第一篇：歷屆美國總統(tǒng)就職演講--中英文對(duì)照

歷屆美國總統(tǒng)就職演講譯文 喬治·華盛頓

第一次就職演講 紐約

星期四,1789年4月30日

美國人民的實(shí)驗(yàn)

參議院和眾議院的同胞們：

在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安，一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對(duì)于她的召喚，我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅(jiān)定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習(xí)慣，且時(shí)光流逝，健康漸衰，時(shí)感體力不濟(jì)，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面，國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力，而我天資愚飩，又無民政管理的實(shí)踐，理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計(jì)可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時(shí)因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民們對(duì)我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時(shí)，忽視了自己的無能和消極，我的錯(cuò)誤將會(huì)由于使我誤人歧途的各種動(dòng)機(jī)而減輕，而大家在評(píng)判錯(cuò)誤的后果時(shí)；也會(huì)適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動(dòng)機(jī)的偏見。

既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時(shí)的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng)，因?yàn)樯系劢y(tǒng)治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補(bǔ)人類的任何不足，愿上帝賜福，侃佑一個(gè)為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn)，保佑政府的各項(xiàng)行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信，在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時(shí)，這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅(jiān)定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們?cè)谶~向獨(dú)立國家的進(jìn)程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們?cè)趧倓偼瓿傻穆?lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報(bào)，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭，我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實(shí)是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家會(huì)和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個(gè)新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款，總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請(qǐng)國會(huì)審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個(gè)場合，恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個(gè)問題，而只提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限，指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場合，更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn)，即必須維護(hù)這個(gè)由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合；因此，其二，我國的政策將會(huì)以純潔而堅(jiān)定的個(gè)人道德原則為基礎(chǔ)，而自由政府將會(huì)以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對(duì)國家的一片熱愛之心激勵(lì)著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景，因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢(shì)，在美德與幸福之間，責(zé)任與利益之間，恪守誠實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會(huì)繁榮幸福的碩果之間，有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一；因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信，上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則，它決不可能對(duì)無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許；因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn)，系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。

我已將有感于這一聚會(huì)場合的想法奉告各位，現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭；但在此以前，我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n，美國人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會(huì)，以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福，用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向；因而，同樣明顯的是，上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界，心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商，并采取明智的措施，而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

George Washington First Inaugural Address In the City of New York Thursday, April 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.約翰·亞當(dāng)斯

就職演講 費(fèi)城

星期六,1797年3月4日

美國的政體與喬治·華盛頓

確實(shí)，還有其他什么形式的政體，值得我們?nèi)绱俗鹁春蜔釔勰兀?/p>

古代有一種很不嚴(yán)密的觀念認(rèn)為，人類聚集而形成城市和國家，是最令具有卓越見識(shí)的人感到愉悅的目標(biāo)，但無可置疑的是，在善良的人們看來，任何國家所顯示的情景，都比不上這里和另一議院所經(jīng)常見到的集會(huì)更令人喜悅，更高尚莊嚴(yán)，或者說更令人敬畏；政府的行政權(quán)和國會(huì)各個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的立法權(quán)，是由同胞們定期選出的公民來行使的，其目的是為公眾利益而制定和執(zhí)行法律。難道官袍和鉆石能為此增添實(shí)質(zhì)性的東西嗎？難道它們不就是一些裝飾品嗎？難道因運(yùn)而生或通過遠(yuǎn)古制反而繼承的權(quán)力，會(huì)比誠實(shí)而卓識(shí)的人民按自己的意愿和判斷而產(chǎn)生的權(quán)力更可親可敬嗎？因?yàn)檫@樣的政府唯一代表的是人民。它的各個(gè)合法機(jī)構(gòu)，無論表現(xiàn)為何種形式，反映的都是人民的權(quán)利和尊嚴(yán)，并且只為人民謀利益。像我們這樣的政府，不論其將存在多久，都是對(duì)知識(shí)和美德在全人類傳播的充分證明。難道還有比這更令人喜悅的目標(biāo)或構(gòu)想能奉獻(xiàn)給人類觀念嗎？如果說民族自豪感歷來無可非議和情有可原，那么，這種自豪感必定不是來自權(quán)勢(shì)和財(cái)富，不是來自豪華和榮耀，而是來自堅(jiān)信民族的純真、識(shí)見和仁愛。

當(dāng)我們沉浸在這些愉快的想法時(shí)，如果任何片面或無關(guān)緊要的因素影響到自由、公平、高尚和獨(dú)立的選舉，使選舉失去了純潔性，使我們忽視自由所面臨的危險(xiǎn)，我們就會(huì)自欺欺人。如果選舉需由一人一票的多數(shù)票來決定勝負(fù)，而一個(gè)政黨可以通過欺騙和腐蝕來達(dá)到目的，那么這個(gè)政府就有可能是政黨為自身目的而作出的選擇，而下是國家為全國利益而作出的選擇；如果其他國家有可能通過奉承或脅迫，欺詐或暴力，通過恐怖、陰謀或收買等伎倆控制了這次選舉，那么這個(gè)政府就可能不是美國人民作出的選擇，而是其他國家作出的選擇。那樣，就可能是外國統(tǒng)治我們，而不是我們——人民——來管理自已，那樣，公正的人士就會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到，選擇較之命運(yùn)或機(jī)遇就未必更有優(yōu)越性而下值得夸耀了。

這就是使人感到親切和興趣的政治體制（及其可能暴露的某些弊端）。8年來，美國人民在一位公民的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下展現(xiàn)了這種政治體制，引起了各國賢達(dá)的贊賞或掛慮。這位公民為人謹(jǐn)慎、公正、節(jié)制、堅(jiān)韌，長期以來，他以一系列偉大的行動(dòng)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著一個(gè)為共同的美德所鼓舞、強(qiáng)烈的愛國心所激勵(lì)的和熱愛自由的民族，走向獨(dú)立、和平、富強(qiáng)和空前鱉榮。他值得同胞們感恩戴德，他博得了世界各國的最高贊揚(yáng)，他必將名垂千古。他自愿選擇了隱退，愿他在隱退后長壽，愉快地回憶他供職時(shí)的情景，并享受人類對(duì)他的感激，享受他所作出的奉獻(xiàn)給他本人和全世界帶來的與日俱增的幸福果實(shí)，享受這個(gè)國家的未來命運(yùn)決定的、正在逐年展開的光明前景。他的名字仍將是一道防線，他的長壽仍將是一座堡壘，抵御著一切危害國家安定的、公開的或暗藏的敵人。他的這一舉動(dòng)已得到國會(huì)兩院、各州立法機(jī)構(gòu)和全國人民的一致贊揚(yáng)，并將成為繼任者效法的榜樣。

John Adams Inaugural Address In the City of Philadelphia Saturday, March 4, 1797

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society.The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered.But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequencesuniversal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity.Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country.Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested.In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish.Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private.It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent.Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution.The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good.Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented.It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear.The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections.If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good.If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations.It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves;and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.Such is the amiable and interesting system of government(and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed)which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year.His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace.This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence;but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth;if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments;if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments;if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations;if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments;if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration;if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense;if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them;if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress;if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations;if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint;if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand;if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world;if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived;if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age;and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.托馬斯·杰斐遜

第一次就職演講 華盛頓

星期三,1801年3月4日

同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來

朋友們、同胞們：

我應(yīng)召擔(dān)任國家的最高行政長官，值此諸位同胞集會(huì)之時(shí)，我衷心感謝大家寄予我的厚愛，誠摯地說，我意識(shí)到這項(xiàng)任務(wù)非我能力所及，其責(zé)任之重大，本人能力之淺簿，自然使我就任時(shí)憂懼交加。一個(gè)沃野千里的新興國家，帶著豐富的工業(yè)產(chǎn)品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃強(qiáng)權(quán)、不顧公理的國家進(jìn)行貿(mào)易，向著世人無法預(yù)見的天命疾奔——當(dāng)我思考這些重大的目標(biāo)，當(dāng)我想到這個(gè)可愛的國家，其榮譽(yù)、幸福和希望都系于這個(gè)問題和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面對(duì)這宏圖大業(yè)自慚德薄能鮮。確實(shí)，若不是在這里見到許多先生們?cè)趫觯刮蚁肫馃o論遇到什么困難，都可以向憲法規(guī)定的另一高級(jí)機(jī)構(gòu)尋找智慧、美德和熱忱的源泉，我一定會(huì)完全心灰意懶。因此，負(fù)有神圣的立法職責(zé)的先生們和各位有關(guān)人士，我鼓起勇氣期望你們給予指引和支持，使我們能夠在亂世紛爭中同舟共濟(jì)，安然航行。

在我們過去的意見交鋒中，大家熱烈討論，各展所長，這種緊張氣氛，有時(shí)會(huì)使不習(xí)慣于自由思想、不習(xí)慣于說出或?qū)懴伦约合敕ǖ娜烁械讲话玻坏缃瘢@場爭論既已由全國的民意作出決定，而且根據(jù)憲法的規(guī)定予以公布，大家當(dāng)然會(huì)服從法律的意志，妥為安排，為共同的利益齊心協(xié)力，大家也會(huì)銘記這條神圣的原則；盡管在任何情況下，多數(shù)人的意志是起決定作用的，但這種意志必須合理才矚公正；少數(shù)人享有同等權(quán)利，這種權(quán)利必須同樣受到法律保護(hù)，如果侵犯，便是壓迫。因此，公民們，讓我們同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來。讓我們?cè)谏鐣?huì)交往中和睦如初、恢復(fù)友愛，如果沒有這些，自由，甚至生活本身都會(huì)索然寡味，讓我們?cè)傧胍幌耄覀円呀?jīng)將長期以來造成人類流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不寬容現(xiàn)象逐出國上，如果我們鼓勵(lì)某種政治上的不寬容，其專演、邪惡和可能造成的殘酷、血腥迫害均與此相仿，那么我們必將無所收獲。當(dāng)舊世界經(jīng)歷陣痛和騷動(dòng)，當(dāng)憤怒的人掙扎著想通過流血、殺戮來尋求失去已人的自由，那波濤般的激情甚至也會(huì)沖擊這片遙遠(yuǎn)而寧靜的海岸；對(duì)此，人們的感觸和憂患不會(huì)一樣，因而對(duì)安全措施的意見就出現(xiàn)了分歧，這些都不足為奇。但是，各種意見分歧并不都是原則分歧。我們以不同的名字呼喚同一原則的兄弟。我們都是共和黨人，我們都是聯(lián)邦黨人，如果我們當(dāng)中有人想解散這個(gè)聯(lián)邦，或者想改變它的共和體制，那就讓他們不受干擾而作為對(duì)平安的紀(jì)念碑吧，因?yàn)橛辛似桨玻e(cuò)誤的意見就可得到寬容，理性就得以自由地與之抗?fàn)帯Ｕ\然，我知道，有些正直人士擔(dān)心共和制政府無法成為強(qiáng)有力的政府，擔(dān)心我們這個(gè)政府不夠堅(jiān)強(qiáng)；但是，在實(shí)驗(yàn)取得成功的高潮中，一個(gè)誠實(shí)的愛國者，難道會(huì)因?yàn)橐环N假設(shè)的和幻想的疑懼，就以為這個(gè)被世界寄予最大希望的政府可能需要力量才得以自存，因而就放棄這個(gè)迄今帶給我們自由和堅(jiān)定的政府嗎？我相信下會(huì)。相反，我相信這是世界上最堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的政府。我相信唯有在這種政府的治理下，每個(gè)人才會(huì)響應(yīng)法律的號(hào)召，奔向法律的旗幟下，像對(duì)待切身利益那樣，迎擊侵犯公共秩序的舉動(dòng)：有時(shí)我們聽到一種說法：不能讓人們自己管理自己。那么，能讓他去管理別人嗎？或者·我們?cè)诮y(tǒng)治人民的君王名單中發(fā)現(xiàn)了無使嗎？這個(gè)問題讓歷史來回答吧。

因此，讓我們以勇氣和信心，迫求我們自己的聯(lián)邦與共和原則，擁戴聯(lián)邦與代議制政府。我們受惠于大自然和大洋的阻隔，幸免于地球上四分之一地區(qū)發(fā)生的那場毀滅性浩動(dòng)；

我們品格高尚，不能容忍他人的墮落； 們天賜良邦，其幅員足以容納子孫萬代；我們充分認(rèn)識(shí)到在發(fā)揮個(gè)人才干、以勤勞換取收入、受到同胞的尊敬與信賴上，大家享有平等的權(quán)利，但這種尊敬和信賴不是出于門第，而是出于我們的行為和同胞的評(píng)判；我們受到仁慈的宗教的啟迪，盡管教派不同，形式各異，但它們都教人以正直、忠誠、節(jié)制、恩義和仁愛；我們承認(rèn)和崇拜全能的上帝，而天意表明，他樂于使這里的人們得到幸福，今后還將得到更多的幸福——我們有了這些福祉，還需要什么才能夠使我們成為快樂而興旺的民族呢？公民們，我們還需要一件，那就是賢明而節(jié)儉的政府，它會(huì)制止人們相互傷害，使他們自由地管理自己的實(shí)業(yè)和進(jìn)步活動(dòng)，它不會(huì)侵奪人們的勞動(dòng)果實(shí)。這就是良好政府的集粹，這也是我們達(dá)到幸福圓滿之必需。

公民們，我即將履行職責(zé)，這些職責(zé)包括你們所珍愛的一切，因此，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)了解我所認(rèn)為的政府基本原則是什么，確定其行政依據(jù)的原則又是什么。我將盡量扼要地加以敘述，只講一般原則，不講其種種限制。實(shí)行人人平等和真正的公平，而不論其宗教或政治上的地位或派別；同所有國家和平相處、商務(wù)往來、真誠友好，而下與任何國家結(jié)盟，維護(hù)備州政府的一切權(quán)利，將它們作為我國最有權(quán)能的內(nèi)政機(jī)構(gòu)，和抵御反共和趨勢(shì)的最可靠屏障；維持全國政府在憲制上的全部活力，將其作為國內(nèi)安定和國際安全的最后依靠；忠實(shí)地維護(hù)人民的選舉僅——將它作為一種溫和而穩(wěn)妥的矯正手段，對(duì)革命留下的、尚無和平補(bǔ)救辦法的種種弊端予以矯正；絕對(duì)同意多數(shù)人的決定，因?yàn)檫@是共和制的主要原則，反之，不訴諸輿論而訴諸武力乃是專制的主要原則和直接根源；建立一支訓(xùn)練有來的民兵，作為平時(shí)和戰(zhàn)爭初期的最好依靠，直到正規(guī)軍來接替；實(shí)行文職權(quán)高于軍職權(quán)；節(jié)約政府開支，減輕勞工負(fù)擔(dān)；誠實(shí)地償還債務(wù)，莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)政府信譽(yù)；鼓勵(lì)農(nóng)業(yè)，輔之以商業(yè)；傳播信息，以公眾理智力準(zhǔn)繩補(bǔ)偏救弊；實(shí)行宗教自由；實(shí)行出版自由和人身自由，根據(jù)人身保護(hù)法和公正選出陪審團(tuán)進(jìn)行審判來保證人身自由。這些原則構(gòu)成了明亮的星座，它在我們的前方照閘，指引我們經(jīng)歷了革命和改革時(shí)朗，先皙的智慧和英雄的鮮血都曾為實(shí)現(xiàn)這些原則作出過奉獻(xiàn)，這些原則應(yīng)當(dāng)是我們的政治信條，公民教育的課本，檢驗(yàn)我們所信曹的人的工作的試金石，如果我們因一時(shí)錯(cuò)誤或驚恐而背日這些原則，那就讓我們趕緊回頭，重返這唯一通向和平、自由和安全的大道。

各位公民，我即將擔(dān)當(dāng)起你們委派給我的職務(wù)。根據(jù)我擔(dān)任許多較低職務(wù)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，我已經(jīng)意識(shí)到這是最艱巨的職務(wù)，圇此，我能夠預(yù)期，當(dāng)一個(gè)并非盡善盡奏的人從這個(gè)職位卸任時(shí)，很少能像就任時(shí)那樣深手眾望。我不敢奢皇大家如同信任我們第一位最偉大的革命元?jiǎng)啄菢訉?duì)我高度信任，因?yàn)樗淖恐鴦讋谑顾钣匈Y格受到全國的愛戳，使他在忠實(shí)的史書中占有汲輝煌的一頁，我只要求大家給我相當(dāng)?shù)男湃危谷俗阋詧?jiān)定地、有效地依法管理大家的事務(wù)。由于判斷有誤，我會(huì)常常犯錯(cuò)誤。即使我是正確的，那些不是站在統(tǒng)籌全局的立場上看問題的人，也會(huì)常常認(rèn)為我是錯(cuò)誤的，我請(qǐng)求你們寬容我自己犯的鍺誤，而這些錯(cuò)誤決不是故意犯的，我請(qǐng)求你們支持我反對(duì)別人的錯(cuò)誤，而這些人如果通盤考慮，也是決不會(huì)犯的。從投票結(jié)果來看，大家對(duì)我的過去甚為嘉許，這是我莫大的安慰；今后我所渴望的是，力求賜予我好評(píng)的各位能保持這種好評(píng)，在我職權(quán)范圍內(nèi)為其他各位效勞以博得他們的好評(píng)，并為所有同胞們的幸福和自由而盡力。

