第一篇：里根總統訪華歡迎宴會上的演講 英文版（范文）

Speech at Welcoming banquet

Ronald Reagan

April 27, 1984

Since we arrived the graciousness with which we have been received has been truly heartwarming.A Chinese proverb best describes my feeling: when the visitor arrives, it is as if returning home.Having already known Premier Zhao, one of the purposes of my visit was to make new friends.But I find that instead of making friends, I am among friends.Mr.Premier, your memorable visit to the United States permitted you to judge for yourself the intentions of the American people.I hope the good will you experienced, just as I have enjoyed from your people, confirmed to you that our citizens want our countries to work in harmony.The American and Chinese Government have responded to that wish in a series of formal communiqués which set forth the fundamental principles of our relationship: the 1972 Shanghai communiqués;the January 1, 1979 communiqué establishing diplomatic relations;and, the August 17, 1982 communiqué negotiated by my administration.Mr.Premier, by any accounting, the cooperation between China and the United States already has been a boon to our people.We have both gained.In the last few years, two-way trade has taken off.There has been a veritable explosion of student, science, business, and tourist exchanges between our peoples.Joint business ventures, which profit all concerned, are multiplying.We would be less than candid if we minimized the significance of the benefits we each receive from our good relations.Standing together, we expand the trade and commercial ties that increase the quality of life in both countries.Standing together, we can further peace and security.Great nations, if adversaries, cannot draw from each others’ strengths.The commitment to stand as friends has been made.The promise is solid.The challenges that remain, however, will take both patience and mutual understanding.I have suggested, and with your permission, say again this evening: let us use as our guide the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit.This principle has within it both dignity and fairness.Another source from which to draw is our knowledge of each other, a well of familiarity which increases in depth with every passing day.We are each working hard to learn more about the delicate and detailed workings of the other’s system— ours with its complex legal procedures based on the separation of powers, and yours with its own intricate patterns.Insights into why and how decisions are made can help both us appreciate our agreements and accept in good faith our disagreements.For what we see, Premier Zhao, my countrymen are enthused by what is happening in China.Your modernization program, an ambitious undertaking, makes our future relationship even more promising.You are striving to quadruple your production by the year 2 000.The eyes of the world are watching as you progress on this peaceful and productive course.The American people wish you success and offer you our cooperation in this great endeavor.Americans, more than others, admire those who set great goals and strive to improve their lot.When that first American merchant ship set sail for China 200 years ago, our forefathers were citizens of a weak republic living in an unexplored and undeveloped land.We Americans are proud of our accomplishments in these last 200 years, just as you are rightfully proud of the

enormous contributions Chinese civilization has made to mankind.As China moves forward to modernize and develop its economy, the United States is eager to join in a cooperative effort to share the American capabilities that helped turn our country from a vast wilderness into an industrial giant.Those American capabilities flow from the creative enterprise our society encourages.Our progress is based on what we have found to work.If it did not work, the American people, who are pragmatic by nature, would likely have abandoned it long ago.China today, I understand, is taking its own practical approach.By increasing incentives and decentralizing decision making, you are promoting innovation, creativity, and a better ability to adapt to local conditions.The responsibility system in agriculture has spurred increases in food production throughout China.And the Special Economic Zones are providing dramatic examples of how incentives can raise productivity and offer bountiful opportunities for a better life.In your drive for modernization, you have our best wishes.If you ask our advice, we can only answer with truth as we see it.But let me assure you that we want you to succeed.Having one billion people—nearly a quarter of mankind healthy, well-fed, clothed and housed, educated and given the opportunity for a higher standard of living---is in the interest of good and decent people everywhere.It is certainly in the interest of the American people, who wish to trade and be friends with the Chinese people.Premier Zhao, as we are all aware, our cooperation is based on more than simply the desire to improve our economies.Today the peace of the world is threatened by a major power that is focusing its resources and energies not on economic progress but, instead, on military power.The shift in military might of the last decade has made trust and friendship between us ever more vital.I know it is your desire, and that of the United States as well, that peace be preserved.We seek to better the quality of life of our people and that can be done only in a peaceful environment.War is the great destroyer of all the hopes of mankind.To preserve the peace and protect our own sovereignty and independence, we stand together in opposing expansionism and hegemony.Both of us seek to promote peace and reconciliation through dialogue between South and North on the Korean peninsula.Both of us seek the early independence of Namibia and an end to outside interference in the affairs of southern Africa.Although our prescriptions for getting there are quite different, we share a common desire for a resolution of the turmoil in the Middle East and Central America.Both of us seek an end to the use of chemical weapons, and agree on the necessity of reducing nuclear arms.A strong China dedicated to peace, clearly, is in the best interest of international stability and in the best interest of the United States.A robust and enduring friendship will bolster the security of both of our countries without compromising the independence of either.It will be the trust between us that will keep us and the world at peace.In this, let us be of the same kind.And as a saying from The Book of Changes goes, “If two people are of the same kind, their sharpness can cut through metal.”

