第一篇：經典英文演講1(里根)大全

Ronald Reagan

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate

delivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]

Thank you.Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin.And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom.But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well;by the feeling of history in this city--more than 500 years older than our own nation;by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten;most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizs?cker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Well today--today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan.I was struck by a sign--the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West--that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders--the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland.Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.1 From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth.Now the Soviets may have had other plans.But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.2]

In the 1950s--In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.”

But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now--now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness;for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty--the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr.Gorbachev--Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.Yet we seek peace;so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment(unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution)--namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city;and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend;on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed;we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled;Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With--With our French--With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same.And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin--is “love.”

Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner(quote):

“This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.”

Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith;it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Thank you.?: http://

第二篇：里根柏林墻英文演講稿

篇一：追憶柏林墻 追憶柏林墻

肯尼迪在柏林墻邊的演說： kennedy 二千年以前，最自豪的夸耀是civitas romanus sum，今天，自由世界最自豪的夸耀是ich bin ein berliner。

世界上有許多人確實不懂，或者說他們不明白什么是自由世界和共產主義世界的根本分歧。讓他們來柏林吧。有些人說，共產主義是未來的潮流。讓他們來柏林吧。有些人說，我們能在歐洲或其他地方與共產黨人合作。讓他們來柏林吧。甚至有那么幾個人說，共產主義確是一種邪惡的制度，但它可以使我們取得經濟發展。“lasst sie nach berlin kommen.” 自由有許多困難，民主亦非完美，然而我們從未建造一堵墻把我們的人民關在里面，不準他們離開我們。我愿意我的同胞們——他們與你們遠隔千里住在大西洋彼岸——說，他們為能在遠方與你們共有過去十八年的經歷感到莫大的驕傲。我不知道還有哪一個城鎮或都市被圍困十八年仍葆有西柏林的這種生機、力量、希望和決心。全世界都看到，柏林墻最生動最明顯地表現出一種失敗。但我們對此并不感到稱心如意，因為柏林墻既是對歷史也是對人性的冒犯，它拆散家庭，造成妻離子散骨肉分離，把希冀統一的一個民族分成兩半。

這個城市的事實也用于整個德國——只要四個德國人中有一個被剝奪了自由人的基本權利，即自由選擇的權利，那么歐洲真正持久的和平便絕無可能實現。經過保持和平與善意的十八年，這一代德國人終于贏得自由的權利，包括在持久和平中善所有的人民，實現家庭團聚和民族統一的權利。你們住在受到保護的一座自由之島上，但你們的生活是大海的一部分。因此讓我在結束講話時請求你們抬起目光，超越今日的危險看到明天的希望；超越這道墻看到正義的生平來臨的一天；超越你們自己和我們自己看到全人類。自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。當所有的人都自由了，那時我們便能期待這一天的到來：在和平與希望的光輝中這座城市獲得統一，這個國家獲得統一，歐洲大陸獲得統一。當這一天最終來臨——它必將來臨——時，西柏林人民將能對這一點感到欣慰：幾乎二十年時間里他們站在第一線。

一切自由人，不論他們住在何方，皆是柏林市民，所以作為一個自由人，我為“ich bin ein berliner”這句話感到自豪。歷史見證：越過柏林墻，尋求自由

柏林墻由12公里長的水泥墻和137公里長的鐵絲網組成，包括有116個觀望臺，隨后經過了四次改建和加固。柏林墻一共截斷了192條街道（97條在柏林內，95條為柏林通向東德的道路），32條鐵路線，8條輕軌和4條地鐵以及3條高速公路。邊界上的河流、湖泊也被禁止通航，并加以監視。西柏林變成了一座孤島。誰想在西柏林與西德之間旅行，則必須通過邊境的嚴格檢查。

第二次世界大戰結束后，德國被分為4個區域，分別由法國、英國、美國和蘇聯接管，后來前三方合并，而蘇聯接管的地區變得更加孤立。這條1953年拉起的鋼絲圍欄把很多德國朋友分開了。

隨著蘇聯和西方國家緊張局勢的加劇，不同地區間的通道逐漸縮小。1961年，這條邊界被正式化地變成了一堵磚墻，照片中東德士兵和工人正在給柏林墻增加高度。柏林墻把千千萬萬的德國家庭分隔開來，許多居住在東部的德國人無法再去西部上班。沿墻而行的街道也都被割裂開來，許多交通工具無法再在那里行駛。

多年來很多東德人試圖逃到西邊去。圖為1961年一名17歲的東德男孩翻越柏林墻，兩名西德警察正在幫助他安全地下來。

柏林墻建成后，西柏林變成了一片孤獨的、被敵視和被包圍的土地。在柏林墻位于奧巴鮑姆橋的檢查站，兩名東德邊界警衛鎖好大門后離開。美國總統肯尼迪于1963年訪問柏林墻位于勃蘭登堡門的關口，他在發表演講時用德語說：我是一個柏林人(ich bin ein berliner)。這句話后來成為名言。逃到西德的東德女孩在和媽媽隔墻說話。

到上世紀80年代中期，柏林墻已經成為冷戰的最持久象征。

“自由有許多困難，民主亦非完美，然而我們從未建造一堵墻把我們的人民關在里面，不準他們離開我們。” ——肯尼迪《柏林墻下的演說》1963年6月25日于西德市政廳柏林墻前。

柏林墻

地面逃亡最簡單的方式是直接翻墻而過。看上去一人多高的墻可以翻身而上。但逃亡者從開始在邊境開闊地帶奔跑到墻下，再翻身躍上墻的這段時間內，生與死就完全聽天由命了。1961年，當十八歲的東柏林青年彼得·費希特爾在到達墻跟翻身躍墻，他已經爬到了柏林墻的頂部，只需要再加最后一把勁，就可以達成目標，就在這個時候，槍聲響了?? 彼得滑落回柏林墻東側。

悲劇還沒有完，身中數彈的彼得倒在柏林墻下，血流如注，這期間，他不停地呼喊救命，呼聲驚動了西柏林一邊的邊防軍人。軍人們扔過來一個急救包，但血將流盡的彼得·費希特爾已無力自救。彼得就這樣在墻下躺了50分鐘，沒有一個東德警察前來管他。