現(xiàn)在，我仰承各位的好意，恭順地就任此職，一旦你們覺得需要作出你們有權(quán)作出的更好的選擇，我便準(zhǔn)備辭去此職。愿主宰夭地萬物命運(yùn)的上帝引導(dǎo)我們的機(jī)構(gòu)臻于完善，并為大家的和平與昌盛，賜給它一個(gè)值得贊許的結(jié)果。

Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address In the Washington, D.C.Wednesday, March 4, 1801 Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire.A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eyewhen I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue, and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking.Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think;but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good.All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable;that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore;that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.We have called by different names brethren of the same principle.We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough;but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not.I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself.Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government.Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe;too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation;entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them;enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafterwith all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizensa wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration.I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations.Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies;the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;a jealous care of the right of election by the peoplea mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them;the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened;the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason;freedom of religion;freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment.They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust;and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment.When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground.I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts.The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make.And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.詹姆斯·麥迪遜 第二次就職演講

星期四,1813年3月4日

關(guān)于一八一二年戰(zhàn)爭

美國一直沒有宣戰(zhàn)，直到出現(xiàn)了以下情況——直到這場加于美國的戰(zhàn)爭在實(shí)際上，盡管不是在名義上已進(jìn)行了根久；直到再也沒有爭辯和規(guī)勸的余地；直到美國被明確地告知，無理挑釁不會(huì)中止；直到這最后的呼吁不可再拖延，不然國家的精神就要崩潰，國家和政府機(jī)構(gòu)的信心就要喪失，那樣，就得永遠(yuǎn)忍受屈辱，否則就得付出更高昂的代價(jià)和經(jīng)過更嚴(yán)酷的斗爭，才能恢復(fù)我國作為獨(dú)立國家的地位和尊嚴(yán)。

戰(zhàn)爭問題關(guān)系到我國在公海上的主權(quán)，關(guān)系到一個(gè)重要的公民階層的安全，而這個(gè)階層所從事的職業(yè)，對(duì)于其他公民階層具有重要的價(jià)值。如果不為此而斗爭，就是放棄我國在公海上與其他國家的同等地位，就是侵犯每一個(gè)社會(huì)成風(fēng)所擁有的、保護(hù)自己的神圣權(quán)利。我不必強(qiáng)調(diào)指出，巡航官對(duì)我國水手為所欲為，迫使他們離開自己的船只而登上異國船只的不法行徑，也不必渲染其中免不了的暴行。我國歷屆政府的記錄中都留有證據(jù)，凡是同情心尚未泯滅的人們，都會(huì)在心中記住這部分美國人所蒙受的苦難。由于這場戰(zhàn)爭從根本上說是正義的，從目標(biāo)上說是必要的和高尚的，所以，我們可以自豪而滿意地表明，把這場戰(zhàn)爭繼續(xù)下去，并沒有侵犯公正或道義原則，并沒有違背文明國家的慣例，也沒有觸犯禮儀或人道法則。我們是以嚴(yán)格尊重所有上述義務(wù)的態(tài)度，和空間高昂的自由精神來進(jìn)行這場戰(zhàn)爭的。

James Madison Second Inaugural Address Thursday, March 4, 1813

About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a second call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, I find in the presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence and of the responsibility united with it.The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to discharge my arduous duties have been favorably estimated, and by a consideration of the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed.From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrink if I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply a conviction that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful termination.May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect on the characters by which this war is distinguished?

It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long made on them, in reality though not in name;until arguments and postulations had been exhausted;until a positive declaration had been received that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued;nor until this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political institutions, and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering or regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles our lost rank and respect among independent powers.On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the high seas and the security of an important class of citizens, whose occupations give the proper value to those of every other class.Not to contend for such a stake is to surrender our equality with other powers on the element common to all and to violate the sacred title which every member of the society has to its protection.I need not call into view the unlawfulness of the practice by which our mariners are forced at the will of every cruising officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it.The proofs are in the records of each successive Administration of our Government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion of the American people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the sympathies of human nature.As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in its objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it on no principle of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy or humanity, have been infringed.The war has been waged on our part with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed.How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the enemy!

They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraint to the United States, incorporated by naturalization into our political family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country in open and honorable war for the maintenance of its rights and safety.Such is the avowed purpose of a Government which is in the practice of naturalizing by thousands citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but compelling them to fight its battles against their native country.They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loose the savages armed with these cruel instruments;have allured them into their service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut their savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish the work of torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives.And, what was never before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over the unconquerable valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of their chief captives awaiting massacre from their savage associates.And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force by attempts to disorganize our political society, to dismember our confederated Republic.Happily, like others, these will recoil on the authors;but they mark the degenerate counsels from which they emanate, and if they did not belong to a sense of unexampled inconsistencies might excite the greater wonder as proceeding from a Government which founded the very war in which it has been so long engaged on a charge against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress.The sword was scarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable terms on which it would be resheathed.Still more precise advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not placed on the military resources of the nation.These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable issue.Our nation is in number more than half that of the British Isles.It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people.Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and the comforts of life.A general prosperity is visible in the public countenance.The means employed by the British cabinet to undermine it have recoiled on themselves;have given to our national faculties a more rapid development, and, draining or diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those of the United States.It is a propitious consideration that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the contributions required to support it.When the public voice called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be carried on through the period which it might last, and the patriotism, the good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens are pledges for the cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden.To render the war short and its success sure, animated and systematic exertions alone are necessary, and the success of our arms now may long preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them.Already have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element.If the reputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs there also but the discipline and habits which are in daily progress.詹姆斯·門羅

第一次就職演講

星期二,1817年3月4日

沖突不和不屬于我們的制度

同胞們滿懷信心地召喚我出任這一重要職務(wù)，令我十分感動(dòng)，不然我就是一個(gè)缺乏感情的人。這表明同胞們甚為矗許我的公職行為，我對(duì)此感到心滿意足，而唯有竭盡全力做了值得夸獎(jiǎng)的工作的人，才能有這種威受。我能正確估計(jì)到這一職務(wù)的重要性以及承擔(dān)這一義務(wù)的性質(zhì)和范圍，所以我對(duì)于正確地履行同我們這一偉大同由民族的崇高利益密切相連的義務(wù)的感受也隨之而增加。由于意識(shí)到自己的不足，所以在開始履行這些義務(wù)時(shí)，我無法不對(duì)將來的結(jié)累裴示極大的憂慮。對(duì)應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任我決不會(huì)裹足不前，我頗有信心地認(rèn)為。只要我盡力促進(jìn)公共福利，入門就始終會(huì)恰當(dāng)?shù)卦u(píng)價(jià)我的動(dòng)機(jī)，而且會(huì)以公正和愛護(hù)的眼光來看待我的行為，就像我在其他職位上已經(jīng)經(jīng)歷過的那樣。

歷任杰出總統(tǒng)在開始履行職責(zé)前有一個(gè)慣例，即明確闡述各自執(zhí)政的指導(dǎo)原則。在仿效這些令人尊敬的榜樣時(shí),我自然把注意力集中于目前給合眾國帶來高度幸褔的那些主要原因。這些原因?qū)⒛艹浞终f明我們職責(zé)的性質(zhì)，并且闡明我們將來必須推行的政策。

從獨(dú)立革命至今幾乎已過去40個(gè)春秋，而憲法的制定也已有鵬載。在此時(shí)期，我們的政府一直被強(qiáng)調(diào)為自治政府。其結(jié)果如何呢？無論我們將目光轉(zhuǎn)向何處，不論是涉及到國外問題還是國內(nèi)問題，我們都有足夠的理由慶幸我們擁有優(yōu)越的制度。在充滿艱辛和非凡事件的歲月里，我們的合眾國還是取得了空前的繁榮，公民們個(gè)個(gè)幸福歡樂，國家昌盛發(fā)達(dá)。

……

使我特別感到滿意的是，我是在合眾國探受和平之惠時(shí)開始履行這些職責(zé)的。合眾國的繁榮和幸福最需要和平。我衷心希望維持和平，依靠政府的努力、以公正的原則與各國交往，不提任何不合理的要求，并對(duì)各國履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。

我同樣感到滿意的是，我看到我們合眾國越來越和諧一致。沖突不和不同于我們的制度，聯(lián)邦之所以受到擁護(hù)，是因?yàn)槲覀兊恼贫俗杂珊腿蚀鹊脑瓌t，從而使每個(gè)人都受到了恩惠，同時(shí)還因?yàn)樗衅渌怀龅膬?yōu)點(diǎn)。美國人民已共同克服了巨大的危險(xiǎn)，成功地經(jīng)受了嚴(yán)重的考驗(yàn)。他們組成了具有共同利益的大家庭。經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)在一些對(duì)同家至關(guān)重即明確闡述各自執(zhí)政的指導(dǎo)原則。在仿效這些令人尊敬的榜樣時(shí),我自然把注意力集中于目前給合眾國帶來高度幸褔的那些主要原因。這些原因?qū)⒛艹浞终f明我們職責(zé)的性質(zhì)，并且闡明我們將來必須推行的政策。

從獨(dú)立革命至今幾乎已過去40個(gè)春秋，而憲法的制定也已有鵬載。在此時(shí)期，我們的政府一直被強(qiáng)調(diào)為自治政府。其結(jié)果如何呢？無論我們將目光轉(zhuǎn)向何處，不論是涉及到國外問題還是國內(nèi)問題，我們都有足夠的理由慶幸我們擁有優(yōu)越的制度。在充滿艱辛和非凡事件的歲月里，我們的合眾國還是取得了空前的繁榮，公民們個(gè)個(gè)幸福歡樂，國家昌盛發(fā)達(dá)。

……

使我特別感到滿意的是，我是在合眾國探受和平之惠時(shí)開始履行這些職責(zé)的。合眾國的繁榮和幸福最需要和平。我衷心希望維持和平，依靠政府的努力、以公正的原則與各國交往，不提任何不合理的要求，并對(duì)各國履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。

我同樣感到滿意的是，我看到我們合眾國越來越和諧一致。沖突不和不同于我們的制度，聯(lián)邦之所以受到擁護(hù)，是因?yàn)槲覀兊恼贫俗杂珊腿蚀鹊脑瓌t，從而使每個(gè)人都受到了恩惠，同時(shí)還因?yàn)樗衅渌怀龅膬?yōu)點(diǎn)。美國人民已共同克服了巨大的危險(xiǎn)，成功地經(jīng)受了嚴(yán)重的考驗(yàn)。他們組成了具有共同利益的大家庭。經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)在一些對(duì)同家至關(guān)重要的問題上使我們獲得教益，由于對(duì)國家的各種利益須作正確的考慮和忠誠的關(guān)切，所以進(jìn)展是很緩慢的。我將持之以恒并努力追求的目標(biāo)是：按照我們的共和政府的原則，以充分發(fā)揮其作用的方式來促進(jìn)和諧，并在所有其他方面促進(jìn)我們聯(lián)邦的最大利益。

從來沒有一個(gè)政府能像我國政府那樣從一開始就諸事如意，并獲得如此徹底的成功。翻閱一下其他國家的歷史，無論是古代的國家還是現(xiàn)代的國家，都無法找到一個(gè)發(fā)展如此迅速，規(guī)模如此巨大，而人民又是如此富裕和幸福的實(shí)例。當(dāng)我們思考還有哪些尚待完成的任務(wù)時(shí)，每個(gè)公民必然由衷地感到喜悅，因?yàn)樗麜?huì)想到：我們的政府已經(jīng)如此接近于完善：我們?cè)谶@方回已無需作出重大改善，偉大的目標(biāo)在于維護(hù)我們政府擁有的基本原則和特征，這將通過保持人民的美德和啟發(fā)人民的心靈來實(shí)現(xiàn)；偉大的目標(biāo)還在于采取不可缺少的措施，來維護(hù)我們的獨(dú)立、權(quán)利和自由，并確保我國不受外來的威脅。如果我們能保持目前我們已經(jīng)獲得進(jìn)展的事業(yè)，并堅(jiān)持不懈地走我們已經(jīng)走過的路，那么在仁慈上帝的保佑下，我們便能達(dá)到似乎正在等待著我們的崇高目標(biāo)。

在我之前，已有幾位杰出人物擔(dān)任過這一崇高的職務(wù)，而且我與其中一些人很早就結(jié)成了最緊密的聯(lián)系。他們所提供的執(zhí)政典范，將永遠(yuǎn)使后繼者獲得高度的教益。從這些典范中，我將盡力獲取所有的長處，至于我的前任總統(tǒng)，由于他所進(jìn)行的工作已經(jīng)成為我們巨大而成功的實(shí)驗(yàn)的極為重要的一部分，大家必然會(huì)體諒我要向他表示熱烈的祝愿：原它在退休后能永享國家對(duì)他的感激之情，這種感情是對(duì)他的杰出才能和最為忠誠而卓越的服務(wù)的最好報(bào)答。依靠政府其他各部門的幫助，我開始擔(dān)任同胞們通過選舉而交給我的職務(wù)。我虔誠地向全能的上帝祈禱，他已經(jīng)如此明顯地展示了對(duì)我們的護(hù)佑，愿他繼續(xù)仁慈的護(hù)佑我們。

James Monroe First Inaugural Address Tuesday, March 4, 1817

I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence in calling me to the high office whose functions I am about to assume.As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it can alone feel.My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust and of the nature and extent of its duties, with the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected.Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result.From a just responsibility I will never shrink, calculating with confidence that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare my motives will always be duly appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective Administrations.In following their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to produce the present happy condition of the United States.They will best explain the nature of our duties and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight.Through this whole term the Government has been what may emphatically be called self-government.And what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions.During a period fraught with difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United States have flourished beyond example.Their citizens individually have been happy and the nation prosperous.Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations and between the States;new States have been admitted into our Union;our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original States;the States, respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parental system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered.And if we look to the condition of individuals what a proud spectacle does it exhibit!On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent;and I add with peculiar satisfaction that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.Some who might admit the competency of our Government to these beneficent duties might doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations.Here too experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favor.Just as this Constitution was put into action several of the principal States of Europe had become much agitated and some of them seriously convulsed.Destructive wars ensued, which have of late only been terminated.In the course of these conflicts the United States received great injury from several of the parties.It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the party committing the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and honorable conduct the friendship of all.War became at length inevitable, and the result has shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavorable circumstances.Of the virtue of the people and of the heroic exploits of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I need not speak.Such, then, is the happy Government under which we livea Government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed;a Government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may by his merit obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution;which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at variance one portion of the community with another;a Government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers.Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our Union and to cling to the Government which supports it.Fortunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend.Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe.Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain.Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow-men in other countries.Such is our peculiar felicity that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it.The great agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection.Local interests are not less fostered by it.Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigation find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights.Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and the surplus of our produce a steady and profitable market by local wants in less-favored parts at home.Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it.What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist they ought to be ascertained and guarded against.In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be asked, What raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the National Government sufficient power for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? The Government has been in the hands of the people.To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust is the credit due.Had the people of the United States been educated in different principles, had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career or been blessed with the same success? While, then, the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state everything will be safe.They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department.It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty.Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found.The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin.Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force.Let us by all wise and constitutional measures promote intelligence among the people as the best means of preserving our liberties.Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention.Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to overset our Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation.Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of our Government may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against.Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state.Many are engaged in the fisheries.These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experience if we did not expect it.We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties.A people who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations.National honor is national property of the highest value.The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength.It ought therefore to be cherished.To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing.To put our extensive coast in such a state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will be attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work.Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposesthe former to garrison and preserve our fortifications and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war;the latter, retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation.In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination.But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the safety of these States and of everything dear to a free people must depend in an eminent degree on the militia.Invasions may be made too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport either with the principles of our Government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain.In such cases recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect.It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency.The arrangement should be such as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country.If formed on equal and just principles, it can not be oppressive.It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it.This arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war.With such an organization of such a people the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion.At its approach an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion.Other interests of high importance will claim attention, among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place.By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country, and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together.Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong.A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United Statesa territory so vast and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts!

Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the Government.Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done on supplies from other countries.While we are thus dependent the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties.It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry.Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance the price and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets.With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions.Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization.The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resources for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which the public necessities require.The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration.These resources, besides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period.Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind;it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.The Executive is charged officially in the Departments under it with the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the purposes for which it is raised.The Legislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse.It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made.To meet the requisite responsibility every facility should be afforded to the Executive to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money strictly and promptly to account.Nothing should be presumed against them;but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confined to them.It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the Administration which will be felt by the whole community.I shall do all I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the Administration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal.A thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it.It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the discharge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace.It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness.It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any and rendering to each what is its due.Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion which pervades our Union.Discord does not belong to our system.Union is recommended as well by the free and benign principles of our Government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it.The American people have encountered together great dangers and sustained severe trials with success.They constitute one great family with a common interest.Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country.The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it.To promote this harmony in accord with the principles of our republican Government and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects the best interests of our Union, will be the object of my constant and zealous exertions.Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor ever was success so complete.If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so prosperous and happy.In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy when he reflects how near our Government has approached to perfection;that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make;that the great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which characterize it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people;and as a security against foreign dangers to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights and liberties.If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to await us.In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to their successors.From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford.Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement the affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious service.Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.安德魯·杰克遜

第二次就職演講

星期一,1833年3月4日 論國內(nèi)外政策

公民們：

美國人民通過自愿選舉所表達(dá)的意志，要求我站在你們面前通過這一莊重的儀式，作為我連任合眾國總統(tǒng)職務(wù)的準(zhǔn)備。你們對(duì)我在一個(gè)不無困難的時(shí)期執(zhí)政的情況表示認(rèn)可，對(duì)我良好的愿望再次表示信賴，對(duì)此我實(shí)在我不出適當(dāng)?shù)难栽~來表達(dá)我的感激。我將繼續(xù)盡我微薄之力管理政府，維護(hù)你們的自由，促進(jìn)你們的幸福，以此來表達(dá)我的感激之憎。

在過會(huì)4年里發(fā)生了這么多事件，這必然引起——有時(shí)是在最微妙和最痛苦的情況下——我對(duì)許多必須由中央政府執(zhí)行的原則和政策的看法，因此，我必須在此列提到與某些原則和政策有關(guān)的一些主要問題。

在目前的這部憲法制定后不久，我國政府所采取的、并為歷屆政府普遍奉行的外交政策，獲得了幾乎全面成功的榮譽(yù)，并提高了我們?cè)谑澜绺鲊械穆曂?duì)所有的人一視同仁，不向任何人的邪惡屈服，乃是我當(dāng)政期間的指導(dǎo)方針。其結(jié)果非常成功，我們不僅和世界各國和睦相處，也很少有引起爭端的緣由，至于尚未調(diào)整的也只是一些元足輕重的問題。

在這屆政府執(zhí)行的國內(nèi)政策上有兩個(gè)目標(biāo)特別值得人民及其代表的注意，這兩個(gè)目標(biāo)一直是，并仍將繼續(xù)是我日益關(guān)注的問題。這就是維護(hù)幾個(gè)州的權(quán)利和維護(hù)聯(lián)邦的完整。

這兩大目標(biāo)必然是相關(guān)的，只有在這些州的適當(dāng)范圍內(nèi)開明地行使各自的權(quán)力并符合憲法所表達(dá)的公眾的意志，才能達(dá)到這些目標(biāo)。要達(dá)到這個(gè)目偽，所有的人都有責(zé)任樂意地和富有愛國心地服從憲法所規(guī)定的法律，從而提高并增強(qiáng)人民親自為他們的政府所規(guī)定的幾個(gè)州和合眾國的那些法律的信心。

我任公職的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和對(duì)生活的略微高超的觀察證實(shí)了我長久以來所形成的觀點(diǎn)：廢除我們的州政府或者取消它們對(duì)地方事務(wù)的控制，必然會(huì)直接導(dǎo)致單命或無政府狀態(tài)，最終則導(dǎo)致專制和軍事控制。因此，如果中央政府侵害了各州的部分權(quán)利，也就損害了自身的部分權(quán)力，并減損了部分的創(chuàng)造能力。如果向胞們切實(shí)銘記這些考慮，便會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)我準(zhǔn)備行使我的憲法權(quán)力，以阻止那些直接或間接侵犯州權(quán)、或企圖加強(qiáng)中央政府政治權(quán)力的各種措施。但是，具有同等而且確實(shí)是無可估量重要性的是這些州的聯(lián)合，以及所有各州都大力支持中央政府行使其公正的權(quán)為，以此來維護(hù)其聯(lián)合的神圣職責(zé)。你們?cè)焕碇堑馗嬲]過：“你們要習(xí)慣于像對(duì)待護(hù)佑你們政治上的安全與繁榮的守護(hù)神那樣想到它或談?wù)撍⌒囊硪怼o微不至地保護(hù)它；要駁斥一切拋棄它的想法，即使對(duì)它抱有絲毫懷疑亦不允許；要義正詞嚴(yán)地反對(duì)剛回頭的、一切可能使我國的任何部分與其他部分疏遠(yuǎn)并削弱連接全國各地的神圣紐帶的種種企圖”。沒有聯(lián)合，我們的獨(dú)立和自由就永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)取得，沒有聯(lián)合，獨(dú)立和自由也決得不到維護(hù)，如果我國分裂為24個(gè)獨(dú)立的地區(qū)，或者即使數(shù)量上少一些，我們的國內(nèi)貿(mào)易將為無數(shù)的限制和苛稅所累；遙遠(yuǎn)的市鎮(zhèn)與地區(qū)之間的通訊聯(lián)系將受阻或被切斷；我們的孩子將被迫當(dāng)兵，使他們現(xiàn)在還在和平耕種地失去自由，失去這絕好的政體，失去和平、富裕和幸福。因此，支持聯(lián)邦，我們就支持了自由人和博愛主義者所珍視的一切。

我站在你們面前的這一時(shí)刻充分地引起了人們的注意。世界各國的目光都在注視著我們的共和政體。目前這個(gè)危機(jī)的結(jié)果將決定全人類對(duì)我們聯(lián)邦制政府的可行性的看法。置于我們手中的賭注是巨大的，置于美國人民肩上的責(zé)任是重大的。讓我們意識(shí)到我們對(duì)全世界表明的這種態(tài)度的重要性。讓我們運(yùn)用我們的克制態(tài)度和堅(jiān)定信念，讓我們將我們的國家從所處的危險(xiǎn)中解脫出來，從這些危險(xiǎn)所反復(fù)說明的教訓(xùn)中汲取智念。

這些觀察所得出的道理給我留下深刻的印象，既然我必須對(duì)我即將作的莊嚴(yán)誓詞負(fù)責(zé)，我將繼續(xù)竭盡全力維護(hù)憲法所規(guī)定的正當(dāng)權(quán)力，將我們合眾國的福祉無損地傳至后代，同時(shí)，我的目標(biāo)是，以我的官方行動(dòng)，反復(fù)灌輸中央政府只行使明確地授予它的權(quán)力的必要性；鼓勵(lì)政府節(jié)儉開支；不向人民征收超過達(dá)到這些目標(biāo)所需要的款項(xiàng)，最大限度地提高社會(huì)各階級(jí)和聯(lián)邦各州的利益。我們要時(shí)刻牢記，在進(jìn)入社會(huì)時(shí)·個(gè)人必須放棄一份自由以維護(hù)其他人的自由“，我的愿望將是履行我的職責(zé)，并和全國各地的同胞們一起，培養(yǎng)一種寬容謙讓的精神，使我們的公民安心于為維護(hù)更大的利益而必須做出部分的犧牲，從而是我們寶貴的政府和聯(lián)邦能博得美國人民的信任和愛戴。最后，我站在全能的上帝面前作最熱忱的祈禱，我們的共和國在他的懷抱里已經(jīng)從嬰兒成長到今日，愿他主宰我得一切愿望和行動(dòng)，并激發(fā)公民們的信念，使我們能免遭一切危險(xiǎn)，永遠(yuǎn)成為一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)和幸福的民族。

Andrew Jackson Second Inaugural Address Monday, March 4, 1833 Fellow-Citizens:

THE will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicited suffrages, calls me before you to pass through the solemnities preparatory to taking upon myself the duties of President of the United States for another term.For their approbation of my public conduct through a period which has not been without its difficulties, and for this renewed expression of their confidence in my good intentions, I am at a loss for terms adequate to the expression of my gratitude.It shall be displayed to the extent of my humble abilities in continued efforts so to administer the Government as to preserve their liberty and promote their happiness.So many events have occurred within the last four years which have necessarily called forthsometimes under circumstances the most delicate and painfulmy views of the principles and policy which ought to be pursued by the General Government that I need on this occasion but allude to a few leading considerations connected with some of them.The foreign policy adopted by our Government soon after the formation of our present Constitution, and very generally pursued by successive Administrations, has been crowned with almost complete success, and has elevated our character among the nations of the earth.To do justice to all and to submit to wrong from none has been during my Administration its governing maxim, and so happy have been its results that we are not only at peace with all the world, but have few causes of controversy, and those of minor importance, remaining unadjusted.In the domestic policy of this Government there are two objects which especially deserve the attention of the people and their representatives, and which have been and will continue to be the subjects of my increasing solicitude.They are the preservation of the rights of the several States and the integrity of the Union.These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only be attained by an enlightened exercise of the powers of each within its appropriate sphere in conformity with the public will constitutionally expressed.To this end it becomes the duty of all to yield a ready and patriotic submission to the laws constitutionally enacted, and thereby promote and strengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of the several States and of the United States which the people themselves have ordained for their own government.My experience in public concerns and the observation of a life somewhat advanced confirm the opinions long since imbibed by me, that the destruction of our State governments or the annihilation of their control over the local concerns of the people would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and finally to despotism and military domination.In proportion, therefore, as the General Government encroaches upon the rights of the States, in the same proportion does it impair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfill the purposes of its creation.Solemnly impressed with these considerations, my countrymen will ever find me ready to exercise my constitutional powers in arresting measures which may directly or indirectly encroach upon the rights of the States or tend to consolidate all political power in the General Government.But of equal, and, indeed, of incalculable, importance is the union of these States, and the sacred duty of all to contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the General Government in the exercise of its just powers.You have been wisely admonished to “accustom yourselves to think and speak of the Union as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” Without union our independence and liberty would never have been achieved;without union they never can be maintained.Divided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number, of separate communities, we shall see our internal trade burdened with numberless restraints and exactions;communication between distant points and sections obstructed or cut off;our sons made soldiers to deluge with blood the fields they now till in peace;the mass of our people borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies and navies, and military leaders at the head of their victorious legions becoming our lawgivers and judges.The loss of liberty, of all good government, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of the Union.In supporting it, therefore, we support all that is dear to the freeman and the philanthropist.The time at which I stand before you is full of interest.The eyes of all nations are fixed on our Republic.The event of the existing crisis will be decisive in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of our federal system of government.Great is the stake placed in our hands;great is the responsibility which must rest upon the people of the United States.Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which we stand before the world.Let us exercise forbearance and firmness.Let us extricate our country from the dangers which surround it and learn wisdom from the lessons they inculcate.Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations, and under the obligation of that solemn oath which I am about to take, I shall continue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of the Constitution and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of our Federal Union.At the same time, it will be my aim to inculcate by my official acts the necessity of exercising by the General Government those powers only that are clearly delegated;to encourage simplicity and economy in the expenditures of the Government;to raise no more money from the people than may be requisite for these objects, and in a manner that will best promote the interests of all classes of the community and of all portions of the Union.Constantly bearing in mind that in entering into society “individuals must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest,” it will be my desire so to discharge my duties as to foster with our brethren in all parts of the country a spirit of liberal concession and compromise, and, by reconciling our fellow-citizens to those partial sacrifices which they must unavoidably make for the preservation of a greater good, to recommend our invaluable Government and Union to the confidence and affections of the American people.Finally, it is my most fervent prayer to that Almighty Being before whom I now stand, and who has kept us in His hands from the infancy of our Republic to the present day, that He will so overrule all my intentions and actions and inspire the hearts of my fellow-citizens that we may be preserved from dangers of all kinds and continue forever a united and happy people.威廉·亨利·哈里森

就職演講

星期四,1841年3月4日

我國的政黨

……

同胞們，在結(jié)束演講之前，我必須談?wù)勎覈壳按嬖诘恼h問題，我認(rèn)為有一點(diǎn)是顯而易見的；目前支配各個(gè)政黨的強(qiáng)烈的黨派情緒，如果不能完全消除，也應(yīng)該極大地削弱，否則后果不堪設(shè)想。

在一個(gè)共和國里，如果說政黨的存在是必要的，以便確保某種程度的警覺，使公共職能機(jī)構(gòu)不越出法律和職責(zé)的范圍，那么，政黨的作用應(yīng)該到此為止。超過這一限度，政黨就會(huì)成為公共美德的破壞力量，就會(huì)培育與自由精神相抵觸的情緒，就會(huì)最終不可避免地毀掉自由。以往的某些共和國不乏這樣的例子。在那里，熱愛祖國和熱愛自由一度是全體公民的主導(dǎo)情感，但是，盡管自由政府的名義和形式還繼續(xù)存在，而在公民的心中，上述情感已蕩然無存，一位英國著名作家說得很精彩：“在羅馬元老院，屋大維有自己的黨，安東尼也有自己的黨，共和國卻一無所有。”然而，元老院照舊在自由的神殿里開會(huì)，高談共和國的神圣、美麗，凝望老布魯圖、柯蒂和德西等人的雕像，人民照舊在廣場集會(huì)，但不像在卡米盧和大小西庇阿時(shí)代，為選舉年度執(zhí)政官而自由投票，或?qū)υ显旱淖h案作出裁決，而是從各自的黨派頭目那里領(lǐng)取一份贓物，還吵吵嚷嚷地要這要那，因?yàn)閺母弑R、埃及和小亞細(xì)亞收繳的贓物，將能提供更多的份額。自由精神無影無蹤。為避開文明人的住地，自由精神已到錫西厄或斯堪的納維亞的荒野中錄求庇護(hù)。因此，由于同樣的原因和影響，自由精神也會(huì)從我們的國會(huì)和議事堂銷聲匿跡。這不僅對(duì)我國，而且對(duì)世界來說都是可怕的災(zāi)難。每一個(gè)愛國者，都應(yīng)力求避免這一災(zāi)難，面任何可能導(dǎo)致這種災(zāi)難的事態(tài)發(fā)展，何必須立即制止。現(xiàn)在，這種趨勢(shì)已經(jīng)存在——確實(shí)已經(jīng)存在。我一直是同胞們的朋友，我從不對(duì)你們阿諛奉迎，你門對(duì)我的偏愛使我榮登高位，因此，我有責(zé)任告訴你們：我國存在著一種與你們的最大利益相抵觸的情緒——一種與自由本身相抵觸的情緒。這是一種狹隘的、自私的情緒。為了擴(kuò)大少數(shù)人的權(quán)勢(shì)，它甚至不惜毀掉全體人民的利益。徹底的糾正要靠人民，然而，人民賦予我的手段可能會(huì)起一些作用。我們需要團(tuán)結(jié)起來，但不是為黨派的緣故而團(tuán)結(jié)起來。而是為了國家、為了捍衛(wèi)她的利益和榮譽(yù)并抵御外國入侵、為了捍衛(wèi)先輩們?nèi)绱斯鈽s斗爭過的原則而團(tuán)結(jié)起來。在我看來，這個(gè)目標(biāo)一定能實(shí)現(xiàn)。我將竭盡所能，至少要防止在立法機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)形成一個(gè)執(zhí)政黨。我提出的任何措施，如果不符合國會(huì)議員的判斷，如果有悖于他們對(duì)選民的責(zé)任感，我不指望他們?nèi)魏稳私o予任何支持；我也不指望事先就得到人民的信任，而只求得到杰斐遜先生所要求的那種信任，以便“堅(jiān)定地、有效地依法管理大家的事務(wù)”。