It is the hope and prayer of the American people that someday there will no longer be a need for our Nation to use any of its resources to produce weapons of any kind.The Chinese and American people are now showing the world, by our example, that there is a better way than hatred and violence.Many of us in this room have seen much history in our lifetimes.My own lifetime spans one third of the history of the American Republic.Over the many years that God has permitted me to

live, I have observed the changing nature of the relationship between our two countries.At times, our feelings toward each other were hostile and negative.Today we have the opportunity to keep our countries on a path of genuine good will that will reap rewards for generations to come.Let us not shy from the task.It will not be easy.Yet, let us move forward so that some day when the young people of our countries reach a ripe old age, they will look back and there will be no memory of a time when there was anything else but friendship and good feelings between the Chinese and American people.That is a gift we can give to them.

第二篇：里根總統演講中英文

里根總統就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版

里根總統是個非常擅長演講的人，他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿，完全是即席演講。他的語速和聲音的節奏控制得非常好，聽他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場偉大的演出。

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。對于這個國家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來，我們這個已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，展示了這樣一個事實：我們是一個團結一致的民族，這個民族決心捍衛一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，這種傳承的連續性恰是我們共和國的支柱。

The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，使儲蓄的人反而受到懲罰，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因沉重的稅負而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們為圖目前暫時的方便，已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種入不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國人民。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發展的經濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會。使美國復興，意味著使全體美國人都有工作；制止通貨膨脹，意味著使全體美國人免除對勢如脫韁之馬的生活費用的恐懼。人人都應分擔“新開端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對待的精神，有了這些，我們就能建立一個強大繁榮的美國，在國內和全世界都相安無事。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復興美國開始邁步之際，先讓我們看看我們的實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。現在是制止并扭轉政府機構和權力膨脹的時候了，因為種種跡象表明，這種膨脹已超過人民的意愿。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.我想要做的是限制聯邦政府的規模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。必須提醒我們大家注意：不是聯邦政府創立了各州，而是各州創立了聯邦政府。

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，請不要誤解，我不是要取消政府，而是要它發揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機會，能夠而且必須促進而不是抑制生產力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來我們能取得巨大成就，獲得世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時候都最大程度地發揮人的潛能和個人的天才；這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個人的自由和尊嚴。得到這種自由所付出的代價有時相當昂貴，但我們從沒不愿意付出這種代價。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過度膨脹對我們生活的干預和侵擾，這不是偶然的巧合。我們應該真正認識到我們是一個偉大的國家，不能自囿于小小的夢想，我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落，我不相信我們命該如此，無論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。為此，讓我們以我們擁有的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新下定決心，拿出我們的勇氣和力量，讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望，我們完全有權利塑造崇高的理想。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當下那些不知道去哪發現英雄的人說我們正身處于一個沒有英雄的時代。你們可以看到每天進出于工廠大門的英雄們；另外一些英雄人數雖少，但生產的糧食卻足夠養活我們大家和世界其他地區的人民；你們會在柜臺前遇到英雄--在柜臺的內外遇到英雄們，其中的一些人是對自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業家，他們創造新的職業、新的財富和機會，政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個人和家族繳納的捐稅，教會、慈善事業、文化、藝術和教育事業也是靠他們的自愿捐獻來維持的。他們的愛國主義精神含而不露，但卻是強烈的，他們創造的價值支撐著我們的國民生活。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說到這些英雄時，用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個字眼，但也可以說“你們”、“你們的”。因為我現在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們，這個上帝降福的國土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標，愿上帝保佑我做到這一點。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