彼得的呼喊聲一點一點的低下去了，低下去了。西柏林的人群爆發出憤怒的抗議聲。

這是柏林墻將柏林城和它的人民分割以來，第一位在逃亡中死于槍擊的東柏林市民。

如果說彼得最大的不幸在于他最終沒有成功，我不知道下面這個最后“成功” 的例子，是不是算幸運。

在柏林墻剛完成的那一年，由于墻還不是很堅固，有人就想出了辦法，開重型車輛直接撞墻，直接沖開柏林墻進入西德。1961年，這類事件多達14起。

逃亡者要面對的絕不僅僅是堅固的高墻，還有來自軍隊和警察的密集射擊。而在槍林彈雨中全速前進去撞一堵大墻的行為，毫無疑問是“雙重自殺行為”。而這卻是當年東德一些逃亡者們投生的方式。

布魯希克和他的同伙就是利用大客車沖擊柏林墻，但是他們的行動從一開始就被發現了。軍隊和警察從多個方向向客車密集射擊，客車起火燃燒，彈痕累累！還好，客車質量過硬，不但沒有熄火，還在布魯希克良好的駕駛下奮勇加速，一聲巨響，柏林墻被撞開了一個大缺口，整個客車沖進了西柏林！

歡呼的人群擁上來迎接，卻被眼前的景象震驚了，駕駛座上的布魯希克身中19彈，他是用生命的最后意志堅持加速，沖向柏林墻的。當客車沖進西柏林的那一刻，布魯希克停止了呼吸。柏林人展開了一場爭論，布魯希克究竟有沒有看到他夢想看到的西柏林？最后是一個現場鏡頭寬慰了大家，從鏡頭上看，客車駕駛座位于西柏林之后，布魯希克還有一個抬頭的動作。是的，那時候他還活著！他的眼睛最后映出的，是他夢想中的自由世界－西柏林！他是一個成功者。

另一個傳奇式的故事是空中熱氣球逃亡。

1979年的一個深夜，東德黑色夜幕的上空出現了一個高度為28米的歐洲歷史上最大體積的熱氣球。當這個熱氣球接近柏林墻地域時，被東柏林地面警衛發現。三束探照燈直射黑色天幕，追蹤監視著這個看來企圖越境朝西柏林飄去的熱氣球。就在地面警衛朝這來歷不明的巨大熱氣球開槍射擊之前，熱氣球迅速高升，爬上了兩千六百米高空，隨后不知去向。這個熱氣球的吊藍里，裝著兩個東德的家庭，大人小孩一共八口人。

他們在快速升高后，可能由于慌亂，失去了方向。當在空中飛行28分鐘后，熱氣球安全降落地面。悄悄掀開覆蓋了他們的巨大氣球布，看看外圍環境：叢林荒草，遠近沒有人煙。他們無法判斷究竟是到了自己的目的地西德，還是不過在空中轉了一個圈，仍在東德境內。或者，已經非法進入了其他國家的土地。他們不知該如何是好。

他們既非科學家又非運動員，雖然對氣體動力學一無所知，但自從萌生了用熱氣球逃出東德的想法，就開始白手起家。買來了有關的書籍，從頭學習有關原理。買來大量的紡織品，利用自己研制的相關設備一次次實驗將要充當氣球外體的布的質量。氣象學要掌握、操作要掌握，材料學、工程學、物理、化學、力學等等知識都需要。后來，那個奇跡終于悄悄地在這一對普通東德人家的房頂下誕生了。在那個神不知，鬼不覺的深夜，那個歐洲最大的熱氣球載著兩家人的希望和夢想，升上了東德陰霾的天空。他們什么都想到了：出境前被打落墜地、被逮捕入獄，出境后落入海中或落在人家房頂，落在城市中心等等，無論什么意外事故發生，好歹總要面對一個結局。他們就是沒想到，什么意外也沒發生，但當氣球安全著陸時，竟是真相不明，無人理睬，沒有下文。兩對年輕的父母，帶著四個年幼的孩子，悶在氣球巨大的布面下，把未來的結局想設想了一遍又一遍：走出這泄了氣的熱氣球，要么被東德政府關進監獄，要么向其他什么國家的政府投案自首，要么在西德安居樂業，重獲新生。想想為這次逃亡而長久地嘔心瀝血，看看四個無辜的孩子，他們無法承受被東德政府關進監獄的命運，不敢走出氣球；或者他們干脆把命運交給了上帝，聽天由命。他們唯一能作的，就是祈禱。降落整整24小時以后，軍人來了，揭開了氣球。他們對這8個逃亡者說出了他們盼望了多少年的話。

“你們自由了！這里是西德的領土”。

1987年6月12日清晨，美國總統里根抵達柏林，此時這座城市正在慶賀其750歲誕辰。在將東西柏林割裂20余年的分界線——勃蘭登堡門的柏林墻前，里根發表了著名的演講。演講稿由秘書起草，聽者主要是正意欲與美國締結友好關系的對象——蘇聯領導人米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫，還有屆時在場的2萬名聽眾。

在這次著名的演講中，里根呼吁戈爾巴喬夫拆掉柏林墻，這一言辭遭到美國國務院和國家安全委員會的強烈反對，他們擔心克里姆林宮的強硬派會以此向戈氏提出質疑。那天下午，不到2時，里根走上講臺。因為擔心會有恐怖襲擊，里根身后放置了兩塊巨大的防彈玻璃。

里根總統說出了以下這段震撼世界的話：“戈爾巴喬夫總書記，如果你要尋求和平，如果你要為蘇聯和東歐尋求繁榮，如果你要尋求自由：就到這扇門來吧！戈爾巴喬夫先生，打開這扇門！戈爾巴喬夫先生，拆掉這堵墻！”

1987年6月，美國總統里根訪問柏林，從德國國會大廈的陽臺上觀看柏林墻。篇二：柏林墻 柏林墻 柏林墻（德語：berliner mauer）是德國分裂期間東德政府環繞西柏林邊境修筑的邊防系統，以將其與東德領土分割開來。柏林墻始建于1961年8月13日，全長155公里。最初以鐵絲網和磚石為材料，后期加固為由瞭望塔、混凝土墻、開放地帶以及反車輛壕溝組成的邊防設施。東德政府稱此墻為“反法西斯防衛墻”（德語：antifaschistischer schutzwall）或“強化邊境”（德語：befestigte staatsgrenze），其目的是阻止東德居民逃往西柏林。