……

William Henry Harrison Inaugural Address Thursday, March 4, 1841

Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for the residue of my life to fill the chief executive office of this great and free nation, I appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oaths which the Constitution prescribes as a necessary qualification for the performance of its duties;and in obedience to a custom coeval with our Government and what I believe to be your expectations I proceed to present to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform.It was the remark of a Roman consul in an early period of that celebrated Republic that a most striking contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for offices of power and trust before and after obtaining them, they seldom carrying out in the latter case the pledges and promises made in the former.However much the world may have improved in many respects in the lapse of upward of two thousand years since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments would develop similar instances of violated confidence.Although the fiat of the people has gone forth proclaiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in relation to my principles and opinions;and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall now deliver, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are now uttered.But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears.The outline of principles to govern and measures to be adopted by an Administration not yet begun will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I shall stand either exonerated by my countrymen or classed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive and flattered with the intention to betray.However strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be exposed from the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to commit to my hands not to place my chief confidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power which has hitherto protected me and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other important but still greatly inferior trusts heretofore confided to me by my country.The broad foundation upon which our Constitution rests being the peoplea breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify itit can be assigned to none of the great divisions of government but to that of democracy.If such is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it must recognize as its leading principle the duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number.But with these broad admissions, if we would compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our people with the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely democratic, we shall find a most essential difference.All others lay claim to power limited only by their own will.The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the parties to the national compact, and nothing beyond.We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so far as power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men;that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from the governed.The Constitution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government.On an examination of that instrument it will be found to contain declarations of power granted and of power withheld.The latter is also susceptible of division into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves.In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual American citizen which in his compact with the others he has never surrendered.Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable.The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would console himself under a sentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faithwhich no one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery of allor the banishment from his home, his family, and his country with or without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen.Far different is the power of our sovereignty.It can interfere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict no punishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution itself.These precious privileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression to his thoughts and opinions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow-man.He claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowed them.Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of the United States and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created.It has been found powerful in war, and hitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen.As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language and the necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted or was intended to grant.This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch, and not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause giving that body the authority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also.It is, however, consolatory to reflect that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the Constitution have ultimately received the sanction of a majority of the people.And the fact that many of our statesmen most distinguished for talent and patriotism have been at one time or other of their political career on both sides of each of the most warmly disputed questions forces upon us the inference that the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to the intrinsic difficulty in many instances of ascertaining the intentions of the framers of the Constitution rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic motive.But the great danger to our institutions does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departments of that which was assigned to others.Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been granted to constitute a despotism if concentrated in one of the departments.This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another than upon their own reserved rights.When the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the Convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the Federal Government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch.There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their ideas of a simple representative democracy or republic, and knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made that at no very remote period the Government would terminate in virtual monarchy.It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized;but as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures and of men's opinions for some years past has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency if it really exists and restore the Government to its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands.I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of and the correctives which may be applied.Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution;others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions.Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency.The sagacious mind of Mr.Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correction.As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution may have been the source and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it if it continues to disfigure our system.It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the lover of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs;and surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust.Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot.When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold it becomes insatiable.It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthens with the declining years of its victim.If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer at least to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal;the servant, not the master.Until an amendment of the Constitution can be effected public opinion may secure the desired object.I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given that under no circumstances will I consent to serve a second term.But if there is danger to public liberty from the acknowledged defects of the Constitution in the want of limit to the continuance of the Executive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less from a misconstruction of that instrument as it regards the powers actually given.I can not conceive that by a fair construction any or either of its provisions would be found to constitute the President a part of the legislative power.It can not be claimed from the power to recommend, since, although enjoined as a duty upon him, it is a privilege which he holds in common with every other citizen;and although there may be something more of confidence in the propriety of the measures recommended in the one case than in the other, in the obligations of ultimate decision there can be no difference.In the language of the Constitution, “all the legislative powers” which it grants “are vested in the Congress of the United States.” It would be a solecism in language to say that any portion of these is not included in the whole.It may be said, indeed, that the Constitution has given to the Executive the power to annul the acts of the legislative body by refusing to them his assent.So a similar power has necessarily resulted from that instrument to the judiciary, and yet the judiciary forms no part of the Legislature.There is, it is true, this difference between these grants of power: The Executive can put his negative upon the acts of the Legislature for other cause than that of want of conformity to the Constitution, whilst the judiciary can only declare void those which violate that instrument.But the decision of the judiciary is final in such a case, whereas in every instance where the veto of the Executive is applied it may be overcome by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress.The negative upon the acts of the legislative by the executive authority, and that in the hands of one individual, would seem to be an incongruity in our system.Like some others of a similar character, however, it appears to be highly expedient, and if used only with the forbearance and in the spirit which was intended by its authors it may be productive of great good and be found one of the best safeguards to the Union.At the period of the formation of the Constitution the principle does not appear to have enjoyed much favor in the State governments.It existed but in two, and in one of these there was a plural executive.If we would search for the motives which operated upon the purely patriotic and enlightened assembly which framed the Constitution for the adoption of a provision so apparently repugnant to the leading democratic principle that the majority should govern, we must reject the idea that they anticipated from it any benefit to the ordinary course of legislation.They knew too well the high degree of intelligence which existed among the people and the enlightened character of the State legislatures not to have the fullest confidence that the two bodies elected by them would be worthy representatives of such constituents, and, of course, that they would require no aid in conceiving and maturing the measures which the circumstances of the country might require.And it is preposterous to suppose that a thought could for a moment have been entertained that the President, placed at the capital, in the center of the country, could better understand the wants and wishes of the people than their own immediate representatives, who spend a part of every year among them, living with them, often laboring with them, and bound to them by the triple tie of interest, duty, and affection.To assist or control Congress, then, in its ordinary legislation could not, I conceive, have been the motive for conferring the veto power on the President.This argument acquires additional force from the fact of its never having been thus used by the first six Presidentsand two of them were members of the Convention, one presiding over its deliberations and the other bearing a larger share in consummating the labors of that august body than any other person.But if bills were never returned to Congress by either of the Presidents above referred to upon the ground of their being inexpedient or not as well adapted as they might be to the wants of the people, the veto was applied upon that of want of conformity to the Constitution or because errors had been committed from a too hasty enactment.There is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle, which had probably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other.I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Legislature upon all parts of the Union.It could not but have occurred to the Convention that in a country so extensive, embracing so great a variety of soil and climate, and consequently of products, and which from the same causes must ever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its various sections, calling for a great diversity in the employments of the people, that the legislation of the majority might not always justly regard the rights and interests of the minority, and that acts of this character might be passed under an express grant by the words of the Constitution, and therefore not within the competency of the judiciary to declare void;that however enlightened and patriotic they might suppose from past experience the members of Congress might be, and however largely partaking, in the general, of the liberal feelings of the people, it was impossible to expect that bodies so constituted should not sometimes be controlled by local interests and sectional feelings.It was proper, therefore, to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of appointment more independence and freedom from such influences might be expected.Such a one was afforded by the executive department constituted by the Constitution.A person elected to that high office, having his constituents in every section, State, and subdivision of the Union, must consider himself bound by the most solemn sanctions to guard, protect, and defend the rights of all and of every portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of the rest.I consider the veto power, therefore, given by the Constitution to the Executive of the United States solely as a conservative power, to be used only first, to protect the Constitution from violation;secondly, the people from the effects of hasty legislation where their will has been probably disregarded or not well understood, and, thirdly, to prevent the effects of combinations violative of the rights of minorities.In reference to the second of these objects I may observe that I consider it the right and privilege of the people to decide disputed points of the Constitution arising from the general grant of power to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly given;and I believe with Mr.Madison that “repeated recognitions under varied circumstances in acts of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the Government, accompanied by indications in different modes of the concurrence of the general will of the nation,” as affording to the President sufficient authority for his considering such disputed points as settled.Upward of half a century has elapsed since the adoption of the present form of government.It would be an object more highly desirable than the gratification of the curiosity of speculative statesmen if its precise situation could be ascertained, a fair exhibit made of the operations of each of its departments, of the powers which they respectively claim and exercise, of the collisions which have occurred between them or between the whole Government and those of the States or either of them.We could then compare our actual condition after fifty years' trial of our system with what it was in the commencement of its operations and ascertain whether the predictions of the patriots who opposed its adoption or the confident hopes of its advocates have been best realized.The great dread of the former seems to have been that the reserved powers of the States would be absorbed by those of the Federal Government and a consolidated power established, leaving to the States the shadow only of that independent action for which they had so zealously contended and on the preservation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty.Without denying that the result to which they looked with so much apprehension is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that they did not clearly see the mode of its accomplishment.The General Government has seized upon none of the reserved rights of the States.As far as any open warfare may have gone, the State authorities have amply maintained their rights.To a casual observer our system presents no appearance of discord between the different members which compose it.Even the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring.They move in their respective orbits in perfect harmony with the central head and with each other.But there is still an undercurrent at work by which, if not seasonably checked, the worst apprehensions of our antifederal patriots will be realized, and not only will the State authorities be overshadowed by the great increase of power in the executive department of the General Government, but the character of that Government, if not its designation, be essentially and radically changed.This state of things has been in part effected by causes inherent in the Constitution and in part by the never-failing tendency of political power to increase itself.By making the President the sole distributer of all the patronage of the Government the framers of the Constitution do not appear to have anticipated at how short a period it would become a formidable instrument to control the free operations of the State governments.Of trifling importance at first, it had early in Mr.Jefferson's Administration become so powerful as to create great alarm in the mind of that patriot from the potent influence it might exert in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise.If such could have then been the effects of its influence, how much greater must be the danger at this time, quadrupled in amount as it certainly is and more completely under the control of the Executive will than their construction of their powers allowed or the forbearing characters of all the early Presidents permitted them to make.But it is not by the extent of its patronage alone that the executive department has become dangerous, but by the use which it appears may be made of the appointing power to bring under its control the whole revenues of the country.The Constitution has declared it to be the duty of the President to see that the laws are executed, and it makes him the Commander in Chief of the Armies and Navy of the United States.If the opinion of the most approved writers upon that species of mixed government which in modern Europe is termed monarchy in contradistinction to despotism is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our Chief Magistrate to stamp a monarchical character on our Government but the control of the public finances;and to me it appears strange indeed that anyone should doubt that the entire control which the President possesses over the officers who have the custody of the public money, by the power of removal with or without cause, does, for all mischievous purposes at least, virtually subject the treasure also to his disposal.The first Roman Emperor, in his attempt to seize the sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had been committed by a significant allusion to his sword.By a selection of political instruments for the care of the public money a reference to their commissions by a President would be quite as effectual an argument as that of Caesar to the Roman knight.I am not insensible of the great difficulty that exists in drawing a proper plan for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public revenues, and I know the importance which has been attached by men of great abilities and patriotism to the divorce, as it is called, of the Treasury from the banking institutions.It is not the divorce which is complained of, but the unhallowed union of the Treasury with the executive department, which has created such extensive alarm.To this danger to our republican institutions and that created by the influence given to the Executive through the instrumentality of the Federal officers I propose to apply all the remedies which may be at my command.It was certainly a great error in the framers of the Constitution not to have made the officer at the head of the Treasury Department entirely independent of the Executive.He should at least have been removable only upon the demand of the popular branch of the Legislature.I have determined never to remove a Secretary of the Treasury without communicating all the circumstances attending such removal to both Houses of Congress.The influence of the Executive in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise through the medium of the public officers can be effectually checked by renewing the prohibition published by Mr.Jefferson forbidding their interference in elections further than giving their own votes, and their own independence secured by an assurance of perfect immunity in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their own unbiased judgments.Never with my consent shall an officer of the people, compensated for his services out of their pockets, become the pliant instrument of Executive will.There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive which might be used with greater effect for unhallowed purposes than the control of the public press.The maxim which our ancestors derived from the mother country that “the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty” is one of the most precious legacies which they have left us.We have learned, too, from our own as well as the experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoever or by whatever pretense imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of despotism.The presses in the necessary employment of the Government should never be used “to clear the guilty or to varnish crime.” A decent and manly examination of the acts of the Government should be not only tolerated, but encouraged.Upon another occasion I have given my opinion at some length upon the impropriety of Executive interference in the legislation of Congressthat the article in the Constitution making it the duty of the President to communicate information and authorizing him to recommend measures was not intended to make him the source in legislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to for schemes of finance.It would be very strange, indeed, that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of the Legislature from interfering in the origination of such bills and that it should be considered proper that an altogether different department of the Government should be permitted to do so.Some of our best political maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent isle.There are others, however, which can not be introduced in our system without singular incongruity and the production of much mischief, and this I conceive to be one.No matter in which of the houses of Parliament a bill may originate nor by whom introduceda minister or a member of the oppositionby the fiction of law, or rather of constitutional principle, the sovereign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his will and then submitted it to Parliament for their advice and consent.Now the very reverse is the case here, not only with regard to the principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution.The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the Constitution(the legislative body)the power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them.The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, have the right to propose amendments, and so has the Executive by the power given him to return them to the House of Representatives with his objections.It is in his power also to propose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon their defective or injurious operation.But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be left where the Constitution has placed itwith the immediate representatives of the people.For similar reasons the mode of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by them, and the further removed it may be from the control of the Executive the more wholesome the arrangement and the more in accordance with republican principle.Connected with this subject is the character of the currency.The idea of making it exclusively metallic, however well intended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal consequences than any other scheme having no relation to the personal rights of the citizens that has ever been devised.If any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting at once that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigent fellow-citizens by their industry and enterprise are raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one.If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency.Or if there is a process by which the character of the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed by the great increase and neck toleration of usury, it is an exclusive metallic currency.14

Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform is the supervision of the government of the Territories of the United States.Those of them which are destined to become members of our great political family are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights.It is in this District only where American citizens are to be found who under a settled policy are deprived of many important political privileges without any inspiring hope as to the future.Their only consolation under circumstances of such deprivation is that of the devoted exterior guards of a campthat their sufferings secure tranquillity and safety within.Are there any of their countrymen, who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security of the object for which they were thus separated from their fellow-citizens? Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by the application of those great principles upon which all our constitutions are founded? We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen that at the commencement of the War of the Revolution the most stupid men in England spoke of “their American subjects.” Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the District of Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by any agency of mine.The people of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens.Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formed, no words used in that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of that character.If there is anything in the great principle of unalienable rights so emphatically insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make nor the United States accept a surrender of their liberties and become the subjectsin other words, the slavesof their former fellow-citizens.If this be trueand it will scarcely be denied by anyone who has a correct idea of his own rights as an American citizenthe grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate people of the United States, as meaning nothing more than to allow to Congress the controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions assigned to the General Government by the Constitution.In all other respects the legislation of Congress should be adapted to their peculiar position and wants and be conformable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests.I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective departments of the Government, as well as all the other authorities of our country, within their appropriate orbits.This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they respectively claim are often not defined by any distinct lines.Mischievous, however, in their tendencies as collisions of this kind may be, those which arise between the respective communities which for certain purposes compose one nation are much more so, for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds to union between free and confederated states.Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often found ineffectual.Men blinded by their passions have been known to adopt measures for their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy.The alternative, then, is to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one, and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our American political architects have reared the fabric of our Government.The cement which was to bind it and perpetuate its existence was the affectionate attachment between all its members.To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all.No participation in any good possessed by any member of our extensive Confederacy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizen of any other member.By a process attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, the citizen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successively of the whole.The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of one State from those of another seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding.The citizens of each State unite in their persons all the privileges which that character confers and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States, but in no case can the same persons at the same time act as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of which he is for the time being a citizen.He may, indeed, offer to the citizens of other States his advice as to their management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety.It may be observed, however, that organized associations of citizens requiring compliance with their wishes too much resemble the recommendations of Athens to her allies, supported by an armed and powerful fleet.It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading States of Greece to control the domestic concerns of the others that the destruction of that celebrated Confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attributed, and it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so many years been preserved.Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of discord.In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several Cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as to promise anything but harmony in their intercourse or permanency in their alliance, and yet for ages neither has been interrupted.Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices.Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forbearance.Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes them.The attempt of those of one State to control the domestic institutions of another can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of disunion, violence, and civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions.Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common copartnership.There is a fund of power to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individual members is intangible by the common Government or the individual members composing it.To attempt it finds no support in the principles of our Constitution.It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our Confederacy.Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by citizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the General Government, but exclusively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is productive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended to be advanced.Of all the great interests which appertain to our country, that of unioncordial, confiding, fraternal unionis by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others.In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns.However deeply we may regret anything imprudent or excessive in the engagements into which States have entered for purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the States governments, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief.On the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them to the extent of our constitutional authority to apply their best means and cheerfully to make all necessary sacrifices and submit to all necessary burdens to fulfill their engagements and maintain their credit, for the character and credit of the several States form a part of the character and credit of the whole country.The resources of the country are abundant, the enterprise and activity of our people proverbial, and we may well hope that wise legislation and prudent administration by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity.