我們將體現出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛我們的國家而不愛我們的同胞呢？我們要愛他們，在他們摔倒時伸出手去扶住他們，在他們患病時給他們治愈，并提供機會使他們自給自足，使他們獲得實在而不是口頭上的平等。

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問題嗎？回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個字“能夠”，借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說，我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領導下使這個世界最強大的經濟瓦解。

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時間，我將建議消除一些使得我們經濟發展緩慢和生產力下降的障礙，將要采取一些旨在恢復各級政府之間保持平衡的步驟，進展也許是緩慢的，用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來衡量，但我們會前進。現在應當是喚醒這個工業巨人的時候，使政府能夠重新量入為出，減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負擔，這將是我們首要的任務，在這些原則上絕不會妥協。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

在我國為獨立而斗爭的前夕，有一個人曾對他的美國同胞說：“我們現在處于危險之中，但并沒有絕望…美國的命運取決與你們。關系到尚未出生的千百萬人的幸福和自由的一個重要問題是由你們來決定，你們的行動要無愧與你自己。”這個人就是馬薩諸塞議會主席約瑟夫沃倫博士，如果他當初沒有在邦克山犧牲，他也許成為我國建國的先人中最偉大的任務之一。

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信，我們當代美國人已做好無愧于我們自己行動的準備，做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進行工作的準備。

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當我們在這塊土地上時代相傳時，全世界將看到，我們所具有的力量更加強大，我們將再度成為自由的典范，成為現在還沒有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國和盟國，我們將加強我們之間傳統性的溝通，保證對他們予以支持，對他們履行應盡的義務，忠誠地報答他們的忠誠，努力爭取建立互利的關系，決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權，因為我們自己的主權也是不能出賣的。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對手，我們要提醒他們，和平是美國人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判，為和平而犧牲，但我們絕不為和平而投降，現在不會，將來也永遠不會。

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對我們的忍讓絕不應誤解。不要把我們對沖突采取的克制態度誤認為是意志不堅強。一旦需要采取行動保衛我們國家的安全，我們就采取行動。我們將保持足以在必要時取勝的力量，這樣我們才最有可能不必動用這種力量。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以，我們必須認識到，世界各地軍火庫中的任何武器沒有自由人們的意志和維護道義的勇氣強大，這是當今世界上我們美國獨有而我們對手所沒有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動和掠奪自己鄰國的人懂得這一點。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當得知今天舉行的祈禱會成千上萬時，我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國家，我們相信，上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日，那是恰如其逢的好事。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.就職儀式在國會大廈西門舉行是美國歷史的第一次。站在這里，宏偉壯麗的景色盡收眼底，可以看到華盛頓這座城市獨特的美麗和歷史。在這條寬闊林蔭大道盡頭矗立著我國歷史偉大的紀念物。

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀念碑，他就是我們的國父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭，處于時勢所迫才做出偉大業績，領導美國取得革命勝利，建立一個新國家。稍偏一點是莊嚴雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀念堂，獨立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊，矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴肅穆的林肯紀念堂，任何想徹底了解美國真諦的人都會在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.過了這些英雄紀念物就是波托馬克河，河對岸就是阿靈頓國家公墓，坡地上排者一行行刻著十字架和大衛王之星的樸實無華的白色墓碑，他們僅僅是為了我們的自由所付出的代價的縮影。