第二次世界大戰后，原德國首都柏林被分割為東柏林與西柏林，柏林墻的建立是冷戰期間美國和蘇聯兩大陣營之間沖突導致的，它是二戰后德國分裂和冷戰的重要標志性建筑，也成為了分割東西歐的鐵幕的一個象征。柏林墻修筑前，約有250萬東德居民逃離東德，他們中的許多人通過西柏林前往西德和其他西歐國家。柏林墻修建后在1961至1989年間這類逃亡被大幅限制下來，約有5000人在此期間嘗試翻越柏林墻。1960年起東德邊防軍將其視為非法越境并向越境者開槍射擊，1982年《開槍射擊令》（schie?befehl）下達后被合法化。據截止2009年的統計，死亡人數約在136至245人之間，確切數目則不得而知。

1989年東歐國家發生了一系列政治變動，鄰國波蘭和匈牙利政府的政策也發生了變化。在數周的抗議活動后，1989年11月9日東德政府宣布允許公民申請訪問西德以及西柏林，當晚柏林墻因故在東德居民的壓力下被迫開放。隨后數周中欣喜的人群鑿下柏林墻作為紀念品，1990年6月東德政府正式決定拆除柏林墻。柏林墻的倒塌為結束統一社會黨專政以及兩德統一鋪平了道路，一年后的1990年10月3日兩德最終統一。歷史意義

柏林墻的倒塌，給聯邦德國提供了大量的勞動力，給民主德國帶來了先進的技術和資金，并使民主德國的人民的生活有一定的改善。

柏林墻的倒塌，代表了一個統一的德國，作為歐洲經濟體中重要的組成部分。德國的發展可以帶動整個歐洲的經濟發展，使世界經濟向多元化的趨勢發展。

柏林墻的倒塌標志著德國的統一，是東歐劇變的一部分，也推動了蘇聯解體和冷戰結束。不能否定柏林圍墻倒塌的正面意義，但更應為二十多年來所付代價作反思。蘇聯集團解體誠是歷史躍進，但若世界思維仍停在“敵消我長”這種戰略利益窠臼中，那么歷史躍進的意義會被抵消。

1989年11月9日，作為東西兩大陣營對立的主要象征，柏林圍墻被拆毀。柏林圍墻的建造始于1961年，它的興建與倒塌都標志著近代歷史的重大變化。它的興建意味著二戰之后東西對峙的冷戰時代達到巔峰。蘇聯東歐集團，在20世紀80年代，經歷波蘭“團結工會”運動、捷克斯洛伐克“七七憲章”運動，到柏林墻倒塌的第2年，即1990年10月3日，兩德統一。而整個蘇聯也在1991年12月25日正式解體。

因此柏林墻倒塌，乃是歐洲及世界史的里程碑事件。它淘汰掉歷史發展過程中某些專制封閉的政治形式，讓全球統一進了以自由化、民主化和市場化為主導的新秩序中。名人評述

“自由有許多困難，民主亦非完美，然而我們從未建造一堵墻把我們的人民關在里面，來防止他們分開我們。” “自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。”——約翰·肯尼迪（1963年6月26日）“世界上的圍墻都是防止外面的人闖進來的，只有一種圍墻是防止里面的人出去的，那是什么？那就是監獄的圍墻！” ——約翰·肯尼迪 “戈爾巴喬夫先生，打開這扇門。”“戈爾巴喬夫先生，推倒這堵墻！”——羅納德·里根（1987年6月12日）

“柏林墻的倒塌是對暴政的譴責。”——巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬

“感謝柏林人在這個陷入困境的世界所作出的努力。非洲人還處于饑餓中，津巴布韋人留著眼淚在哭泣。那些處于痛苦中的人不必永遠忍受。”——戈登·布朗

“這個紀念活動是號召大家反對壓迫，拆除仍然分裂世界的所有圍墻。這些圍墻將城市、地區和國家分離。”——尼古拉·薩科齊

“對抗時代已經過去，我們應該建立一種獨特的、新的、更好的世界。”——德米特里·阿納托利耶維奇·梅德韋杰夫篇三：09年奧巴馬在中美戰略與經濟對話上的演講稿 中英對照版 奧巴馬在中美戰略對話中的演講稿全文

below are the full remarks, as prepared for delivery and released by the white house: 總統先生：謝謝。各位早上好。我很榮幸地歡迎大家來到中美戰略性經濟對話的首場會議。本場會議是中美兩國建立積極建設性的綜合關系不必可少的一步。胡錦濤主席也支持以持續的對話促進兩國的共同利益的達成，對此，我感到非常高興。

president hu and i both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.of course, as a new president and also as a basketball fan, i have learned from the words of yao ming, who said, no matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.well, through the constructive meetings that weve already had, and through this dialogue, im confident that we will meet yaos standard.胡主席和我都認為，一個好的開頭，對于兩國關系有著重要作用。當然，作為一位新當選的總統，我也是一名籃球迷，我從姚明的一句話中有所得益。這句話是這樣說的“無論你在球隊多久，你都需要時間和其他的隊友磨合。”。通過本次對話及兩國以往多次的富有建設性的會議，我有信心，我們是能夠達到姚明這句話所蘊含的含義。

現在我來介紹一下參與本次對話的各位杰出的美國及中國的領導人。希拉里·克林頓以及蒂姆·加斯內是我最親密的兩位顧問，他們對于如何與中國進行合作具有豐富的經驗。我知道，他們能勝任與中方代表國務委員戴秉國先生與副主席王岐山先生進行良好溝通。謝謝你們的到來。

today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.it houses a national memorial to president woodrow wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young。and americas leadership in the world was emerging.it is named for ronald reagan, a man who came of age during two world wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.and it holds a piece of the berlin wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.今天，我們所處的這一建筑物代表著上一世紀的歷史。這里有伍德羅·威爾遜總統的國家紀念碑。他在20世紀初期就任總統，當時美國在國際的領導方興未艾。這里是以羅納德·里根命名的。里根一生經歷了兩次世界大戰，而他的總統就任引領一個新時代的到來。數十年前，柏林墻作為國家分裂的標志并最終被推翻，而這一總統就任執起了柏林墻的磚瓦，讓全球化的理念光芒四射，并持續地塑造我們的世界。we cant predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.and we also know this: the relationship between the united states and china will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.that really must underpin our partnership.that is the responsibility that together we bear.我們無法準確地預測未來將為我們帶來什么，但我們可以確定哪些問題將對我們的時代具有舉足輕重的意義。我們也知道，中美兩國的關系將構建21世紀，這和世界上所有的雙邊關系都同等重要。這必將對我們的合作關系打下基礎。這是我們的共同責任。

as we look to the future, we can learn from our past--for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.during my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of president nixons trip to china.at that time, the world was much different than it is today.america had fought three wars in east asia in just 30 years, and the cold war was in a stalemate.chinas economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the chinese people lived in extreme poverty.回顧歷史，展望未來。歷史告訴我們，我們兩國的利益產生的基礎是互惠互重。在我就任期間，我們會經歷尼克松總統訪華40周年紀念。當時，世界的面貌和現在大不相同。在30年間，美國在東亞就進行了三次戰爭，而當時大量的中國人生活在極端貧困的環境中。