第二篇：美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演講(中英文對(duì)照)

第44任總統(tǒng)奧巴馬發(fā)表就職演說

My fellow citizens: 我的同胞們：

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.今天我站在這里，看到眼前面臨的重大任務(wù)，深感卑微。我感謝你們對(duì)我的信任，也知道先輩們?yōu)榱诉@個(gè)國家所作的犧牲。我要感謝布什總統(tǒng)為國家做出的貢獻(xiàn)，以及感謝他在兩屆政府過渡期間給與的慷慨協(xié)作。

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.迄今為止，已經(jīng)有44個(gè)美國總統(tǒng)宣誓就職。總統(tǒng)的宣誓有時(shí)面對(duì)的是國家的和平繁榮，但通常面臨的是烏云密布的緊張形勢(shì)。在緊張的形勢(shì)中，支持美國前進(jìn)的不僅僅是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的能力和遠(yuǎn)見，也在于美國人民對(duì)國家先驅(qū)者理想的信仰，以及對(duì)美國立國文件的忠誠。

So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.前輩們?nèi)绱耍覀冞@一代美國人也要如此。

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our healthcare is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.現(xiàn)在我們都深知，我們身處危機(jī)之中。我們的國家在戰(zhàn)斗，對(duì)手是影響深遠(yuǎn)的暴力和憎恨；國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)也受到嚴(yán)重的削弱，原因雖有一些人的貪婪和不負(fù)責(zé)任，但更為重要的是我們作為一個(gè)整體在一些重大問題上決策失誤，同時(shí)也未能做好應(yīng)對(duì)新時(shí)代的準(zhǔn)備。我們的人民正在失去家園，失去工作，很多企業(yè)倒閉。社會(huì)的醫(yī)療過于昂貴、學(xué)校教育讓許多人失望，而且每天都會(huì)有新的證據(jù)顯示，我們利用能源的方式助長了我們的敵對(duì)勢(shì)力，同時(shí)也威脅著我們的星球。

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our landthey will be met.今天我要說，我們的確面臨著很多嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)，而且在短期內(nèi)不大可能輕易解決。但是我們要相信，我們一定會(huì)度過難關(guān)。

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.今天，我們?cè)谶@里齊聚一堂，因?yàn)槲覀儜?zhàn)勝恐懼選擇了希望，摒棄了沖突和矛盾而選擇了團(tuán)結(jié)。

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.今天，我們宣布要為無謂的摩擦、不實(shí)的承諾和指責(zé)畫上句號(hào)，我們要打破牽制美國政治發(fā)展的若干陳舊教條。

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.美國仍是一個(gè)年輕的國家，借用《圣經(jīng)》的話說，放棄幼稚的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來了。重拾堅(jiān)韌精神的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來，我們要為歷史作出更好的選擇，我們要秉承歷史賦予的寶貴權(quán)利，秉承那種代代相傳的高貴理念：上帝賦予我們每個(gè)人以平等和自由，以及每個(gè)人盡全力去追求幸福的機(jī)會(huì)。

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-heartedsome celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labour, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我們國家偉大之處的同時(shí)，我們深知偉大從來不是上天賜予的，偉大需要努力贏得。（我們的民族一路走來），這旅途之中從未有過捷徑或者妥協(xié)，這旅途也不適合膽怯之人、或者愛安逸勝過愛工作之人、或者單單追求名利之人。這條路是勇于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)者之路，是實(shí)干家、創(chuàng)造者之路。這其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人卻在默默無聞地工作著。正是這些人帶領(lǐng)我們走過了漫長崎嶇的旅行，帶領(lǐng)我們走向富強(qiáng)和自由。

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.為了我們，先輩們帶著微薄的細(xì)軟，橫渡大洋，尋找新生活；為了我們，先輩們?nèi)倘柝?fù)重，用血汗?jié)茶T工廠；為了我們，先輩們?cè)诨氖彽奈鞑看蟮匦燎诟鳎ň铀l(xiāng)；為了我們，先輩們奔赴（獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭中的）康科德城和葛底斯堡、（二戰(zhàn)中的）諾曼底、（越戰(zhàn)中的）Khe Sahn，他們征戰(zhàn)、死去。

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.一次又一次，我們的先輩們戰(zhàn)斗著、犧牲著、操勞著，只為了我們可以生活得更好。在他們看來，美國的 強(qiáng)盛與偉大超越了個(gè)人雄心，也超越了個(gè)人的出身、貧富和派別差異。

This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisionsnot only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise healthcare's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.我目之所及，都有工作有待完成。國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)情況要求我們采取大膽且快速的行動(dòng)，我們的確是要行動(dòng)，不僅是要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造就業(yè)，更要為（下一輪經(jīng)濟(jì)）增長打下新的基礎(chǔ)。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)鋪設(shè)電網(wǎng)和數(shù)字線路，將我們聯(lián)系在一起。我們將回歸科學(xué)，運(yùn)用科技的奇跡提高醫(yī)療質(zhì)量，降低醫(yī)療費(fèi)用。我們將利用風(fēng)能、太陽能和土壤驅(qū)動(dòng)車輛，為工廠提供能源。我們將改革中小學(xué)以及大專院校，以適應(yīng)新時(shí)代的要求。這一切，我們都能做到，而且我們都將會(huì)做到。

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitionsthat the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it worksto spend wisely, reform bad habits and do our business in the light of dayand that a nation cannot prosper long when it favours only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach f;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing hearteven greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologise for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defence, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.我們繼承了這些遺產(chǎn)。在這些原則的再次領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，我們有能力應(yīng)對(duì)新的威脅，我們需要付出更多的努力、進(jìn)行國家間更廣泛的合作以及增進(jìn)國家間的理解。首先，我們將以負(fù)責(zé)任的態(tài)度，將伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民，同時(shí)鞏固阿富汗來之不易的和平。對(duì)于老朋友和老對(duì)手，我們將繼續(xù)努力，不遺余力，削弱核威脅，遏制全球變暖的幽靈。我們不會(huì)為我們的生活方式感到報(bào)歉，我們會(huì)不動(dòng)搖地捍衛(wèi)我們的生活方式。對(duì)于那些企圖通過恐怖主義或屠殺無辜平民達(dá)成目標(biāo)的人，我們要對(duì)他們說：我們的信仰更加堅(jiān)定，不可動(dòng)搖，你們不可能拖垮我們，我們定將戰(zhàn)勝你們。

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindusknow that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.對(duì)于穆斯林世界，我們將基于共同的利益和信仰，尋找更好的合作之路。對(duì)于那些在世界各個(gè)地方挑起沖突或一味批評(píng)西方不良影響的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者：你的人民評(píng)判你的依據(jù)是你建立了什么，而不是破壞了什么。對(duì)于那些依靠腐敗和欺騙并壓制異議而追求權(quán)利的人們：你們站在了人類歷史的對(duì)立面。如果你們能張開緊握的拳頭，我們也將伸出友誼之手。

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.對(duì)于那些貧窮的人們，我們保證和你們一起建設(shè)繁茂的農(nóng)場和干凈的水源，滋養(yǎng)那些饑寒交迫的身體和心靈。對(duì)于那些與我們一樣相對(duì)富裕的國家，我們不能再對(duì)外界的苦難漠不關(guān)心，更不能繼續(xù)大肆索取世界的資源。世界必須改變，我們都必須改變。

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honour them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this momentit is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.當(dāng)我們審視前方的道路時(shí)，我們會(huì)感激那些跨越千山萬水來到這里的人們。今天，他們有話對(duì)我們說，也是安息在阿林頓國家公墓里的先烈們時(shí)刻提醒我們的。我們尊敬他們不僅因?yàn)槭撬麄兒葱l(wèi)了我們的自由，更因?yàn)樗麄冋欠瞰I(xiàn)精神的化身；他們致力于尋找遠(yuǎn)高于自身的生命真諦。而此時(shí)，在這個(gè)特殊的時(shí)代，我們更需讓這種精神長存。

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.因?yàn)闊o論美國政府能做多少，必須做多少，美國國家的立國之本最終還是美國人的決心和信念。于防洪堤壩決堤之時(shí)收留陌生受難者的善意，于在經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣的時(shí)候?qū)幵笢p少自己工時(shí)也不肯看著朋友失業(yè)的無私，正是他們支撐我們走過黑暗的時(shí)刻。消防隊(duì)員沖入滿是濃煙的樓梯搶救生命的勇氣，父母養(yǎng)育孩子的堅(jiān)持，正是這些決定了我們的命運(yùn)。

Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success dependsthese things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibilitythe knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.我們自信源于對(duì)上帝的信仰，上帝號(hào)召我們要掌握自己的命運(yùn)。

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed-why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.這就是我們自由和信仰的意義，這也是為何不同種族、不同信仰、不同性別和年齡的人可以同聚一堂在此歡慶的原因，也是我今天能站在這里莊嚴(yán)宣誓的原因，而在50多年前我的父親甚至都不能成為地方餐館的服務(wù)生。

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: 所以，讓我們銘記自己的身份，鐫刻自己的足跡。在美國誕生的時(shí)代，那最寒冷的歲月里，一群勇敢的愛國人士圍著篝火在冰封的河邊取暖。首都被占領(lǐng)，敵人在挺進(jìn)，冬天的雪被鮮血染成了紅色。在美國大革命最受質(zhì)疑的時(shí)刻，我們的國父們這樣說：

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].” “我們要讓未來的世界知道……在深冬的嚴(yán)寒里，唯有希望和勇氣才能讓我們存活……面對(duì)共同的危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，我們的城市和國家要勇敢地上前去面對(duì)。”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.今天的美國也在嚴(yán)峻的寒冬中面對(duì)共同的挑戰(zhàn)，讓我們記住國父們不朽的語言。帶著希望和勇氣，讓我們?cè)僖淮斡赂业孛鎸?duì)寒流，迎接可能會(huì)發(fā)生的風(fēng)暴。我們要讓我們的子孫后代記住，在面臨挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候，我們沒有屈服，我們沒有逃避也沒有猶豫，我們腳踏實(shí)地、心懷信仰，秉承了寶貴的自由權(quán)利并將其安全地交到了下一代的手中。2001年美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演說

Inaugural Address of George W.Bush

January 20, 2001

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation;and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws;and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along;and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth;and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation;and this is my solemn pledge, “I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.” I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them;and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives;we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent;we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans;we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge;and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance;we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength;and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.I can pledge our nation to a goal, “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.”

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, “to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.” In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens.Citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, “our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.”

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose.Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today;to make our country more just and generous;to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.喬治-布什2001年就職演說

謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們，這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。

首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步；在我之后，也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國的承諾，這就是：每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值，每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)，每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為的。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占，而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時(shí)，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸，但不屬于同一個(gè)國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)樯系郯醋约旱纳硇蝿?chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對(duì)這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個(gè)人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色今天，我們?cè)谶@里重申一個(gè)新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的精神來實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國家的理想。美國在它最鼎盛時(shí)也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個(gè)文明的社會(huì)需要我們每個(gè)人品質(zhì)優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認(rèn)為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因?yàn)樵诤推侥甏覀兯鶢幷摰脑掝}都是無關(guān)緊要的。但是，對(duì)我們美國來說，我們所討論的問題從來都不是什么小事。如果我們不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)；如果我們不引導(dǎo)我們的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R(shí)、發(fā)揮個(gè)性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想 將難以實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施，任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應(yīng)該時(shí)刻聽取時(shí)代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術(shù)也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅(jiān)定的選擇--在批評(píng)聲中贏得信任；在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會(huì)享有共同的成就。

美國有強(qiáng)大的國力作后盾，將會(huì)勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期，我們的人民在困難面前表現(xiàn)得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現(xiàn)了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)。現(xiàn)在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會(huì)激勵(lì)我們；如果我們的選擇是錯(cuò)誤的，祖輩會(huì)譴責(zé)我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個(gè)國家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對(duì)問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國的學(xué)校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多的年輕生命。我們要改革社會(huì)醫(yī)療和保險(xiǎn)制度，在力所能及的范圍內(nèi)拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復(fù)經(jīng)濟(jì)，酬勞辛勤工作的美國人民。我們要防患于未然，懈怠會(huì)帶來麻煩。我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀(jì)擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對(duì)自由和反對(duì)我們國家的人應(yīng)該明白：美國仍將積極參與國際事務(wù)，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會(huì)保護(hù)我們的盟國，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民表示我們的目標(biāo)。我們將堅(jiān)決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價(jià)值觀。

正處在鼎盛時(shí)期的美國也不缺乏同情心。

當(dāng)我們靜心思考，我們就會(huì)明了根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國作出承諾。無論我們?nèi)绾慰创毟F的原因，我們都必須承認(rèn)，孩子敢于冒險(xiǎn)不等于在犯錯(cuò)誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結(jié)果。監(jiān)獄數(shù)量的增長雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望-人人遵紀(jì)守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。對(duì)我們來說，需要幫助的美國人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民；不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是急需救助的對(duì)象。當(dāng)有人陷入絕望時(shí)，我們大家都會(huì)因此變得渺小。

對(duì)公共安全和大眾健康，對(duì)民權(quán)和學(xué)校教育，政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責(zé)，更是整個(gè)國家的義務(wù)。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，只有導(dǎo)師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、猶太會(huì)堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性，因此它們理應(yīng)在我們的建設(shè)和法律上受到尊重。

我們國家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。我發(fā)誓我們的國家要達(dá)到一種境界：當(dāng)我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠(yuǎn)行的路上，我們決不會(huì)袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國重視并期待每個(gè)人擔(dān)負(fù)起自己的責(zé)任。

鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是讓人們充當(dāng)替罪羊，而是對(duì)人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔(dān)責(zé)任意味著犧牲個(gè)人利益，但是你能從中體會(huì)到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實(shí)現(xiàn)人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實(shí)踐來實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們知道，通過對(duì)整個(gè)社會(huì)和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務(wù)，我們將得到最終自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性；依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng)，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是，正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個(gè)人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。

(同胞們)，你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、體面，這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃挝覀冏约海且驗(yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍睢Ｒ坏┻@種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰?佩齊曾給托馬斯?杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時(shí)光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢(mèng)想。

我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！1993年美國總統(tǒng)克林頓就職演說

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.美國復(fù)興的新時(shí)代 比爾?克林頓 第一次就職演講

星期三,1993年1月20日

同胞們：

今天，我們慶祝美國復(fù)興的奇跡。這個(gè)儀式雖在隆冬舉行，然而，我們通過自己的言語和向世界展示的面容、卻促使春回大地--回到了世界上這個(gè)最古老的民主國家，并帶來了重新創(chuàng)造美國的遠(yuǎn)見和勇氣。

當(dāng)我國的締造者勇敢地向世界宣布美國獨(dú)立，并向上帝表明自 己的目的時(shí)，他們知道，美國若要永存，就必須變革。不是為變革而變革，而是為了維護(hù)美國的理想--為了生命、自由和追求幸福而變革。盡管我們隨著當(dāng)今時(shí)代 的節(jié)拍前進(jìn)，但我們的使命永恒不變。每一代美國人，部必須為作為一個(gè)美國人意味著什么下定義。今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長起來的一代人，在世界上負(fù)起了新的責(zé) 任。這個(gè)世界雖然沐浴著自由的陽光，但仍受到舊仇宿怨和新的禍患的威脅。

我們?cè)跓o與倫比的繁榮中長大，繼承了仍然是世界上最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)。但由于企業(yè)倒閉，工資增長停滯、不平等狀況加劇，人民的分歧加深，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)削弱。

當(dāng)喬治?華盛頓第一次宣讀我剛才宜讀的誓言時(shí)，人們騎馬把 那個(gè)信息緩慢地傳遍大地，繼而又來船把它傳過海洋。而現(xiàn)在，這個(gè)儀式的情景和聲音即刻向全球幾十億人播放。通信和商務(wù)具有全球性，投資具有流動(dòng)性；技術(shù)幾 乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想現(xiàn)在具有普遍性。今天，我們美國人通過同世界各地人民進(jìn)行和平競爭來謀求生存。各種深遠(yuǎn)而強(qiáng)大的力量正在震撼和改造我們的世 界，當(dāng)今時(shí)代的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是我們能否使變革成為我們的朋友，而不是成為我們的敵人。