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個墓碑都是對我所提及的那些英雄的紀念。他們在一些叫貝魯伍德、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方，在相隔半個地球之遙的瓜達卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨排山、長津水岸和一個叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻出了他們的生命。

Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人，他于1917年離開一座小鎮的理發館，隨同著名的彩虹師來到法國。在那里的西部戰場上，他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊傳遞信息時犧牲了。

We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們在他的身上發現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰，就好比所有的戰爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數以千計人那樣的犧牲，然而，它確實要求我們作出最大的努力去工作，要求我們愿意相信自己，相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業：團結一致，在上帝的幫助下，能夠并且一定會解決我們面臨的種種問題。

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們為什么不應該相信這一點呢？畢竟我們是美國人。愿上帝祝福你們。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統 副總統先生，議長先生，各位兩院議員：

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國恥日――美利堅合眾國遭到日本帝國的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國曾與該國和平相處，應該國之邀，還在與該國政府和天皇進行談判，謀求維護太平洋區域和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實上，在日本航空隊開始轟炸美國的瓦湖島一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國務卿提交了對我國最近照會的正式答復，其內容是繼續正在進行的外交談判似乎已無意義，沒有任何戰爭或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明，這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間，日本政府蓄意謀求用維護和平的善意的虛假消息來欺騙美國。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海軍和陸軍造成了嚴重損失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國人喪生。此外，美國船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚雷攻擊。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間，日本政府發動了對馬來亞的進攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了關島。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了威克島。

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午，日軍攻擊了中途島。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此，日本已經實施了對太平洋區域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實已經不言而喻了。美國人民已下定決心，并且深知這對國家安全和每個人意味著什么。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國海陸軍總司令，我已下令不惜一切保衛國家。但是我們全國都要永記這次偷襲的性質。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長時間，我們終將戰勝這次有預謀的侵略，美國人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國會和人民的意志，我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛自己，還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會再次發生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對敵意，我們不能閃爍其詞，因為我們的人民、國土和利益都在最危險之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對軍隊的信心，有人民的不屈決心，我們必勝！上帝保佑！I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因為周日，1941年12月7日，日本對我國的無故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲，我懇請國會宣布美國和日本帝國進入戰爭狀態。

第三篇：總統演講分析--里根第二次就職演講分析

美國總統里根第二次就職演講分析

Shawn Cheng

摘 要：本文為美國總統里根的第二次就職演說，因為其屬于總統演講，所以有其特定的語篇模式，這是由西方的修辭思維與表達模式決定的。完美的英語演講不僅要求演講者英語流、而且要求演講語篇布局合理，突出西方的修辭思維與表達模式的特點。為了有效地用英語進行演講，我們必須保證開頭段落的新穎與獨特吸引力，結尾段落做到呼應和強調，主體要點形成合理的布局，段落語句之間銜接自然流暢。本文試圖從語篇模式以及一些系統功能的角度對美國總統里根第二次就職演說進行分析，以揭示演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的體現。

關鍵詞：總統演講；合理布局；語篇模式；

引言

隨著英語國際地位的提高與其影響力的與日俱增，英語演講也逐漸進入到社會生活的方方面面。其作為一種獨特的語體，在世界各地經久不衰，表現了頑強的生命力。演講作為一門藝術，一種交際,一種傳播和教育手段在當今社會仍發揮著巨大的作用。但國人用英語演講時往往受中國固定思維模式的影響，雖然英語講得漂亮很流利，語句也很通順，但所表達的意思往往不被西方人認同和接受。其中一個原因就是國人在用英語表達和演講時沒有遵循英語演講語篇的模式，而是毫無邏輯地用中式思維模式表達自己的觀點。

