常感謝你。
第五篇:總統演講分析--里根第二次就職演講分析
美國總統里根第二次就職演講分析
Shawn Cheng
摘 要:本文為美國總統里根的第二次就職演說,因為其屬于總統演講,所以有其特定的語篇模式,這是由西方的修辭思維與表達模式決定的。完美的英語演講不僅要求演講者英語流、而且要求演講語篇布局合理,突出西方的修辭思維與表達模式的特點。為了有效地用英語進行演講,我們必須保證開頭段落的新穎與獨特吸引力,結尾段落做到呼應和強調,主體要點形成合理的布局,段落語句之間銜接自然流暢。本文試圖從語篇模式以及一些系統功能的角度對美國總統里根第二次就職演說進行分析,以揭示演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的體現。
關鍵詞:總統演講;合理布局;語篇模式;
引言
隨著英語國際地位的提高與其影響力的與日俱增,英語演講也逐漸進入到社會生活的方方面面。其作為一種獨特的語體,在世界各地經久不衰,表現了頑強的生命力。演講作為一門藝術,一種交際,一種傳播和教育手段在當今社會仍發揮著巨大的作用。但國人用英語演講時往往受中國固定思維模式的影響,雖然英語講得漂亮很流利,語句也很通順,但所表達的意思往往不被西方人認同和接受。其中一個原因就是國人在用英語表達和演講時沒有遵循英語演講語篇的模式,而是毫無邏輯地用中式思維模式表達自己的觀點。
一、英語演講語篇的基本模式及其概念
英語演講的語篇構成有三大部分 :Introduction,Body,Conclusion。Introduction 的功能為吸引聽眾、引起關注、建立演講者的信譽、簡述演講主體中的要點。Body,即演講的主體部分。演講者可以根據演講的主題按不同的模式組織布局。如可以根據時間、空間順序可以遵循因果順序、問題和方式順序;亦可以將演講主題細分為幾個分點進行闡述。演講 的主體部分將在第二部分詳述。同時,演講的結尾部分也應當是演講的高潮部分,演講者需要總結演講的主旨和意圖,并以一種使聽眾產生共鳴的方式來升華主題,并與 introduction相呼應,給聽眾一種心理上的統一感。本文所研究的就職演說的結尾,美國總統里根就具體化了美國之聲,展現給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望,寬宏大量,富于理想;它勇敢無畏,正派莊重,公平持正。而且這一切都是上帝的恩賜、夢想與召喚,呼吁所有熱愛和平自由的美國公民把這一夢想傳給一個期待已久并且滿懷希望的世界等,將演講推向高潮。
二、語篇的內容與意圖
在Lucas的演講與藝術中(2004 :113),英語演講根據演講的目的可分為三類:介紹性的演講(informative)、勸說性或勸誘性的演講(persuasive)、儀式性的演講(ceremonial)。介紹性的演講一般是客觀地對某一事件、過程、概念或物體進行介紹。儀式性的演講則見于各種社交、外事場合,或介紹嘉賓、或頒獎致謝等。勸說性的演講較廣泛地應用于各種場合。勸說的目的要求演講者遵循一定的思維模式。勸說性的演講根據勸說的內容又可分為三類:事實性問題,價值性問題,政策性問題的勸說。從時間上考慮,就事實性問題的勸說演講是對已發生的現象予以事實的認定或否定;價值性問題的勸說則是對現狀的評論;而政策性勸說演講則是對未來政策、方針、措施、計劃等的取舍討論。
在里根的就職演說中,三種演講類型有機且緊密地結合在了一起。首先是介紹性的語言,里根總統客觀地陳述了很多事件:第一任總統喬治·華盛頓把手放在《圣經》上莊嚴地宣誓;美國與俄羅斯的關于核威脅的協議;近幾年稅收過多和通貨膨脹,以及失業現象的增多等等。然后是儀式性的語言,這個最為明顯,因為總統就職演講本身就屬于一種政治上的儀式。最后一種形式即本文中的勸說性的語言,因為其分為事實性問題,價值性問題,政策性問題,故將他們逐一分析。事實性問題:里根決定向國會遞交一份凍結明年政府項目開支的預算方案。并采取進一步的措施,以便永久控制政府在稅收和開支方面的權力,達到減少國債和增強社會救濟事務效果的目的;價值性問題:里根在其就職演講中曾多次提及蘇聯問題,核武器問題。這是一種現狀,同時也是對未來的一種預測與估計,里根對此的回應是政府正在積極采取措施應對,研發安全防衛措施,并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上;政策性問題:里根總統在本次演說中,提出了很多相關政策,方針,措施,計劃等,除了之前提到的與蘇聯的和平協議,控制政府的稅收和開支權利,還有國家民主權力的維護,部分地區經濟障礙的解決,減少國債和解放生產力提倡創業等等。里根總統所舉的都是當時美國民眾所關心的問題,每一個問題他都一一提出了自己的計劃和目標,使聽眾們信服。
三、語篇的連結
在演講中除了有恰當的謀篇布局之外,各段落和語句之間也必須有自然的銜接。英語的語篇注重形合手段的使用,在演講中尤其要選擇使用恰當的、有效的銜接手段。Lucas在其所著的 “The Art of public Speaking”一書中,歸納總結了常用的關連詞語,主要有四類。(1)Transition承上啟下的詞語
例如 :But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant;its only power that which we the people allow it to have.本句中第一個短語即起到了承上啟下的作用。
I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year.Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend.We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due.這段中的”Beyond that”起到了補充說明的作用。
(2)Internal preview段內預示要點。
演講者在Introduction里或其他段落中的結尾部分以句子的形式向聽眾陳述下文將要討論的要點。
At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that is the core of human progress.We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment;reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives.該段的最后一局所總結的,正是下文將要討論的政府稅收和人民處于通貨膨脹下的生活等問題。