這個(gè)新世界已經(jīng)使幾百萬能夠參與競爭并且取勝的美國人過上 了富裕的生活。但是，當(dāng)多數(shù)人干得越多反而掙得越少的時(shí)候，當(dāng)有些人根本不可能工作的時(shí)候，當(dāng)保健費(fèi)用的重負(fù)使眾多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企業(yè)瀕臨破 產(chǎn)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)犯罪活動(dòng)的恐懼使守法公民不能自由行動(dòng)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)千百萬貧窮兒童甚至不能想象我們呼喚他們過的那種生活的時(shí)候，我們就沒有使變革成為我們的朋 友。我們知道，我們必須面對(duì)嚴(yán)酷的事實(shí)真相，并采取強(qiáng)有力的步驟。但我們沒有這樣做，而是聽之任之，以致?lián)p耗了我們的資源，破壞了我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)，動(dòng)搖了我們 的信心。

我們面臨驚人的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們同樣具有驚人的力量，美國人歷來是不安現(xiàn)狀、不斷追求和充滿希望的民族，今天，我們必須把前人的遠(yuǎn)見卓識(shí)和堅(jiān)強(qiáng)意志帶到我們的任務(wù)中去。從革命，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，大蕭條，直到民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)，我國人民總是下定決心，從歷次危機(jī)中構(gòu)筑我國歷史的支柱。

托馬斯?杰斐遜認(rèn)為，為了維護(hù)我國的根基，我們需要時(shí)常進(jìn)行激動(dòng)人心的變革。美國同胞們，我們的時(shí)代就是變革的時(shí)代，讓我們擁抱這個(gè)時(shí)代吧！

我們的民主制度不僅要成為舉世稱羨的目標(biāo)，而且要成為舉國復(fù)興的動(dòng)力。美國沒有任何錯(cuò)誤的東西不能被正確的東西所糾正。因此，我們今天立下誓言，要結(jié)束這個(gè)僵持停頓、放任自流的時(shí)代，一個(gè)復(fù)興美國的新時(shí)代已經(jīng)開始。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須鼓足勇氣。我們必須做前人無需做的 事情。我們必須更多地投資于人民，投資于他們的工作和未來，與此同時(shí)，我們必須減少巨額債務(wù)。而且，我們必須在一個(gè)需要為每個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)而競爭的世界上做到這一 切。這樣做并不容易：這樣做要求作出犧牲。但是，這是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我們不是為犧牲而犧牲，我們必須像家庭供養(yǎng)子女那樣供養(yǎng)自己的國家。

我國的締造者是用子孫后代的眼光來審視自己的。我們也必須 這樣做。凡是注意過孩子蒙?o人睡的人，都知道后代意味著什么，后代就是將要到來的世界--我們?yōu)橹畧?jiān)持自己的理想，我們向之借用這個(gè)星球，我們對(duì)之負(fù)有 神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須做美國最拿手的事情：為所有的人提供更多的機(jī)會(huì)，要所有的人負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任。

現(xiàn)在是破除只求向政府和別人免費(fèi)索取的惡習(xí)的時(shí)候了。讓我們大家不僅為自己和家庭，而且為社區(qū)和國家擔(dān)負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任吧。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須恢復(fù)我們民主制度的活力。這個(gè)美麗的首都，就像文明的曙光出現(xiàn)以來的每一個(gè)首都一樣，常常是爾虞我詐、明爭暗斗之地。大腕人物爭權(quán)奪勢(shì)，沒完沒了地為官員的更替升降而煩神，卻忘記了那些用辛勤和汗水把我們送到這里來，并養(yǎng)活了我們的人。

美國人理應(yīng)得到更好的回報(bào)。在這個(gè)城市里，今天有人想把事 情辦得更好一些。因此，我要時(shí)所有在場的人說：讓我們下定決心改革政治，使權(quán)力和特權(quán)的喧囂不再壓倒人民的呼聲。讓我們撇開個(gè)人利益。這樣我們就能覺察美 國的病痛，并看到官的希望。讓我們下定決心，使政府成為富蘭克林?羅斯福所說的進(jìn)行“大膽而持久試驗(yàn)”的地方，成為一個(gè)面向未來而不是留戀過去的政府。讓 我們把這個(gè)首都?xì)w還給它所屬于的人民。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須迎接國內(nèi)外的種種挑戰(zhàn)。國外和國內(nèi)事務(wù)之間已不再有明確的界限--世界經(jīng)濟(jì)，世界環(huán)境，世界艾滋病危機(jī)，世界軍備競賽，這一切都在影響著我們大家。

我們?cè)趪鴥?nèi)進(jìn)行重建的同時(shí)，面對(duì)這個(gè)新世界的挑戰(zhàn)不會(huì)退縮不前，也下會(huì)坐失良機(jī)。我們將同盟友一起努力進(jìn)行變革，以免被變革所吞沒。當(dāng)我們的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者，當(dāng)國際社會(huì)的意志和良知受到蔑視，我們將采取行動(dòng)--可能時(shí)就采用和平外交手段，必要時(shí)就使用武力。

今天，在波斯灣、索馬里和任何其他地方為國效力的勇敢的美國人，都證明了我們的決心。

但是，我們最偉大的力量是我們思想的威力。這些思想在許多國家仍然處于萌芽階段。看到這些思想在世界各地被接受，我們感到歡欣鼓舞。我們的希望，我們的心，與每一個(gè)大陸正在建立民主和自由的人們是連在一起的。他們的事業(yè)也是美國的事業(yè)。

美國人民喚來了我們今天所慶祝的變革。你們毫不含糊地齊聲疾呼。你們以前所未有的人數(shù)參加了投票。你們使國會(huì)、總統(tǒng)職務(wù)和政治進(jìn)程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你們，我的美國同胞們，促使春回大地。

現(xiàn)在，我們必須做這個(gè)季節(jié)需要做的工作。現(xiàn)在，我就運(yùn)用我的全部職權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)向這項(xiàng)工作。我請(qǐng)求國會(huì)同我一道做這項(xiàng)工作。任何總統(tǒng)、任何國會(huì)、任何政府都不能單獨(dú)完成這一使命。同胞們，在我國復(fù)興的過程中，你們也必須發(fā)揮作用。

我向新一代美國年輕人挑戰(zhàn)，要求你們投入這一奉獻(xiàn)的季節(jié)--按照你們的理想主義行動(dòng)起來，使不幸的兒童得到幫助，使貧困的人們得到關(guān)懷，使四分五裂的社區(qū)恢復(fù)聯(lián)系。要做的事情很多--確實(shí)夠多的，以至幾百萬在精神上仍然年輕的人也可作出奉獻(xiàn)。

在奉獻(xiàn)過程中，我們認(rèn)識(shí)到相互需要這一簡單而又強(qiáng)大的真 理。我們必須相互關(guān)心.今天，我們不僅是在贊頌美國，我們?cè)僖淮伟炎约悍瞰I(xiàn)給美國的理想：這個(gè)理想在革命中誕生，在兩個(gè)世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)中更新；這個(gè)理想經(jīng)受了 認(rèn)識(shí)的考驗(yàn)，大家認(rèn)識(shí)到，若不是命運(yùn)的安排，幸運(yùn)者或不幸者有可能互換位置；這個(gè)理想由于一種信念而變得崇高，即我國能夠從紛繁的多佯性中實(shí)現(xiàn)最深刻的統(tǒng) 一性，這個(gè)理想洋溢著一種信：美國漫長而英勇的旅程必將永遠(yuǎn)繼續(xù)。同胞們，在我惻即將跨入21世紀(jì)之際，讓我們以旺盛的精力和滿腔的希望，以堅(jiān)定的信心和 嚴(yán)明的紀(jì)律開始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣經(jīng)》說：“我們行善，不可喪志，若不灰心，到了時(shí)候，就要收成。”

在這個(gè)歡樂的山巔，我們聽見山谷里傳來了要我們作出奉獻(xiàn)的召喚。我們聽到了號(hào)角聲。我們已經(jīng)換崗。現(xiàn)在，我們必須以各自的方式，在上帝的幫助下響應(yīng)這一召喚。

謝謝大家。上帝保佑大家。

1981年美國總統(tǒng)里根就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.羅納德-里根 第一次就職演說

第40任總統(tǒng)(1981年-1989年)

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對(duì)于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個(gè)非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時(shí)刻。當(dāng)然，對(duì)于這個(gè)國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個(gè)我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實(shí)在是一個(gè)奇跡。

總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個(gè)傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們是發(fā)誓要團(tuán)結(jié)起來維護(hù)這樣一個(gè)政治體制的團(tuán)體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個(gè)人自由。同時(shí)我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因?yàn)槟銈儓?jiān)持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈鴼v史上歷時(shí)最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計(jì)。

停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢(shì)如果長此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)摚欢Ｎ覀儽仨氷P(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個(gè)稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費(fèi)用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂歇?dú)樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時(shí)候到了。

我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng) 立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請(qǐng)不要誤會(huì)，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會(huì)，而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個(gè) 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個(gè)人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價(jià)。

我們目前的困難，與政府機(jī)構(gòu)因?yàn)椴槐匾倪^度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個(gè)泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)的時(shí)候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點(diǎn)。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個(gè)國家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢(mèng)。

有人告訴我們?cè)谒纳砩习l(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標(biāo)題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。為此，我會(huì)奮斗，我會(huì)拯救，我會(huì)犧牲，我會(huì)忍受，我會(huì)并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭問題都將由我一個(gè)人來肩負(fù)。” 1977年美國總統(tǒng)卡特就職演說

Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation.As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: “We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles.”

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good;and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.”(Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all.A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation.I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty.It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.The American dream endures.We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.I believe America can be better.We can be even stronger than before.Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.We cannot afford to drift.We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity.Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.We have learned that “more” is not necessarily “better,” that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future.So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others.We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit.Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.The passion for freedom is on the rise.Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere.Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries.We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety.And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth.We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence.And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;

that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.1974年美國總統(tǒng)福特就職演說

Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford's Inaugural Address:

[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E.Burger]

Mr.Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:

The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution.But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans.This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen.Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech--just a little straight talk among friends.And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers.And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many.If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises.I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency.I have not subscribed to any partisan platform.I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman--my dear wife--as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it.Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends.They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name.It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty.And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, “Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?”

I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views.And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs.We cannot stand still or slip backwards.We must go forward now together.31

To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace.America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom.I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself.That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works.Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men.Here, the people rule.But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy.As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me.Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family.May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself.May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House.I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution;to do what is right as God gives me to see the right;and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.32 1969年美國總統(tǒng)尼克松就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment.In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique.But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized.The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation.Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.33

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever.We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today.I know America's youth.I believe in them.We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it.Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.”

Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit;reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace.We are torn by division, wanting unity.We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment.We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver;from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds;from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.34

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen.We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education;in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas;in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all.The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing;with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.35

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease.I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents;we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not.To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two.The laws have caught up with our conscience.What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome;where peace is fragile, make it strong;where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.36

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son.I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America.I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”;with compassion for those who have suffered;with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

“To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers.”

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible;telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own

hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit.But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark.Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity.So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, “riders on the earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers;but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.38 理查德-尼克松 第一次就職演講 我們都是地球的乘客

星期一,1969年1月20日

歷史的每一個(gè)時(shí)刻轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨(dú)特。可是，其中某些顯然是揭開序幕的時(shí)刻，此時(shí)，一代先河得以開創(chuàng)，它決定了未來數(shù)十年或幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的航向。

現(xiàn)在可能就是這樣一個(gè)時(shí)刻。

現(xiàn)在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現(xiàn)的種種進(jìn)步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們?cè)诘厍蛏弦舶l(fā)現(xiàn)了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領(lǐng)袖害怕戰(zhàn)爭，因此，目前形勢(shì)第一次變得有利于和平。

從現(xiàn)在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現(xiàn)在大多數(shù)人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個(gè)百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據(jù)自己的行動(dòng)和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽(yù)，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號(hào)。這一榮譽(yù)現(xiàn)在正在召喚美國——這是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢(mèng)寐以求的和平高壇的一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)。

我們?nèi)臬@成功，下幾代人在談及現(xiàn)在在世的我們時(shí)會(huì)說，正是我們掌握了時(shí)機(jī)，正是我們協(xié)力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創(chuàng)立宏偉大業(yè)的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準(zhǔn)備響應(yīng)這一召喚。

經(jīng)過一段對(duì)抗時(shí)期，我們正進(jìn)入一個(gè)談判時(shí)代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內(nèi)，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個(gè)開放的世界——對(duì)各種思想開放，對(duì)物資和人員的交流開放，在這個(gè)世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會(huì)生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

我們不能指望每個(gè)人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設(shè)法使任何人都不與我們?yōu)閿场?/p>

我們邀請(qǐng)那些很可能是我們對(duì)手的人進(jìn)行一場和平競賽——不是要征服領(lǐng)土或擴(kuò)展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

在探索宇宙空間的時(shí)候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進(jìn)行一次新的探險(xiǎn)。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負(fù)擔(dān)，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對(duì)所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強(qiáng)大就會(huì)多強(qiáng)大：需要強(qiáng)大多久，就會(huì)強(qiáng)大多久。

自從我作為新當(dāng)選的國會(huì)議員首次來到國會(huì)大廈之后的20多年來，我已經(jīng)出訪過世界上大多數(shù)國家。

我結(jié)識(shí)了世界各國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強(qiáng)大勢(shì)力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會(huì)單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復(fù)一日，甚至年復(fù)一年地進(jìn)行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰(zhàn)爭中掛彩負(fù)傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識(shí)形態(tài)和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達(dá)我們的深切關(guān)懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現(xiàn)在還要補(bǔ)充一項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)：我將把自己的職責(zé)、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻(xiàn)給各國之間的和平事業(yè)。

讓強(qiáng)者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰(zhàn)勝任何一個(gè)民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創(chuàng)傷的和平：是對(duì)遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對(duì)那些反對(duì)過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運(yùn)的機(jī)會(huì)的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個(gè)世界一樣，第一次端視了這個(gè)世界，一個(gè)在冥冥黑暗中輝映發(fā)光的獨(dú)特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號(hào)上的字航員在圣誕節(jié)前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時(shí)，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們?cè)谄矶\上帝賜福人間。

在那一時(shí)刻，他們從月球上發(fā)出的意愿，激勵(lì)著詩人阿奇博爾德?麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動(dòng)。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟。”

在那個(gè)比技術(shù)勝利更有意義的時(shí)刻，人們把思緒轉(zhuǎn)向了家鄉(xiāng)和人類——他們從那個(gè)遙遠(yuǎn)的視角中發(fā)現(xiàn)，地球上人類的命運(yùn)是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們?cè)谟钪嬷凶叩枚噙h(yuǎn)，我們的命運(yùn)不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經(jīng)度過了一個(gè)反映美國精神的漫漫長夜。可是，當(dāng)我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運(yùn)所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機(jī)會(huì)的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅(jiān)定的信念，朝著穩(wěn)定的目標(biāo)，在提防著危險(xiǎn)中前進(jìn)吧！我們對(duì)上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。

1961年美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說

Inaugural Address of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.42

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.43

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.44 火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人

約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲埃x了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無成——因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔幊诚滦荨⑺姆治辶褧r(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間——之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的，自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證——在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄穑磳?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，是我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些想與我們作時(shí)的國家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力

量，把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭洌覀儾拍芎翢o疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭的不移定的恐怖均勢(shì)。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切下可能在第一個(gè)一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在第一個(gè)一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任，年復(fù)一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅(jiān)韌”，去反對(duì)人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

1949年美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門就職演說

Inaugural Address of Harry S.Truman

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.47

That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied

upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense

arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program

第三篇：美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿(中英文對(duì)照)

美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿（中英文對(duì)照）

布什：保護(hù)與捍衛(wèi)《美國憲法》。芮恩奎斯特：上帝保佑我。布什：上帝保佑我。芮恩奎斯特：恭喜！

謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們，這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步；在我之后，也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國的承諾，這就是：每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值，每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)，每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為的。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占，而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時(shí)，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸，但不屬于同一個(gè)國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)樯系郯醋约旱纳硇蝿?chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對(duì)這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個(gè)人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色。

今天，我們?cè)谶@里重申一個(gè)新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的

獨(dú)立的個(gè)性；依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng)，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是，正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個(gè)人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。

(同胞們)，你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、體面，這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃挝覀冏约海且驗(yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍睢Ｒ坏┻@種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出

現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰·佩齊曾給托馬斯·杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？” 杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時(shí)光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢(mèng)想。

我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！

Renquist: Governor, are you ready to take the oath? Bush: I am.Renquist: Please raise your right hand and repeat after me.I, George Walker Bush, do solemnly swear.Bush: I, George Walker Bush, do solemnly swear.Renquist: That I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.Bush: That I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.Renquist: And will to the best of my ability...Bush: And will to the best of my ability...Renquist:...preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.Bush:...preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.Renquist: So help me, God.Bush: So help me, God.Renquist: Congratulations!I thank you all.Chief Justice Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens.The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.I am honored and humbled to stand here where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continued, but whose end we will not see.It is a story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old.A story of a slave holding society that became a servant of freedom.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and 1)enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an 2)unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called to 3)enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And although our nation has sometimes halted and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Sometimes in life we're called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, “Everyday we're called to do small things with great love.” The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greaterjustice and compassion, to call for responsibility, and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is an important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort, to defend needed reforms against easy attacks, to serve your nation beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens;citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginian statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson.“We know the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the 5)whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The yearsand changes accumulate.But the things of this day, he would know;our nation's grand story of courage, and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing.We renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives, and every life.This work continues.The story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all and God bless America!