那個時候，中美兩國的對話的焦點是狹窄的，那是我們共同的競爭對手蘇聯。而今天，我們有著廣泛的合作關系，這一關系反映著兩國人民越來越緊密的聯系。兩國的聯合關系比疏離關系的時間要長。兩國人民在多個方面相互合作。我相信，我們必將在我們時代的一些重要問題上穩步前進。

my confidence is rooted in the fact that the united states and china share mutual interests.if we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off--because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.中美兩國的共同利益時我的信息來源。如果我們可以通過合作來促進這些利益，我們的人民將受惠，世界也講變得更美好。原因是我們相互合作的能力是迎接大量最緊迫的全球性挑戰的前提。

讓我提出其中的幾點。第一，我們可以再持續的經濟復蘇中進行合作，一促進我們雙方的利益。當前的危機讓我們很清楚地看到，我們兩國的國內決策影響著全球經濟。不僅在紐約和西雅圖如此，上海和深圳也不例外。這就是我們為什么必需保濕堅固的雙邊及多邊協作的原因。這也是我們必先摒棄激進的行為而采取合作，從而挽回增長、防止進一步衰退及讓人民免于失業的其中一個例子。going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.we can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.we can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced doha round agreement.we can update international institutions so that growing economies like china play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.and as americans save more and chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation--because just as china has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, china can also be an enormous market for american goods.進一步來講，我們可以深化這一合作。我們可以通過加大透明度及有序的改革促進金融穩定。我們可以盡行自由而公平的貿易，尋求一個具有抱負的平衡的多哈回合協議。我們可以更新國際慣例，使中國這樣的新興經濟體可以發揮能夠與他們能力相配的更大的作用。隨著美國的儲蓄增加以及中國的消費能力提高，我們可以將增長放在一個更加持續的基礎上，原因是中國得益于持續的投資與有利可圖的出口，那么她也可以成為美國商品的巨大市場。

第二，我們可以共同合作，以促進我們在潔凈、安全、及繁榮的能源未來中的雙方利益。中美是世界兩大能源消耗國以及溫室氣體排放國。我們坦率地認識到，如果如果我們不進行合作，而越來越依靠別的國家供給石油，我們是無法得益的，我們人民也無法避免氣候變化所帶來的劫難。常識讓我們通力合作。

both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the climatechange conference in copenhagen and beyond.and the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.我們兩國都在采取措施對能源經濟進行改革。如果聯手，我們可以跟蹤大量的碳資源恢復，我們可以在研發方面擴大合作，促進能源的潔凈及有效使用，我們可以在哥本哈根氣候變化會議上以及會議以外共同促進氣候變化問題的全球回應。而保證我們的安全與繁榮革新的最佳方法是讓我們的市場接納新的設想、新的交流以及新的能源來源。

third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.make no mistake: the more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.neither america nor china has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in east asia.that is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the korean peninsula, and make it clear to north korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.and that is why we must also be united in preventing iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the islamic republic to live up to its international obligations.第三，我們可以在截至核武器擴散這一問題進行合作，以促進我們的共同利益。請不要誤會：越多國家獲得這些武器，這些武器越有可能被使用。無論是美國還是中國都會對一個獲得炸彈的恐怖份子或東亞核武競賽產生興趣。這就是我們必需堅持朝鮮半島無核化，并讓北韓知道，實現安全和被尊重的前提是他們盡了自己的義務。而這正是我們必需聯合起來防止伊朗獲得核武器的原因，也是敦促伊斯蘭共和國遵守國際義務的理由。

this is not about singling out any one nation--it is about the responsibility of all nations.together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our global nuclear summit next year.and together, we must strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.a balance of terror cannot hold.in the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the worlds deadliest weapons.這不是針對某一國家，這是所有國家的共同責任。我們必需全體合作，保障世界上所有脆弱的核材料，而這將是明年全球核問題峰會的焦點。我們必須共同促進防止核擴散條約。方法是補充該條約的基本規定：具有核武器的國家將進行裁軍；沒有核武器的國家無需裁軍；所有的國家均有權獲取核能以作安全用途。恐怖活動無法生存。在21世紀，穩固的全球體制是保障世界在最致命的武器面前得以安全的唯一基礎。

第三篇：里根就職演講名言

first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任總統就職演說 tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任總統(1981年-1989年)

（一）senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice president mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.in the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先 生、發言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們

中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是

一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了

兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經習以為

常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。

（二）mr.president, i want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.by your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and i thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic.總統先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交

程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發誓要團結起來維護這樣一

個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同

時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和

國的根基。the business of our nation goes forward.these united states are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.we suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.it distorts our economic decisions, penalizes shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上

歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，打擊著節儉的風氣，壓迫

著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

（三）idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅

收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的

增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們為圖目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子

孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面

的大動蕩。

（四）you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.they will go away because we, as americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.government is the problem.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一

段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作

為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而

又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是

問題所在。government for, by, and of the people.but if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? all of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀

求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

（六）we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了

大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街

頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店

主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是我們人民--這個

稱之為美國人的民族。

（七）well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發展的經濟，為

全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作

起來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人

從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔新開端的富有成效的工 作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和

公正態度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩定并同全世界和平相

處的美國。

（八）so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政

府除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。目前，政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超

過被統治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力

同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯邦政

府創立了各州，而是各州創立了聯邦政府。

因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發揮作用--同我們

一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進生產力，而

不是抑制生產力。

（九）if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than篇二：1981年里根就職演講稿-中英文對照 就職演說文本: first inaugural address of ronald reagan tuesday, january 20, 1981 senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth.the price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.it is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.it is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.we are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable we have every right to dream heroic dreams.those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just dont know where to look.you can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.you meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.there are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.they are individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.their patriotism is quiet but deep.their values sustain our national life.i have used the words they and their in speaking of these heroes.i could say you and your because i am addressing the heroes of whom i speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me god.can we solve the problems confronting us? well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic yes.to paraphrase winston churchill, i did not take the oath i have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the worlds strongest economy.in the days ahead i will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.progress may be slow--measured in inches篇三：美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(下)美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿（下）我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是我們人民——這個稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發展的經濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔新開端的富有成效的工 作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩定并同全世界和平相處的美國。因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家——而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。目前，政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。