一、英語演講語篇的基本模式及其概念

英語演講的語篇構成有三大部分 ：Introduction，Body，Conclusion。Introduction 的功能為吸引聽眾、引起關注、建立演講者的信譽、簡述演講主體中的要點。Body，即演講的主體部分。演講者可以根據演講的主題按不同的模式組織布局。如可以根據時間、空間順序可以遵循因果順序、問題和方式順序；亦可以將演講主題細分為幾個分點進行闡述。演講 的主體部分將在第二部分詳述。同時，演講的結尾部分也應當是演講的高潮部分，演講者需要總結演講的主旨和意圖，并以一種使聽眾產生共鳴的方式來升華主題，并與 introduction相呼應，給聽眾一種心理上的統一感。本文所研究的就職演說的結尾，美國總統里根就具體化了美國之聲，展現給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望，寬宏大量，富于理想；它勇敢無畏，正派莊重，公平持正。而且這一切都是上帝的恩賜、夢想與召喚，呼吁所有熱愛和平自由的美國公民把這一夢想傳給一個期待已久并且滿懷希望的世界等，將演講推向高潮。

二、語篇的內容與意圖

在Lucas的演講與藝術中(2004 :113)，英語演講根據演講的目的可分為三類：介紹性的演講(informative)、勸說性或勸誘性的演講(persuasive)、儀式性的演講(ceremonial)。介紹性的演講一般是客觀地對某一事件、過程、概念或物體進行介紹。儀式性的演講則見于各種社交、外事場合，或介紹嘉賓、或頒獎致謝等。勸說性的演講較廣泛地應用于各種場合。勸說的目的要求演講者遵循一定的思維模式。勸說性的演講根據勸說的內容又可分為三類：事實性問題，價值性問題，政策性問題的勸說。從時間上考慮，就事實性問題的勸說演講是對已發生的現象予以事實的認定或否定；價值性問題的勸說則是對現狀的評論；而政策性勸說演講則是對未來政策、方針、措施、計劃等的取舍討論。

在里根的就職演說中，三種演講類型有機且緊密地結合在了一起。首先是介紹性的語言，里根總統客觀地陳述了很多事件：第一任總統喬治·華盛頓把手放在《圣經》上莊嚴地宣誓；美國與俄羅斯的關于核威脅的協議；近幾年稅收過多和通貨膨脹，以及失業現象的增多等等。然后是儀式性的語言，這個最為明顯，因為總統就職演講本身就屬于一種政治上的儀式。最后一種形式即本文中的勸說性的語言，因為其分為事實性問題，價值性問題，政策性問題，故將他們逐一分析。事實性問題：里根決定向國會遞交一份凍結明年政府項目開支的預算方案。并采取進一步的措施，以便永久控制政府在稅收和開支方面的權力，達到減少國債和增強社會救濟事務效果的目的；價值性問題：里根在其就職演講中曾多次提及蘇聯問題，核武器問題。這是一種現狀，同時也是對未來的一種預測與估計，里根對此的回應是政府正在積極采取措施應對，研發安全防衛措施，并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上；政策性問題：里根總統在本次演說中，提出了很多相關政策，方針，措施，計劃等，除了之前提到的與蘇聯的和平協議，控制政府的稅收和開支權利，還有國家民主權力的維護，部分地區經濟障礙的解決，減少國債和解放生產力提倡創業等等。里根總統所舉的都是當時美國民眾所關心的問題，每一個問題他都一一提出了自己的計劃和目標，使聽眾們信服。

三、語篇的連結

在演講中除了有恰當的謀篇布局之外，各段落和語句之間也必須有自然的銜接。英語的語篇注重形合手段的使用，在演講中尤其要選擇使用恰當的、有效的銜接手段。Lucas在其所著的 “The Art of public Speaking”一書中，歸納總結了常用的關連詞語，主要有四類。(1)Transition承上啟下的詞語

例如 ：But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant;its only power that which we the people allow it to have.本句中第一個短語即起到了承上啟下的作用。