(3)Internal Summary段內總結
段內總結常用于復雜的重點論述之后。例如,We have made progress in restoring our defense capability.But much remains to be done.There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace.(4)Sing—post 路標型詞語。
包括序數詞,first,second和next等,也包括起承上啟下作用的問句。此外,英語語篇中還有一種常用的承上啟下的模式“Summary+ introduction”。
例如Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us—white and black, rich and poor, young and old—will go forward together arm in arm.Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth.這一段中,作者先提出了建設一個充滿機會的美國社會的向往,然后在逐一論述了每一個步驟。
It is the American sound.It is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, daring, decent, and fair.That's our heritage;that is our song.We sing it still.For all our problems, our differences, we are together as of old, as we raise our voices to the God who is the Author of this most tender music.And may He continue to hold us close as we fill the world with our sound—sound in unity, affection, and love—one people under God, dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the human heart, called upon now to pass that dream on to a waiting and hopeful world.這一段為就職演說的最后也是最精彩的一段,作者形象化了美國之聲,展現給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望,寬宏大量,富于理想;它勇敢無畏,正派莊重,公平持正。接著演講者有說這既是美國人的遺產,也是美國人的歌,并鼓勵大家團結一致,互相友愛,讓整個世界都能聽到美國之音
四、言語的使用
本文在言語上使用了很多手法。言語功能是由語氣系統體現的.根據Eggins(1994 :153)的觀點,語氣系統中,用于體現陳述的是陳述語氣,體現命令的是祈使語氣,體現提問的是疑問語氣,而提供則由含有意態成分的疑問語氣體現.根據以上言語功能理論,可以來分析“講話”的言語功能及其人際意義.“講話”涉及兩種言語功能,即陳述功能(給予信息)和命令功能(求取服務).一方面,演講者向聽眾提供某種信息,表明自己的態度和主張;另一方面,要求和呼吁聽眾采取行動,按照演講者的意圖去做事.里根通過這次演講,向美國民眾傳遞了很多信息,諸如美國與蘇聯的和平協議,控制政府的稅收和開支權利,還有國家民主權力的維護,部分地區經濟障礙的解決,減少國債和解放生產力提倡創業等等。隨即也聲明了其態度:政府正在積極采取措施應對,研發安全防衛措施,并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上。同時呼吁所有的民眾,一起維護自己的權利,建設美好的家園,讓美國之聲傳遍世界的每個角落。除此之外,我們同時也發現了本就職演說大量使用了以“名物化”形式出現的語法隱喻。例如:
revolutio(revolute)hesitation(hesitate)representation(representative)expansion(expand)reduction(reduce)encouragement(encourage)presence(present)elimination(eliminate)oppression(oppress)declaration(declare)determination(determinate)limitation(limit)negotiation(negotiate)interference(interfer)通過名物化,一致式中,在小句里發揮功能的由動詞表達的過程或者由形容詞表達的屬性,在隱喻式中轉化成由名詞表達,這時名詞作為事件在詞組中發揮功能.Haliday(1994/ 2000 : 352)在分析科學語篇的名物化時發現,名物化降低了原有的階、級,卻便于語篇的展開.名物化還具有囊括和濃縮的功能.它可以使意思在語篇中的表達符合正式文體關于客觀、嚴密、緊湊、合理、簡練等行文的要求.同時,名物化也是政治性演講體中的一個重要特征。
另外,通過用軟件ANTCONC的分析,我們得到了更具體的數據。如下2圖
根據這兩個表格,可以看出,本文一共有2583個字,字符類型為921個。排名第6,7的“our”“we”可以看出,演講者的語言對聽眾的號召呼吁較多,他的演講稿很有鼓動性。其中排名29,30位的“I”“MUST”可以看出,這里利用第一人稱語句較多,可以看出這篇演講的個人風格很強硬,語勢很堅決。排名第18,19的“people”“world”可以看出,演講者很注重人民和世界的關系,具有大局觀。排名28“freedom”也是本文的關鍵詞之一,從這可以看出美國的立國之本以及他們對于自由的渴望和追求的思想形態意識。
五、結論
通過以上對語篇、語段、語句的分析可以看出,總統演講比日常英語會話、交際廣告用語等更加正式、嚴肅和莊重。從語言結構和成份上看,句式上也更加復雜多變,語言上有更多的內涵和深意。演講者通過運用各種語言形式和手段使演講更加生動,并使演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的特點得到完全的體現。
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