我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯邦政府創 立了各州，而是各州創立了聯邦政府。因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發揮作用——同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進生產力，而不是抑制生產力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們為什么能取得這么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發揮。在這里，個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當高昂，但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價。

我們目前的困難，與政府機構因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預、侵擾我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢想，現在正是認識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權去做英雄夢。

有人告訴我們在他的身上發現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰，就好比所有的戰爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。”篇四：翟鴻燊

翟鴻燊

翟鴻燊是我國當代傳統文化的倡導者和傳播者。系國學實踐應用專家，經濟與文化學者，清華大學、北京大學、北京科技大學、美國國家大學客座教授。

簡介

國學實踐應用專家：翟鴻燊(zhái hóng shēn)中國傳統文化的倡導者和傳播者。長期以來，翟教授一直懷著強烈的民族心和使命感致力于中國傳統文化與哲學的研究，在融匯國際各種極具代表性的哲學主流、營銷理論后，結合中國實際情況，針對管理科學、決策科學、人才培養、市場營銷、企業團隊等方面提出一整套獨到的解決方案，并在學術界引起很大反響。

翟鴻燊教授所研發的著名“tat（思考力?行動力?表達力）”課程，已在清華大學、中國人民大學、北京科技大學、美國國家大學等知名院校的mba、emba、dba、卓越領導力項目等研修班中倍受歡迎。

翟鴻燊教授暢銷專著：《領導的力量》

曾經服務過：中國聯通、中原油田、國強集團、婷美集團、大亞集團、始峰集團、宇通客車集團等等。更多的是一些正在發展的中小型企業，如銀曼公司、勰睿公司等。這些企業均在翟教授親歷其企業文化建設、團隊建設、企業內部員工培訓和全國各地經銷商、代理商的教育訓練之后獲得了蓬勃的生機并且短時間內在全國擁有上千家連鎖機構，年營業額突破億元！

翟教授不斷探索中國人才培養之道，自發籌建“中國大學生創業訓練營”，親自成功訓練了數十萬名大學畢業生，成就了無數人才的創業夢想，被譽為“中國創業營銷教父”！

主要作品

《大智慧》內容介紹：

領導者的個人價值、凝塑自我魅力、提升管理實踐；感受“自強不息，厚德載物”的境界；體會“道法自然”、“天人合一”的真實感受。本套課程深入淺出，在妙趣橫生之中感悟天道、地道、人道、商道和王道。

1、修養篇：道不遠人

2、心態篇：喜悅心

3、孝道篇：小孝治家，中孝治企，大孝治國

4、交友篇：君子和而不同，小人同而不和

5、管理篇：得其時，當其位

《大智慧（2）》內容提要：

《大智慧3-道德經應用智慧》

課程提要：

《道德經》易求，《道德經》之真法真傳難得。為此，我們十分榮幸地邀請到著名國學大師翟鴻燊教授來“函谷關論道”，傳授《道德經》之真諦，分享其珍藏的歷代帝王對《道德經》之注解，引領您追尋老子的足跡，領悟天地自然的大道與智慧！翟教授自幼研讀中國傳統文化，尤其對《道德經》感悟頗深。長期以來，翟教授一直懷著強烈的民族心與使命感致力于中國傳統文化與哲學的研究，是中國傳統文化與大圣智慧的實踐

者和傳播者。近年來翟教授應邀在各級政府、知名院校做過數千場各種形式的教育訓練與演講，使近百萬人在震撼和覺悟中獲得心智上的成長和突破。

《道法自然》內容介紹：國學智慧精粹：

掌握進退自如的生存智慧

領悟剛柔相濟的處世策略

學會順逆從容的自然選擇

感受禍福相倚的因果效應

創造靜躁合一的人生狀態 提升企業發展的管理之道

1.儒道精髓—— 以“仁”為本，是企業和諧發展之根本

以“義”育人，可培養企業團隊精神

以“禮”待客，贏得人際關系，獲得企業信譽

以“智”為貴，勇于創新，不斷發展

以“信”為貴，人而無信，不知其可，信是做人之本、興業之道 2.道家智慧——

3.禪宗智慧與企業倫理——

深刻體會禪宗所蘊含的對本性的關懷，以及由此出發而展開的處世方式、人生追求、審美情趣、超越精神，將禪宗精神澄明高遠的境界引入到企業，建立各自企業的倫理體系，真正實現企業治理的至高境界，再現領導藝術的顛峰。

《國學應用智慧》內容介紹：

第一集 見賢思齊 1．學而時習之，不亦說悅乎？ 2．有朋自遠方來，不亦樂乎？ 3．獨樂樂，眾樂樂 4.四海之內皆兄弟！案例：北京2008奧運會開幕式。第二集 立德修身 1．人與人之間的關系 2.人與自然之間的關系 3.人與道之間的關系 案例：1.現行車輛，換來數日藍天； 2.快樂資產負債表 第三集 忠孝天下 1．為人謀而不忠乎！與朋友交而不信乎！2.忠告而善道之，不可則止，毋自辱焉。3.小孝治家，中孝治企，大孝治國 案例：1.經濟崛起文化繁榮，“漢語熱”席卷全球 2.孝敬父母要趁早 第四集 處世之道 1.君子務本,本立而道生.孝弟（悌）之道，其為仁之本與（歟）2.子曰:色難!至于犬馬,皆能有養.不敬,何以別乎? 3.求百世功 求千秋利用 求萬代名

案例：1.感恩要常懷于心 2.蒙牛文化

第五集 溝通智慧

1.精乃生命之力；氣乃生命之能；神乃生命之光 2.喜悅心——是最好的人格狀態。

案例：

第六集 人脈建設

1.喜悅心——是最好的人格狀態。2.人脈建立

案例：火車站接人

第七集 團隊精神

1．有教無類，道不同不相為謀 2.財聚則民散，財散則民聚。3.利者義之合也。

案例：1.捐出全部資產580億美元的比爾蓋茨。2.將源兵魂（亮劍）

第八集 團隊打造

1.精乃生命之力；氣乃生命之能；神乃生命之光 2.領導人:生命取向要高!生命體驗要深!生命能量要強!4.修之于身，其德乃真

5.知治身，則能治國，內圣外王，其理一貫。

案例：里根拜老子為師 視頻音頻講座全集 01、翟鴻燊--國學中的管理之道（最新作品）4dvd+4cd 單購￥80元 02、翟鴻燊--紫氣東來-國學應用智慧 1vcd 單購￥5元