I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year.Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend.We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due.這段中的”Beyond that”起到了補充說明的作用。

(2)Internal preview段內預示要點。

演講者在Introduction里或其他段落中的結尾部分以句子的形式向聽眾陳述下文將要討論的要點。

At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that is the core of human progress.We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment;reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives.該段的最后一局所總結的，正是下文將要討論的政府稅收和人民處于通貨膨脹下的生活等問題。

(3)Internal Summary段內總結

段內總結常用于復雜的重點論述之后。例如，We have made progress in restoring our defense capability.But much remains to be done.There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace.(4)Sing—post 路標型詞語。

包括序數詞，first，second和next等，也包括起承上啟下作用的問句。此外，英語語篇中還有一種常用的承上啟下的模式“Summary+ introduction”。

例如Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us—white and black, rich and poor, young and old—will go forward together arm in arm.Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth.這一段中，作者先提出了建設一個充滿機會的美國社會的向往，然后在逐一論述了每一個步驟。

It is the American sound.It is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, daring, decent, and fair.That's our heritage;that is our song.We sing it still.For all our problems, our differences, we are together as of old, as we raise our voices to the God who is the Author of this most tender music.And may He continue to hold us close as we fill the world with our sound—sound in unity, affection, and love—one people under God, dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the human heart, called upon now to pass that dream on to a waiting and hopeful world.這一段為就職演說的最后也是最精彩的一段，作者形象化了美國之聲，展現給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望，寬宏大量，富于理想；它勇敢無畏，正派莊重，公平持正。接著演講者有說這既是美國人的遺產，也是美國人的歌，并鼓勵大家團結一致，互相友愛，讓整個世界都能聽到美國之音

四、言語的使用

本文在言語上使用了很多手法。言語功能是由語氣系統體現的.根據Eggins(1994 :153)的觀點,語氣系統中,用于體現陳述的是陳述語氣,體現命令的是祈使語氣,體現提問的是疑問語氣,而提供則由含有意態成分的疑問語氣體現.根據以上言語功能理論,可以來分析“講話”的言語功能及其人際意義.“講話”涉及兩種言語功能,即陳述功能(給予信息)和命令功能(求取服務).一方面,演講者向聽眾提供某種信息,表明自己的態度和主張;另一方面,要求和呼吁聽眾采取行動,按照演講者的意圖去做事.里根通過這次演講,向美國民眾傳遞了很多信息，諸如美國與蘇聯的和平協議，控制政府的稅收和開支權利，還有國家民主權力的維護，部分地區經濟障礙的解決，減少國債和解放生產力提倡創業等等。隨即也聲明了其態度：政府正在積極采取措施應對，研發安全防衛措施，并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上。同時呼吁所有的民眾，一起維護自己的權利，建設美好的家園，讓美國之聲傳遍世界的每個角落。除此之外,我們同時也發現了本就職演說大量使用了以“名物化”形式出現的語法隱喻。例如：

revolutio（revolute）hesitation(hesitate)representation（representative）expansion(expand)reduction（reduce）encouragement(encourage)presence（present）elimination(eliminate)oppression（oppress）declaration(declare)determination(determinate)limitation（limit）negotiation（negotiate）interference(interfer)通過名物化,一致式中,在小句里發揮功能的由動詞表達的過程或者由形容詞表達的屬性,在隱喻式中轉化成由名詞表達,這時名詞作為事件在詞組中發揮功能.Haliday(1994/ 2000 : 352)在分析科學語篇的名物化時發現,名物化降低了原有的階、級,卻便于語篇的展開.名物化還具有囊括和濃縮的功能.它可以使意思在語篇中的表達符合正式文體關于客觀、嚴密、緊湊、合理、簡練等行文的要求.同時，名物化也是政治性演講體中的一個重要特征。