第四篇：歷屆美國總統(tǒng)就職演

歷屆美國總統(tǒng)就職演講譯文(部分)喬治·華盛頓 第一次就職演講 紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日

美國人民的實(shí)驗(yàn)

參議院和眾議院的同胞們：

在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安，一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對(duì)于她的召喚，我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅(jiān)定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習(xí)慣，且時(shí)光流逝，健康漸衰，時(shí)感體力不濟(jì)，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面，國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力，而我天資愚飩，又無民政管理的實(shí)踐，理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計(jì)可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時(shí)因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民們對(duì)我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時(shí)，忽視了自己的無能和消極，我的錯(cuò)誤將會(huì)由于使我誤人歧途的各種動(dòng)機(jī)而減輕，而大家在評(píng)判錯(cuò)誤的后果時(shí)；也會(huì)適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動(dòng)機(jī)的偏見。

既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時(shí)的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng)，因?yàn)樯系劢y(tǒng)治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補(bǔ)人類的任何不足，愿上帝賜福，侃佑一個(gè)為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn)，保佑政府的各項(xiàng)行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信，在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時(shí)，這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅(jiān)定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們?cè)谶~向獨(dú)立國家的進(jìn)程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們?cè)趧倓偼瓿傻穆?lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報(bào)，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種

方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭，我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實(shí)是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家會(huì)和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個(gè)新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款，總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請(qǐng)國會(huì)審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個(gè)場合，恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個(gè)問題，而只提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限，指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場合，更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn)，即必須維護(hù)這個(gè)由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合；因此，其二，我國的政策將會(huì)以純潔而堅(jiān)定的個(gè)人道德原則為基礎(chǔ)，而自由政府將會(huì)以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對(duì)國家的一片熱愛之心激勵(lì)著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景，因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢(shì)，在美德與幸福之間，責(zé)任與利益之間，恪守誠實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會(huì)繁榮幸福的碩果之間，有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一；因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信，上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則，它決不可能對(duì)無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許；因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn)，系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。

我已將有感于這一聚會(huì)場合的想法奉告各位，現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭；但在此以前，我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n，美國人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會(huì)，以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福，用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向；因而，同樣明顯的是，上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界，心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商，并采取明智的措施，而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

約翰·亞當(dāng)斯 就職演講 費(fèi)城 星期六,1797年3月4日 美國的政體與喬治·華盛頓

確實(shí)，還有其他什么形式的政體，值得我們?nèi)绱俗鹁春蜔釔勰兀?/p>

古代有一種很不嚴(yán)密的觀念認(rèn)為，人類聚集而形成城市和國家，是最令具有卓越見識(shí)的人感到愉悅的目標(biāo)，但無可置疑的是，在善良的人們看來，任何國家所顯示的情景，都比不上這里和另一議院所經(jīng)常見到的集會(huì)更令人喜悅，更高尚莊嚴(yán)，或者說更令人敬畏；政府的行政權(quán)和國會(huì)各個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的立法權(quán)，是由同胞們定期選出的公民來行使的，其目的是為公眾利益而制定和執(zhí)行法律。難道官袍和鉆石能為此增添實(shí)質(zhì)性的東西嗎？難道它們不就是一些裝飾品嗎？難道因運(yùn)而生或通過遠(yuǎn)古制反而繼承的權(quán)力，會(huì)比誠實(shí)而卓識(shí)的人民按自己的意愿和判斷而產(chǎn)生的權(quán)力更可親可敬嗎？因?yàn)檫@樣的政府唯一代表的是人民。它的各個(gè)合法機(jī)構(gòu)，無論表現(xiàn)為何種形式，反映的都是人民的權(quán)利和尊嚴(yán)，并且只為人民謀利益。像我們這樣的政府，不論其將存在多久，都是對(duì)知識(shí)和美德在全人類傳播的充分證明。難道還有比這更令人喜悅的目標(biāo)或構(gòu)想能奉獻(xiàn)給人類觀念嗎？如果說民族自豪感歷來無可非議和情有可原，那么，這種自豪感必定不是來自權(quán)勢(shì)和財(cái)富，不是來自豪華和榮耀，而是來自堅(jiān)信民族的純真、識(shí)見和仁愛。

當(dāng)我們沉浸在這些愉快的想法時(shí)，如果任何片面或無關(guān)緊要的因素影響到自由、公平、高尚和獨(dú)立的選舉，使選舉失去了純潔性，使我們忽視自由所面臨的危險(xiǎn)，我們就會(huì)自欺欺人。如果選舉需由一人一票的多數(shù)票來決定勝負(fù)，而一個(gè)政黨可以通過欺騙和腐蝕來達(dá)到目的，那么這個(gè)政府就有可能是政黨為自身目的而作出的選擇，而下是國家為全國利益而作出的選擇；如果其他國家有可能通過奉承或脅迫，欺詐或暴力，通過恐怖、陰謀或收買等伎倆控制了這次選舉，那么這個(gè)政府就可能不是美國人民作出的選擇，而是其他國家作出的選擇。那樣，就可能是外國統(tǒng)治我們，而不是我們——人民——來管理自已，那樣，公正的人士就會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到，選擇較之命運(yùn)或機(jī)遇就未必更有優(yōu)越性而下值得夸耀了。

這就是使人感到親切和興趣的政治體制（及其可能暴露的某些弊端）。8年來，美國

人民在一位公民的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下展現(xiàn)了這種政治體制，引起了各國賢達(dá)的贊賞或掛慮。這位公民為人謹(jǐn)慎、公正、節(jié)制、堅(jiān)韌，長期以來，他以一系列偉大的行動(dòng)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著一個(gè)為共同的美德所鼓舞、強(qiáng)烈的愛國心所激勵(lì)的和熱愛自由的民族，走向獨(dú)立、和平、富強(qiáng)和空前鱉榮。他值得同胞們感恩戴德，他博得了世界各國的最高贊揚(yáng)，他必將名垂千古。他自愿選擇了隱退，愿他在隱退后長壽，愉快地回憶他供職時(shí)的情景，并享受人類對(duì)他的感激，享受他所作出的奉獻(xiàn)給他本人和全世界帶來的與日俱增的幸福果實(shí)，享受這個(gè)國家的未來命運(yùn)決定的、正在逐年展開的光明前景。他的名字仍將是一道防線，他的長壽仍將是一座堡壘，抵御著一切危害國家安定的、公開的或暗藏的敵人。他的這一舉動(dòng)已得到國會(huì)兩院、各州立法機(jī)構(gòu)和全國人民的一致贊揚(yáng)，并將成為繼任者效法的榜樣。

托馬斯·杰斐遜 第一次就職演講 華盛頓 星期三,1801年3月4日

同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來

朋友們、同胞們：

我應(yīng)召擔(dān)任國家的最高行政長官，值此諸位同胞集會(huì)之時(shí)，我衷心感謝大家寄予我的厚愛，誠摯地說，我意識(shí)到這項(xiàng)任務(wù)非我能力所及，其責(zé)任之重大，本人能力之淺簿，自然使我就任時(shí)憂懼交加。一個(gè)沃野千里的新興國家，帶著豐富的工業(yè)產(chǎn)品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃強(qiáng)權(quán)、不顧公理的國家進(jìn)行貿(mào)易，向著世人無法預(yù)見的天命疾奔——當(dāng)我思考這些重大的目標(biāo)，當(dāng)我想到這個(gè)可愛的國家，其榮譽(yù)、幸福和希望都系于這個(gè)問題和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面對(duì)這宏圖大業(yè)自慚德薄能鮮。確實(shí)，若不是在這里見到許多先生們?cè)趫觯刮蚁肫馃o論遇到什么困難，都可以向憲法規(guī)定的另一高級(jí)機(jī)構(gòu)尋找智慧、美德和熱忱的源泉，我一定會(huì)完全心灰意懶。因此，負(fù)有神圣的立法職責(zé)的先生們和各位有關(guān)人士，我鼓起勇氣期望你們給予指引和支持，使我們能夠在亂世紛爭中同舟共濟(jì)，安然航行。

在我們過去的意見交鋒中，大家熱烈討論，各展所長，這種緊張氣氛，有時(shí)會(huì)使不習(xí)慣于自由思想、不習(xí)慣于說出或?qū)懴伦约合敕ǖ娜烁械讲话玻坏缃瘢@場爭論既已由全國的民意作出決定，而且根據(jù)憲法的規(guī)定予以公布，大家當(dāng)然會(huì)服從法律的意志，妥為安排，為共同的利益齊心協(xié)力，大家也會(huì)銘記這條神圣的原則；盡管在任何情況下，多數(shù)人的意志是起決定作用的，但這種意志必須合理才矚公正；少數(shù)人享有同等權(quán)利，這種權(quán)利必須同樣受到法律保護(hù)，如果侵犯，便是壓迫。因此，公民們，讓我們同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來。讓我們?cè)谏鐣?huì)交往中和睦如初、恢復(fù)友愛，如果沒有這些，自由，甚至生活本身都會(huì)索然寡味，讓我們?cè)傧胍幌耄覀円呀?jīng)將長期以來造成人類流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不寬容現(xiàn)象逐出國上，如果我們鼓勵(lì)某種政治上的不寬容，其專演、邪惡和可能造成的殘酷、血腥迫害均與此相仿，那么我們必將無所收獲。當(dāng)舊世界經(jīng)歷陣痛和騷動(dòng)，當(dāng)憤怒的人掙扎著想通過流血、殺戮來尋求失去已人的自由，那波濤般的激情甚至也會(huì)沖擊這片遙遠(yuǎn)而寧靜的海岸；對(duì)此，人們的感觸和憂患不會(huì)一樣，因而對(duì)安全措施的意見就出現(xiàn)了分歧，這些都不足為奇。但是，各種意見分歧并不都是原則分歧。我們以不同的名字呼喚同一原則的兄弟。我們都是共和黨人，我們都是聯(lián)邦黨人，如果我們當(dāng)中有人想解散這個(gè)聯(lián)邦，或者想改變它的共和體制，那就讓他們不受干擾而作為對(duì)平安的紀(jì)念碑吧，因?yàn)橛辛似桨玻e(cuò)誤的意見就可得到寬容，理性就得以自由地與之抗?fàn)帯Ｕ\然，我知道，有些正直人士擔(dān)心共和制政府無法成為強(qiáng)有力的政府，擔(dān)心我們這個(gè)政府不夠堅(jiān)強(qiáng)；但是，在實(shí)驗(yàn)取得成功的高潮中，一個(gè)誠實(shí)的愛國者，難道會(huì)因?yàn)橐环N假設(shè)的和幻想的疑懼，就以為這個(gè)被世界寄予最大希望的政府可能需要力量才得以自存，因而就放棄這個(gè)迄今帶給我們自由和堅(jiān)定的政府嗎？我相信下會(huì)。相反，我相信這是世界上最堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的政府。我相信唯有在這種政府的治理下，每個(gè)人才會(huì)響應(yīng)法律的號(hào)召，奔向法律的旗幟下，像對(duì)待切身利益那樣，迎擊侵犯公共秩序的舉動(dòng)：有時(shí)我們聽到一種說法：不能讓人們自己管理自己。那么，能讓他去管理別人嗎？或者·我們?cè)诮y(tǒng)治人民的君王名單中發(fā)現(xiàn)了無使嗎？這個(gè)問題讓歷史來回答吧。

因此，讓我們以勇氣和信心，迫求我們自己的聯(lián)邦與共和原則，擁戴聯(lián)邦與代議制政府。我們受惠于大自然和大洋的阻隔，幸免于地球上四分之一地區(qū)發(fā)生的那場毀滅性浩動(dòng)；

我們品格高尚，不能容忍他人的墮落； 們天賜良邦，其幅員足以容納子孫萬代；我們充分認(rèn)識(shí)到在發(fā)揮個(gè)人才干、以勤勞換取收入、受到同胞的尊敬與信賴上，大家享有平等的權(quán)利，但這種尊敬和信賴不是出于門第，而是出于我們的行為和同胞的評(píng)判；我們受到仁慈的宗教的啟迪，盡管教派不同，形式各異，但它們都教人以正直、忠誠、節(jié)制、恩義和仁愛；我們承認(rèn)和崇拜全能的上帝，而天意表明，他樂于使這里的人們得到幸福，今后還將得到更多的幸福——我們有了這些福祉，還需要什么才能夠使我們成為快樂而興旺的民族呢？公民們，我們還需要一件，那就是賢明而節(jié)儉的政府，它會(huì)制止人們相互傷害，使他們自由地管理自己的實(shí)業(yè)和進(jìn)步活動(dòng)，它不會(huì)侵奪人們的勞動(dòng)果實(shí)。這就是良好政府的集粹，這也是我們達(dá)到幸福圓滿之必需。

公民們，我即將履行職責(zé)，這些職責(zé)包括你們所珍愛的一切，因此，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)了解我所認(rèn)為的政府基本原則是什么，確定其行政依據(jù)的原則又是什么。我將盡量扼要地加以敘述，只講一般原則，不講其種種限制。實(shí)行人人平等和真正的公平，而不論其宗教或政治上的地位或派別；同所有國家和平相處、商務(wù)往來、真誠友好，而下與任何國家結(jié)盟，維護(hù)備州政府的一切權(quán)利，將它們作為我國最有權(quán)能的內(nèi)政機(jī)構(gòu)，和抵御反共和趨勢(shì)的最可靠屏障；維持全國政府在憲制上的全部活力，將其作為國內(nèi)安定和國際安全的最后依靠；忠實(shí)地維護(hù)人民的選舉僅——將它作為一種溫和而穩(wěn)妥的矯正手段，對(duì)革命留下的、尚無和平補(bǔ)救辦法的種種弊端予以矯正；絕對(duì)同意多數(shù)人的決定，因?yàn)檫@是共和制的主要原則，反之，不訴諸輿論而訴諸武力乃是專制的主要原則和直接根源；建立一支訓(xùn)練有來的民兵，作為平時(shí)和戰(zhàn)爭初期的最好依靠，直到正規(guī)軍來接替；實(shí)行文職權(quán)高于軍職權(quán)；節(jié)約政府開支，減輕勞工負(fù)擔(dān)；誠實(shí)地償還債務(wù)，莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)政府信譽(yù)；鼓勵(lì)農(nóng)業(yè)，輔之以商業(yè)；傳播信息，以公眾理智力準(zhǔn)繩補(bǔ)偏救弊；實(shí)行宗教自由；實(shí)行出版自由和人身自由，根據(jù)人身保護(hù)法和公正選出陪審團(tuán)進(jìn)行審判來保證人身自由。這些原則構(gòu)成了明亮的星座，它在我們的前方照閘，指引我們經(jīng)歷了革命和改革時(shí)朗，先皙的智慧和英雄的鮮血都曾為實(shí)現(xiàn)這些原則作出過奉獻(xiàn)，這些原則應(yīng)當(dāng)是我們的政治信條，公民教育的課本，檢驗(yàn)我們所信曹的人的工作的試金石，如果我們因一時(shí)錯(cuò)誤或驚恐而背日這些原則，那就讓我們趕緊回頭，重返這唯一通向和平、自由和安全的大道。