翟鴻燊 03、翟鴻燊--道法自然 1dvd 單購￥20元 04、翟鴻燊--高品質溝通 1dvd 單購￥20元 05、翟鴻燊--北大講國學-大智慧 1dvd 單購￥20元 06、翟鴻燊--國學應用智慧 1vcd 單購￥5元 07、翟鴻燊--清華講國學之《國學應用智慧》 2vcd+1cd(8cd轉mp3合成1張光盤)單購￥20元

08、翟鴻燊-大智慧第二部（最新作品）1dvd+4cd 單購￥30元 09新增：

翟鴻燊-世紀成功論壇之《女人的資本-國學應用智慧》

翟鴻燊-仁，義，德，學，愛

翟鴻燊-大智慧第三部

翟鴻燊語錄

1、成功者的常態就是失敗者的變態。

2、知識就是力量是錯誤的，會使用知識才是力量。

3、教育不等于訓練，教育改變觀念，訓練才能改變行為。

4、沒有發大財就是因為沒有發大瘋，有人說你瘋了，你就離成功不遠了。

5、建立與人溝通的主動性，看到人在動，就像看到錢在動。

6、主動接近潛在顧客，說服并誘導其接受你的產品，就是推銷。

7、銷售是種最佳的生活方式。

8、顧客永遠是對的這句話不一定對，顧客是需要幫助和教育的。

9、溝通不但是語言、文字交流，眼神和體態都很重要。

10、人的行為受兩種因素影響：逃離痛苦、接近快樂。

11、拒絕別人是一種慣性，當被別人拒絕的時候，工作才開始。

12、銷售不是賣東西，是幫顧客買東西。

13、顧客不拒絕你的產品和服務，只拒絕你的平庸。

14、同流才能交流，要做什么樣的事情，就要想辦法和什么樣的人混在在一起。

15、人脈等于神脈，關系就是實力，朋友是最大的生產力。

16、對朋友不能太挑剔，清泉雖高，養不了大魚，包容才能做大。

17、溝通高手，能跟各色人打交道，18、不要小看你身邊的每一個人，輾轉五次可以見到總統。

19、有道理不如有效率，有效率不如有效果。20、講話的聲音跟胸懷有關系，胸懷跟財富命運有關系。

21、不是需要更多的知識，而是需要更好的狀態。

22、世界上最不能等的是什么？比爾蓋茨的回答：孝敬父母。篇五：美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿(上)美國總統羅納德-里根就職演講稿（上）議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們： 今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。總統先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發誓要團結起來維護這樣一個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，打擊著節儉的風氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們為圖目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得——我們從今天起就要采取行動。我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家——不論政府官員還是平民百姓——必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

第四篇：里根總統演講中英文

里根總統就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版

里根總統是個非常擅長演講的人，他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿，完全是即席演講。他的語速和聲音的節奏控制得非常好，聽他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場偉大的演出。

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統先生、副總統布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。對于這個國家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來，我們這個已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，展示了這樣一個事實：我們是一個團結一致的民族，這個民族決心捍衛一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，這種傳承的連續性恰是我們共和國的支柱。

The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業在繼續前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，使儲蓄的人反而受到懲罰，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業使工人失業、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因沉重的稅負而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們為圖目前暫時的方便，已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種入不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業人員、實業家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國人民。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發展的經濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會。使美國復興，意味著使全體美國人都有工作；制止通貨膨脹，意味著使全體美國人免除對勢如脫韁之馬的生活費用的恐懼。人人都應分擔“新開端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對待的精神，有了這些，我們就能建立一個強大繁榮的美國，在國內和全世界都相安無事。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復興美國開始邁步之際，先讓我們看看我們的實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。現在是制止并扭轉政府機構和權力膨脹的時候了，因為種種跡象表明，這種膨脹已超過人民的意愿。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.我想要做的是限制聯邦政府的規模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區別。必須提醒我們大家注意：不是聯邦政府創立了各州，而是各州創立了聯邦政府。

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，請不要誤解，我不是要取消政府，而是要它發揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機會，能夠而且必須促進而不是抑制生產力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來我們能取得巨大成就，獲得世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時候都最大程度地發揮人的潛能和個人的天才；這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個人的自由和尊嚴。得到這種自由所付出的代價有時相當昂貴，但我們從沒不愿意付出這種代價。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過度膨脹對我們生活的干預和侵擾，這不是偶然的巧合。我們應該真正認識到我們是一個偉大的國家，不能自囿于小小的夢想，我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落，我不相信我們命該如此，無論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。為此，讓我們以我們擁有的一切創造力來開創一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新下定決心，拿出我們的勇氣和力量，讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望，我們完全有權利塑造崇高的理想。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當下那些不知道去哪發現英雄的人說我們正身處于一個沒有英雄的時代。你們可以看到每天進出于工廠大門的英雄們；另外一些英雄人數雖少，但生產的糧食卻足夠養活我們大家和世界其他地區的人民；你們會在柜臺前遇到英雄--在柜臺的內外遇到英雄們，其中的一些人是對自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業家，他們創造新的職業、新的財富和機會，政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個人和家族繳納的捐稅，教會、慈善事業、文化、藝術和教育事業也是靠他們的自愿捐獻來維持的。他們的愛國主義精神含而不露，但卻是強烈的，他們創造的價值支撐著我們的國民生活。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說到這些英雄時，用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個字眼，但也可以說“你們”、“你們的”。因為我現在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們，這個上帝降福的國土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標，愿上帝保佑我做到這一點。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

我們將體現出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛我們的國家而不愛我們的同胞呢？我們要愛他們，在他們摔倒時伸出手去扶住他們，在他們患病時給他們治愈，并提供機會使他們自給自足，使他們獲得實在而不是口頭上的平等。

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問題嗎？回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個字“能夠”，借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說，我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領導下使這個世界最強大的經濟瓦解。