另外，通過用軟件ANTCONC的分析，我們得到了更具體的數據。如下2圖

根據這兩個表格，可以看出，本文一共有2583個字，字符類型為921個。排名第6,7的“our”“we”可以看出，演講者的語言對聽眾的號召呼吁較多，他的演講稿很有鼓動性。其中排名29,30位的“I”“MUST”可以看出，這里利用第一人稱語句較多，可以看出這篇演講的個人風格很強硬，語勢很堅決。排名第18,19的“people”“world”可以看出，演講者很注重人民和世界的關系，具有大局觀。排名28“freedom”也是本文的關鍵詞之一，從這可以看出美國的立國之本以及他們對于自由的渴望和追求的思想形態意識。

五、結論

通過以上對語篇、語段、語句的分析可以看出，總統演講比日常英語會話、交際廣告用語等更加正式、嚴肅和莊重。從語言結構和成份上看，句式上也更加復雜多變，語言上有更多的內涵和深意。演講者通過運用各種語言形式和手段使演講更加生動，并使演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的特點得到完全的體現。

參考文獻：

[1] Eggins, s.An introduction to functional systemic linguistics [M] London : Printer Publishers , 1994.[2] Halliday , M.A.K.An introduction to Functional Grammar[M].London : Edward Arnold / Beijing : Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press , 1994/ 2000.[3] Stephen E，Lucas．The Art of Public Speaking(5th)[M]．Hill Compan ies Higher Education，2004．

[4] Halliday , M.A.K., and Hasan , R.Language , Context and Text : Aspects of Language in a Social2semiotic Perspective [M].Geelong , Vic : Deakin University Press/ Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1985/ 1989.[5]劉亞猛．追求象征的力量——關于西方修辭思想的思考[M]．北京：生活·讀書-新知三聯書店，2004．

[6]揚霞華．英文寫作與修辭[M]．合肥：安徽教育出版社，1992．

[7]胡曙中．英語語篇語言學研究[M]．上海：上海外語教育出版社，2005．

第四篇：里根總統演講稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統先生，我希望我們同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發誓要團結起來維護這樣一個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，打擊著節儉的風氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們為圖目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職 員、出租汽車 司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們人民”--這個稱之為美國人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發展的經濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。目前，政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯邦政府創立了各州，而是各州創立了聯邦政府。因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進生產力，而不是抑制生產力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我們要探究這么多年來我們為什么能取得這么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發揮。在這里，個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當高昂，但我們從來沒有不愿意付出這代價。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.我們目前的困難，與政府機構因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預、侵擾我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。

我們是一個泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢想，現在正是認識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我們完全有權去做英雄夢。那些評論我們現在是一個沒有英雄的時代的，他們只不過沒有仔細看。看吧！每一天進出工廠大門的工人，辛勤耕作為我們提供食物的農民們，站在柜臺后的服務生們；盡心盡業打拼為社會創造財富，提供就業機會的企業家們。交納賦稅，以維持國家運作的公民們。所有支持慈善事業，教會，文化及教育的人們，他們的舉動是無聲的，但愛國心卻是不言自明的。他們的價值造就了我們的國家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我剛才用了“他們”這個人稱來形容這些英雄們，其實我也可以用”你們”這個人稱。在這個上帝眷顧的國家，你們的夢想，你們的希望，你們的追求就是這個國家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們的天性包含了同情。倘若我們熱愛這個國家，怎么會不熱愛自己的同胞們。當他們挫折時，扶他們一把，當他們生病時，給予關照。對于弱者，給予體面的幫助，使其自立.我們是否戰能勝現在擺在面前的問題？我說，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未來的日子里，我們要掃清經濟停滯和工業發展的路障，政府的各項政策要平衡。我們要一步步塌實緩慢的前進。該是喚醒這個工業巨人的時候了，削減沉重的賦稅，讓政府回歸理性。這是我們原則，沒有妥協的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在國家立國的前夕，我們的建國先賢之一，馬塞諸薩州州長約瑟夫*沃倫對他的同胞們說“我們的國家正在危險之中，但我們絲毫不需絕望--------美國的前途就在我們手中。這個無限自由的幸福的國度即將誕生，讓我們行動吧！”