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時間，我將建議消除一些使得我們經濟發展緩慢和生產力下降的障礙，將要采取一些旨在恢復各級政府之間保持平衡的步驟，進展也許是緩慢的，用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來衡量，但我們會前進。現在應當是喚醒這個工業巨人的時候，使政府能夠重新量入為出，減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負擔，這將是我們首要的任務，在這些原則上絕不會妥協。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

在我國為獨立而斗爭的前夕，有一個人曾對他的美國同胞說：“我們現在處于危險之中，但并沒有絕望…美國的命運取決與你們。關系到尚未出生的千百萬人的幸福和自由的一個重要問題是由你們來決定，你們的行動要無愧與你自己。”這個人就是馬薩諸塞議會主席約瑟夫沃倫博士，如果他當初沒有在邦克山犧牲，他也許成為我國建國的先人中最偉大的任務之一。

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信，我們當代美國人已做好無愧于我們自己行動的準備，做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進行工作的準備。

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當我們在這塊土地上時代相傳時，全世界將看到，我們所具有的力量更加強大，我們將再度成為自由的典范，成為現在還沒有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國和盟國，我們將加強我們之間傳統性的溝通，保證對他們予以支持，對他們履行應盡的義務，忠誠地報答他們的忠誠，努力爭取建立互利的關系，決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權，因為我們自己的主權也是不能出賣的。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對手，我們要提醒他們，和平是美國人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判，為和平而犧牲，但我們絕不為和平而投降，現在不會，將來也永遠不會。

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對我們的忍讓絕不應誤解。不要把我們對沖突采取的克制態度誤認為是意志不堅強。一旦需要采取行動保衛我們國家的安全，我們就采取行動。我們將保持足以在必要時取勝的力量，這樣我們才最有可能不必動用這種力量。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以，我們必須認識到，世界各地軍火庫中的任何武器沒有自由人們的意志和維護道義的勇氣強大，這是當今世界上我們美國獨有而我們對手所沒有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動和掠奪自己鄰國的人懂得這一點。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當得知今天舉行的祈禱會成千上萬時，我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國家，我們相信，上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日，那是恰如其逢的好事。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.就職儀式在國會大廈西門舉行是美國歷史的第一次。站在這里，宏偉壯麗的景色盡收眼底，可以看到華盛頓這座城市獨特的美麗和歷史。在這條寬闊林蔭大道盡頭矗立著我國歷史偉大的紀念物。

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀念碑，他就是我們的國父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭，處于時勢所迫才做出偉大業績，領導美國取得革命勝利，建立一個新國家。稍偏一點是莊嚴雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀念堂，獨立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊，矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴肅穆的林肯紀念堂，任何想徹底了解美國真諦的人都會在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.過了這些英雄紀念物就是波托馬克河，河對岸就是阿靈頓國家公墓，坡地上排者一行行刻著十字架和大衛王之星的樸實無華的白色墓碑，他們僅僅是為了我們的自由所付出的代價的縮影。

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個墓碑都是對我所提及的那些英雄的紀念。他們在一些叫貝魯伍德、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方，在相隔半個地球之遙的瓜達卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨排山、長津水岸和一個叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻出了他們的生命。

Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人，他于1917年離開一座小鎮的理發館，隨同著名的彩虹師來到法國。在那里的西部戰場上，他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊傳遞信息時犧牲了。

We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們在他的身上發現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰，就好比所有的戰爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數以千計人那樣的犧牲，然而，它確實要求我們作出最大的努力去工作，要求我們愿意相信自己，相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業：團結一致，在上帝的幫助下，能夠并且一定會解決我們面臨的種種問題。

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們為什么不應該相信這一點呢？畢竟我們是美國人。愿上帝祝福你們。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統 副總統先生，議長先生，各位兩院議員：

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國恥日――美利堅合眾國遭到日本帝國的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國曾與該國和平相處，應該國之邀，還在與該國政府和天皇進行談判，謀求維護太平洋區域和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實上，在日本航空隊開始轟炸美國的瓦湖島一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國務卿提交了對我國最近照會的正式答復，其內容是繼續正在進行的外交談判似乎已無意義，沒有任何戰爭或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明，這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間，日本政府蓄意謀求用維護和平的善意的虛假消息來欺騙美國。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海軍和陸軍造成了嚴重損失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國人喪生。此外，美國船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚雷攻擊。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間，日本政府發動了對馬來亞的進攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了關島。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了威克島。

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午，日軍攻擊了中途島。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此，日本已經實施了對太平洋區域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實已經不言而喻了。美國人民已下定決心，并且深知這對國家安全和每個人意味著什么。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國海陸軍總司令，我已下令不惜一切保衛國家。但是我們全國都要永記這次偷襲的性質。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長時間，我們終將戰勝這次有預謀的侵略，美國人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國會和人民的意志，我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛自己，還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會再次發生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對敵意，我們不能閃爍其詞，因為我們的人民、國土和利益都在最危險之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對軍隊的信心，有人民的不屈決心，我們必勝！上帝保佑！I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因為周日，1941年12月7日，日本對我國的無故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲，我懇請國會宣布美國和日本帝國進入戰爭狀態。

第五篇：里根“挑戰者”失事演講

世界著名演講詞---美國前總統里根在挑戰者號失事當天的紀念講話

Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans.Today is a day for mourning and remembering.Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger.We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country.This is truly a national loss.Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground.But we've never lost an astronaut in flight.We've never had a tragedy like this.And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle.But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly.We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe.We mourn their loss as a nation together.For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy.But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much.Your d ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, “Give me a challenge, and I'll meet it with joy.” They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths.They wished to serve, and they did.They served all of us.We've grown used to wonders in this century.It's hard to dazzle us.But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that.We've grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we've only just begun.We're still pioneers.They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off.I know it's hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen.It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery.It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons.The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted;it belongs to the brave.The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program.And what happened today does nothing to diminish it.We don't hide our space program.We don't keep secrets and cover things up.We do it all up front and in public.That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute.We'll continue our quest in space.There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space.Nothing ends here;our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them: “Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades.And we know of your anguish.We share it.” There's a coincidence today.On this day three hundred and ninety years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama.In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, “He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it.” Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives.We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and “slipped the surly bonds of earth” to “touch the face of God.” Thank you.今天，我們聚集在一起，沉痛地哀悼我們失去的七位勇敢的公民，共同分擔內心的悲痛，或許在相互間的安慰中，我們能夠得到承受痛苦的力量并堅定追求理想的信念。

對家庭、朋友及我們的太空宇航員所愛著的人們來講，國家的損失首先是他們個人的巨大損失。對那些失去親人的父親、母親、丈夫和妻子們，對那些兄弟、姐妹，尤其是孩子們，在你們悲痛哀悼的日子里，所有的美國人都和你們緊緊地站在一起。

我們今天所說的遠遠不夠表達我們內心的真實情感，言語在我們的不幸面前顯得如此軟弱無力：它們根本無法寄托我們對你們深深愛著的、同時也是我們所敬佩的英勇獻身的人們的哀思。

英雄之所以稱之為英雄，并不在于我們頌贊的語言，而在于他們始終以高度的事業心、自尊心和鍥而不舍地對神奇而美妙的宇宙進行探索的責任感，去實踐真正的生活以至獻出生命。我們所能盡力做到的就是記住我們的七位宇航員七位“挑戰者”，記住他們活著的時候給熟悉他們的人們帶來的生機、愛和歡樂，給祖國帶來的驕傲。

他們來自這個偉大國家的四面八方從南加利福尼亞州到華盛頓州，從俄亥俄到紐約州的莫霍克，從夏 威夷到北卡羅來納和紐約州的布法洛。他們彼此很不相同，但他們每個人的追求和肩負的使命卻又是 那樣的一致。我們記得迪克·司各比，我們從升空的“挑戰者”號聽到的最后一句話就來自這位機長之口。在參加 太空計劃之前，他曾是一名戰斗機飛行員，后來成為一名高空飛行器的試驗飛行員。對機長司各比來說，危險從來就是一位熟悉的伙伴。

我們記得邁克·史密斯，作為戰斗機飛行員獲得過的獎章戴滿了胸前，其中包括海軍特級飛行十字勛章和來自一個國家的敢斗銀星十字勛章。

我們還記得被朋友們稱為J.R.的朱蒂絲·萊恩尼科，她總是對人們微笑著，總是迫不及待地想對人民有所貢獻。在工作之余，她喜歡在鋼琴上彈奏幾曲，從中獲得美的享受。

我們也不會忘記孩提時總愛光著腳板在咖啡地和夏威夷的麥卡達美亞墓地跑來跑去的埃里森·奧尼佐卡，他早就夢想有一天去月球旅行。他告訴人們，多虧成為一名飛行員，他才能夠建樹他的生涯中那些令人難忘的業績。

還有那個曾告訴人們是南加州的棉田錘煉了他堅毅性格的羅納德·麥克耐爾。他夢想著到外層空間站去生活，在失重的太空中做試驗：吹奏薩克管。啊，讓(羅納德的愛稱)，我們將永遠懷念你的薩克管，我們將要建成你所夢想的空間站。

我們記得格里高利·杰維斯，在那次致命的飛行中，他隨身帶著他的母校布法洛紐約州立大學的一面旗子。他說，這是一份小小的紀念品，紀念那些曾為他指點過未來的人們。

我們還記得凝聚了整個國家想像力的科里斯塔·麥考利芙，她用她的勇氣和永不停息的探索精神激勵我們。她是一位教師，不僅是她的學生們的教師，而且是全國人民的教師，她以這次太空飛行作為激勵我們向未來沖擊的教例，孜孜不倦地講述給我們。

我們將永遠記住他們，這些杰出的專家、科學家、冒險家，這些藝術家、教師和家庭中的男女成員們。我們將珍愛他們每個人的故事，這是訴說勝利和勇敢的故事，這是真正的美國英雄的故事。

就在災難發生的那天，我們所有美國人都關切地守候在電視機前，徹夜不眠。在那個不幸的時刻，我們的興奮變成了戰栗。我們等待著，注視著，想弄清所發生的一切。那天夜里我收聽了廣播電臺的采訪節目。老老少少都在訴說自己的悲哀，都為我們的宇航員感到驕傲。陰霾籠罩著整個國家，我們走出家門，手拉著手，互相安慰。

你們所熱愛的人們的犧牲轟動了整個國家。在痛苦中我們認識到了一個意義深遠的道理：未來的道路并不平坦，整個人類前進的歷史是與一切艱難險阻斗爭的歷史。我們又一次認識到，我們的美國是在英雄主義和崇高獻身精神的基礎上建立起來的，它是由像我們的七位宇航員那樣的男人和女人，那些把全社會的責任作為自己責任的人，那些給予人民比人民期望和要求的更多的人，那些為人類做出貢獻而從不企求些微報答的人建立起來的。

我們不禁回想起一個世紀前的開拓者們，那些帶著家眷和財產去開發荒涼的美國西部的剛毅不屈的人們，他們常常面臨著惡劣的條件，沿著俄勒岡小道，你們仍能看見那些倒下去的拓荒者的墓碑。但是悲痛只能使他們更加堅定開拓前進的決心。

今天的荒漠就是太空和人類知識沒有達到的疆域。有時，我們會感到想達到外星球還力不從心。但我們必須重新振作起來，忍受著磨難，不斷前進。我們的國家的確非常幸運，因為我們依然保持著巨大的勇氣、令人信賴的聲譽和剛毅不屈的品質，我們仍然有像“挑戰者”號上七位宇航員那樣的英雄。

迪克·司各比知道，每一次太空飛行器的發射都是一個技術上的奇跡。他說：“如果出現什么，它決不意味著太空計劃的結束。”我所接觸的每一位英雄的家庭成員，都特別請求我們一定要繼續這項計劃，這是他們失去的可愛的親人所夢求實現的計劃。我們決不會使他們失望。

今天，我們向迪克·司各比和他的伙伴們保證，他們的夢想決沒有破滅，他們努力為之奮斗的理想一定會成為現實。為國家航空和宇宙航行局獻身工作的人們，他們的大家庭中失去了七位成員，他們仍要繼續工作去實現既安全可行又冒險、大膽的更有效的太空計劃。人類將繼續向太空進軍，不斷確立新的目標，不斷取得新的成就。這正是我們紀念“挑戰者”號上七位英雄的最好方式。

迪克、邁克、朱蒂絲、埃里森、羅納德、格里高利和科里斯塔，你們的家庭及你們的國家哀悼你們的逝去。安息吧，我們永遠忘不了你們。對熟悉和愛你們的人們來說，痛苦的打擊是沉重的、持久的；對一個國家來說，她的七位兒女、七位好友的離去是難以彌補的損失。我們所能找到的惟一安慰是，我們在心里知道飛得那樣高那樣自豪的你們，現在在星際之外找到了上帝許諾以不朽生命的歸宿。