我相信，同胞們，今天，為了我們孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我們一定也準備好了，讓我們行動吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我們慶祝重振美國的此時，全世界的人們都在關注著，我們依舊是那些尚未獲得自由的人民心中的自由燈塔！

對于我們的鄰居，自由世界的同盟們，我們將進一步加強聯絡，保證我們承擔的義務。我們將以心換心，但我們決不會干涉你們的主權，希望你們也不會干涉我們。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對于自由世界的敵人，我們潛在的對手。我們要使其明白，和平是美國人最高愿望。我們可以與你們談判，妥協，但我們決不會屈服，永遠不會。

請你們不要誤會我們的忍耐，我們努力避免沖突但絕不代表我們的屈服。當我們的國家安全受到威脅，我們會采取行動。我們將保持擁有壓倒性對手的武力，因為我們知道，只有擁有了足夠的武力，才能確保我們不會使用這些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我們必須認識到世界上沒有任何武器能比自由人民的道義和勇氣更強大。這恰恰是我們，美國人民所具備的，而我們的對手沒有的武器。這一點，所有支持恐怖主義和覬覦弱小國家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我聽說今天各地舉行了數以萬計的禱告會，我衷心的感到欣慰。我們是上帝統治的國度，上帝給了我們自由。如果以后每一屆的就職日都能成為禱告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，這是歷史上第一次在白宮西走廊舉行的就職典禮。在這里，我們能看到整個首都的風貌。而在這廣場另一端就是我們先賢們的圣壇。我的正前方就是喬治*華盛頓紀念碑，我們偉大的國父。是他領導了獨立革命戰爭的勝利，并創建了這個國家。在其旁邊則是另一位偉大的先賢，托馬斯*杰弗遜，--獨立宣言>的作者。而在水池的盡頭，是雄偉的林肯紀念堂。從林肯的一生你能體會出什么是美國的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在這些古跡旁是緩緩流淌的波托馬可河，而岸邊的斜斜的山坡正是我們的阿靈頓公墓。這些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志銘，述說著我們贏取自由而付出的代價。

每一個墓志銘都是我剛才說的英雄的事跡。這些英雄的生命倒在貝洛森林，阿爾貢丘陵，奧馬哈海灘，薩勒諾，半個地球外的瓜島，塔拉瓦島，上甘嶺，長津湖，以及遍地是稻田叢林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在這些墓碑中，有一個叫Martin Treptow的年輕人，他在1917年辭掉了小鎮的理發店工作，跟隨著名的“彩虹師"去了法國，在西線，他在為營長傳遞命令時，被重炮擊中犧牲.后來，在他的尸體上我們發現了一本日記。在扉頁上，他寫到”我發誓，美國必須贏的這場戰爭，所以，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會勇奮戰斗，就好比所有掙扎都將由我一個人來肩負。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我們面臨的危機并不要求我們像 Martin Treptow作出如此的犧牲。但我們也要竭盡全力，有所作為。擁有上帝的協助，我們能度過危機。

最后，我們有什么理由不相信呢？記住！我們是美國人。上帝保佑你們，謝謝你們。

第五篇：經典英文演講1(里根)

Ronald Reagan

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate

delivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]

Thank you.Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin.And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom.But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well;by the feeling of history in this city--more than 500 years older than our own nation;by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten;most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizs?cker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Well today--today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan.I was struck by a sign--the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West--that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders--the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland.Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.1 From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth.Now the Soviets may have had other plans.But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.2]

In the 1950s--In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.”

But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now--now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness;for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty--the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr.Gorbachev--Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.Yet we seek peace;so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment(unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution)--namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city;and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend;on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed;we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled;Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With--With our French--With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same.And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin--is “love.”

Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner(quote):

“This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.”

Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith;it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Thank you.?: http://