各位公民，我即將擔(dān)當(dāng)起你們委派給我的職務(wù)。根據(jù)我擔(dān)任許多較低職務(wù)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，我已經(jīng)意識(shí)到這是最艱巨的職務(wù)，圇此，我能夠預(yù)期，當(dāng)一個(gè)并非盡善盡奏的人從這個(gè)職位卸任時(shí)，很少能像就任時(shí)那樣深手眾望。我不敢奢皇大家如同信任我們第一位最偉大的革命元?jiǎng)啄菢訉?duì)我高度信任，因?yàn)樗淖恐鴦讋谑顾钣匈Y格受到全國的愛戳，使他在忠實(shí)的史書中占有汲輝煌的一頁，我只要求大家給我相當(dāng)?shù)男湃危谷俗阋詧?jiān)定地、有效地依法管理大家的事務(wù)。由于判斷有誤，我會(huì)常常犯錯(cuò)誤。即使我是正確的，那些不是站在統(tǒng)籌全局的立場上看問題的人，也會(huì)常常認(rèn)為我是錯(cuò)誤的，我請(qǐng)求你們寬容我自己犯的鍺誤，而這些錯(cuò)誤決不是故意犯的，我請(qǐng)求你們支持我反對(duì)別人的錯(cuò)誤，而這些人如果通盤考慮，也是決不會(huì)犯的。從投票結(jié)果來看，大家對(duì)我的過去甚為嘉許，這是我莫大的安慰；今后我所渴望的是，力求賜予我好評(píng)的各位能保持這種好評(píng)，在我職權(quán)范圍內(nèi)為其他各位效勞以博得他們的好評(píng)，并為所有同胞們的幸福和自由而盡力。

現(xiàn)在，我仰承各位的好意，恭順地就任此職，一旦你們覺得需要作出你們有權(quán)作出的更好的選擇，我便準(zhǔn)備辭去此職。愿主宰夭地萬物命運(yùn)的上帝引導(dǎo)我們的機(jī)構(gòu)臻于完善，并為大家的和平與昌盛，賜給它一個(gè)值得贊許的結(jié)果。

詹姆斯·麥迪遜 第二次就職演講 星期四,1813年3月4日

關(guān)于一八一二年戰(zhàn)爭

美國一直沒有宣戰(zhàn)，直到出現(xiàn)了以下情況——直到這場加于美國的戰(zhàn)爭在實(shí)際上，盡管不是在名義上已進(jìn)行了根久；直到再也沒有爭

辯和規(guī)勸的余地；直到美國被明確地告知，無理挑釁不會(huì)中止；直到這最后的呼吁不可再拖延，不然國家的精神就要崩潰，國家和政府機(jī)構(gòu)的信心就要喪失，那樣，就得永遠(yuǎn)忍受屈辱，否則就得付出更高昂的代價(jià)和經(jīng)過更嚴(yán)酷的斗爭，才能恢復(fù)我國作為獨(dú)立國家的地位和尊嚴(yán)。

戰(zhàn)爭問題關(guān)系到我國在公海上的主權(quán)，關(guān)系到一個(gè)重要的公民階層的安全，而這個(gè)階層所從事的職業(yè)，對(duì)于其他公民階層具有重要的價(jià)值。如果不為此而斗爭，就是放棄我國在公海上與其他國家的同等地位，就是侵犯每一個(gè)社會(huì)成風(fēng)所擁有的、保護(hù)自己的神圣權(quán)利。我不必強(qiáng)調(diào)指出，巡航官對(duì)我國水手為所欲為，迫使他們離開自己的船只而登上異國船只的不法行徑，也不必渲染其中免不了的暴行。我國歷屆政府的記錄中都留有證據(jù)，凡是同情心尚未泯滅的人們，都會(huì)在心中記住這部分美國人所蒙受的苦難。由于這場戰(zhàn)爭從根本上說是正義的，從目標(biāo)上說是必要的和高尚的，所以，我們可以自豪而滿意地表明，把這場戰(zhàn)爭繼續(xù)下去，并沒有侵犯公正或道義原則，并沒有違背文明國家的慣例，也沒有觸犯禮儀或人道法則。我們是以嚴(yán)格尊重所有上述義務(wù)的態(tài)度，和空間高昂的自由精神來進(jìn)行這場戰(zhàn)爭的。

詹姆斯·門羅 第一次就職演講

星期二,1817年3月4日 沖突不和不屬于我們的制度

同胞們滿懷信心地召喚我出任這一重要職務(wù)，令我十分感動(dòng)，不然我就是一個(gè)缺乏感情的人。這表明同胞們甚為矗許我的公職行為，我對(duì)此感到心滿意足，而唯有竭盡全力做了值得夸獎(jiǎng)的工作的人，才能有這種威受。我能正確估計(jì)到這一職務(wù)的重要性以及承擔(dān)這一義務(wù)的性質(zhì)和范圍，所以我對(duì)于正確地履行同我們這一偉大同由民族的崇高利益密切相連的義務(wù)的感受也隨之而增加。由于意識(shí)到自己的不足，所以在開始履行這些義務(wù)時(shí)，我無法不對(duì)將來的結(jié)累裴示極大的憂慮。對(duì)應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任我決不會(huì)裹足不前，我頗有信心地認(rèn)為。只要我盡力促進(jìn)公共福利，入門就始終會(huì)恰當(dāng)?shù)卦u(píng)價(jià)我的動(dòng)機(jī)，而且會(huì)以公正和愛護(hù)的眼光來看待我的行為，就像我在其他職位上已經(jīng)經(jīng)歷過的那樣。

歷任杰出總統(tǒng)在開始履行職責(zé)前有一個(gè)慣例，即明確闡述各自執(zhí)政的指導(dǎo)原則。在仿效這些令人尊敬的榜樣時(shí),我自然把注意力集中于目前給合眾國帶來高度幸褔的那些主要原因。這些原因?qū)⒛艹浞终f明我們職責(zé)的性質(zhì)，并且闡明我們將來必須推行的政策。

從獨(dú)立革命至今幾乎已過去40個(gè)春秋，而憲法的制定也已有鵬載。在此時(shí)期，我們的政府一直被強(qiáng)調(diào)為自治政府。其結(jié)果如何呢？無論我們將目光轉(zhuǎn)向何處，不論是涉及到國外問題還是國內(nèi)問題，我們都有足夠的理由慶幸我們擁有優(yōu)越的制度。在充滿艱辛和非凡事件的歲月里，我們的合眾國還是取得了空前的繁榮，公民們個(gè)個(gè)幸福歡樂，國家昌盛發(fā)達(dá)。

??

使我特別感到滿意的是，我是在合眾國探受和平之惠時(shí)開始履行這些職責(zé)的。合眾國的繁榮和幸福最需要和平。我衷心希望維持和平，依靠政府的努力、以公正的原則與各國交往，不提任何不合理的要求，并對(duì)各國履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。

我同樣感到滿意的是，我看到我們合眾國越來越和諧一致。沖突不和不同于我們的制度，聯(lián)邦之所以受到擁護(hù)，是因?yàn)槲覀兊恼贫俗杂珊腿蚀鹊脑瓌t，從而使每個(gè)人都受到了恩惠，同時(shí)還因?yàn)樗衅渌怀龅膬?yōu)點(diǎn)。美國人民已共同克服了巨大的危險(xiǎn)，成功地經(jīng)受了嚴(yán)重的考驗(yàn)。他們組成了具有共同利益的大家庭。經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)在一些對(duì)同家至關(guān)重即明確闡述各自執(zhí)政的指導(dǎo)原則。在仿效這些令人尊敬的榜樣時(shí),我自然把注意力集中于目前給合眾國帶來高度幸褔的那些主要原因。這些原因?qū)⒛艹浞终f明我們職責(zé)的性質(zhì)，并且闡明我們將來必須推行的政策。

從獨(dú)立革命至今幾乎已過去40個(gè)春秋，而憲法的制定也已有鵬載。在此時(shí)期，我們的政府一直被強(qiáng)調(diào)為自治政府。其結(jié)果如何呢？無論我們將目光轉(zhuǎn)向何處，不論是涉及到國外問題還是國內(nèi)問題，我們都有足夠的理由慶幸我們擁有優(yōu)越的制度。在充滿艱辛和非凡事件的歲月里，我們的合眾國還是取得了空前的繁榮，公民們個(gè)個(gè)幸福歡樂，國家昌盛發(fā)達(dá)。

??

使我特別感到滿意的是，我是在合眾國探受和平之惠時(shí)開始履行這些職責(zé)的。合眾國的繁榮和幸福最需要和平。我衷心希望維持和平，依靠政府的努力、以公正的原則與各國交往，不提任何不合理的要求，并對(duì)各國履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。

我同樣感到滿意的是，我看到我們合眾國越來越和諧一致。沖突不和不同于我們的制度，聯(lián)邦之所以受到擁護(hù)，是因?yàn)槲覀兊恼贫俗杂珊腿蚀鹊脑瓌t，從而使每個(gè)人都受到了恩惠，同時(shí)還因?yàn)樗衅渌怀龅膬?yōu)點(diǎn)。美國人民已共同克服了巨大的危險(xiǎn)，成功地經(jīng)受了嚴(yán)重的考驗(yàn)。他們組成了具有共同利益的大家庭。經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)在一些對(duì)同家至關(guān)重要的問題上使我們獲得教益，由于對(duì)國家的各種利益須作正確的考慮和忠誠的關(guān)切，所以進(jìn)展是很緩慢的。我將持之以恒并努力追求的目標(biāo)是：按照我們的共和政府的原則，以充分發(fā)揮其作用的方式來促進(jìn)和諧，并在所有其他方面促進(jìn)我們聯(lián)邦的最大利益。

從來沒有一個(gè)政府能像我國政府那樣從一開始就諸事如意，并獲得如此徹底的成功。翻閱一下其他國家的歷史，無論是古代的國家還是現(xiàn)代的國家，都無法找到一個(gè)發(fā)展如此迅速，規(guī)模如此巨大，而人民又是如此富裕和幸福的實(shí)例。當(dāng)我們思考還有哪些尚待完成的任務(wù)時(shí)，每個(gè)公民必然由衷地感到喜悅，因?yàn)樗麜?huì)想到：我們的政府已經(jīng)如此接近于完善：我們?cè)谶@方回已無需作出重大改善，偉大的目標(biāo)在于維護(hù)我們政府擁有的基本原則和特征，這將通過保持人民的美德和啟發(fā)人民的心靈來實(shí)現(xiàn)；偉大的目標(biāo)還在于采取不可缺少的措施，來維護(hù)我們的獨(dú)立、權(quán)利和自由，并確保我國不受外來的威脅。如果我們能保持目前我們已經(jīng)獲得進(jìn)展的事業(yè)，并堅(jiān)持不懈地走我們已經(jīng)走過的路，那么在仁慈上帝的保佑下，我們便能達(dá)到似乎正在等待著我們的崇高目標(biāo)。

在我之前，已有幾位杰出人物擔(dān)任過這一崇高的職務(wù)，而且我與其中一些人很早就結(jié)成了最緊密的聯(lián)系。他們所提供的執(zhí)政典范，將永遠(yuǎn)使后繼者獲得高度的教益。從這些典范中，我將盡力獲取所有的長處，至于我的前任總統(tǒng)，由于他所進(jìn)行的工作已經(jīng)成為我們巨大而成功的實(shí)驗(yàn)的極為重要的一部分，大家必然會(huì)體諒我要向他表示熱烈的祝愿：原它在退休后能永享國家對(duì)他的感激之情，這種感情是對(duì)他的杰出才能和最為忠誠而卓越的服務(wù)的最好報(bào)答。依靠政府其他各部門的幫助，我開始擔(dān)任同胞們通過選舉而交給我的職務(wù)。我虔誠地向全能的上帝祈禱，他已經(jīng)如此明顯地展示了對(duì)我們的護(hù)佑，愿他繼續(xù)仁慈的護(hù)佑我們。

安德魯·杰克遜 第二次就職演講

星期一,1833年3月4日 論國內(nèi)外政策

公民們：

美國人民通過自愿選舉所表達(dá)的意志，要求我站在你們面前通過這一莊重的儀式，作為我連任合眾國總統(tǒng)職務(wù)的準(zhǔn)備。你們對(duì)我在一個(gè)不無困難的時(shí)期執(zhí)政的情況表示認(rèn)可，對(duì)我良好的愿望再次表示信賴，對(duì)此我實(shí)在我不出適當(dāng)?shù)难栽~來表達(dá)我的感激。我將繼續(xù)盡我微薄之力管理政府，維護(hù)你們的自由，促進(jìn)你們的幸福，以此來表達(dá)我的感激之憎。

在過會(huì)4年里發(fā)生了這么多事件，這必然引起——有時(shí)是在最微妙和最痛苦的情況下——我對(duì)許多必須由中央政府執(zhí)行的原則和政策的看法，因此，我必須在此列提到與某些原則和政策有關(guān)的一些主要問題。

在目前的這部憲法制定后不久，我國政府所采取的、并為歷屆政府普遍奉行的外交政策，獲得了幾乎全面成功的榮譽(yù)，并提高了我們?cè)谑澜绺鲊械穆曂?duì)所有的人一視同仁，不向任何人的邪惡屈服，乃是我當(dāng)政期間的指導(dǎo)方針。其結(jié)果非常成功，我們不僅和世界各國和睦相處，也很少有引起爭端的緣由，至于尚未調(diào)整的也只是一些元足輕重的問題。

在這屆政府執(zhí)行的國內(nèi)政策上有兩個(gè)目標(biāo)特別值得人民及其代表的注意，這兩個(gè)目標(biāo)一直是，并仍將繼續(xù)是我日益關(guān)注的問題。這就是維護(hù)幾個(gè)州的權(quán)利和維護(hù)聯(lián)邦的完整。

這兩大目標(biāo)必然是相關(guān)的，只有在這些州的適當(dāng)范圍內(nèi)開明地行使各自的權(quán)力并符合憲法所表達(dá)的公眾的意志，才能達(dá)到這些目標(biāo)。要達(dá)到這個(gè)目偽，所有的人都有責(zé)任樂意地和富有愛國心地服從憲法所規(guī)定的法律，從而提

高并增強(qiáng)人民親自為他們的政府所規(guī)定的幾個(gè)州和合眾國的那些法律的信心。

我任公職的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和對(duì)生活的略微高超的觀察證實(shí)了我長久以來所形成的觀點(diǎn)：廢除我們的州政府或者取消它們對(duì)地方事務(wù)的控制，必然會(huì)直接導(dǎo)致單命或無政府狀態(tài)，最終則導(dǎo)致專制和軍事控制。因此，如果中央政府侵害了各州的部分權(quán)利，也就損害了自身的部分權(quán)力，并減損了部分的創(chuàng)造能力。如果向胞們切實(shí)銘記這些考慮，便會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)我準(zhǔn)備行使我的憲法權(quán)力，以阻止那些直接或間接侵犯州權(quán)、或企圖加強(qiáng)中央政府政治權(quán)力的各種措施。但是，具有同等而且確實(shí)是無可估量重要性的是這些州的聯(lián)合，以及所有各州都大力支持中央政府行使其公正的權(quán)為，以此來維護(hù)其聯(lián)合的神圣職責(zé)。你們?cè)焕碇堑馗嬲]過：“你們要習(xí)慣于像對(duì)待護(hù)佑你們政治上的安全與繁榮的守護(hù)神那樣想到它或談?wù)撍⌒囊硪怼o微不至地保護(hù)它；要駁斥一切拋棄它的想法，即使對(duì)它抱有絲毫懷疑亦不允許；要義正詞嚴(yán)地反對(duì)剛回頭的、一切可能使我國的任何部分與其他部分疏遠(yuǎn)并削弱連接全國各地的神圣紐帶的種種企圖”。沒有聯(lián)合，我們的獨(dú)立和自由就永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)取得，沒有聯(lián)合，獨(dú)立和自由也決得不到維護(hù)，如果我國分裂為24個(gè)獨(dú)立的地區(qū)，或者即使數(shù)量上少一些，我們的國內(nèi)貿(mào)易將為無數(shù)的限制和苛稅所累；遙遠(yuǎn)的市鎮(zhèn)與地區(qū)之間的通訊聯(lián)系將受阻或被切斷；我們的孩子將被迫當(dāng)兵，使他們現(xiàn)在還在和平耕種地失去自由，失去這絕好的政體，失去和平、富裕和幸福。因此，支持聯(lián)邦，我們就支持了自由人和博愛主義者所珍視的一切。

我站在你們面前的這一時(shí)刻充分地引起了人們的注意。世界各國的目光都在注視著我們的共和政體。目前這個(gè)危機(jī)的結(jié)果將決定全人類對(duì)我們聯(lián)邦制政府的可行性的看法。置于我們手中的賭注是巨大的，置于美國人民肩上的責(zé)任是重大的。讓我們意識(shí)到我們對(duì)全世界表明的這種態(tài)度的重要性。讓我們運(yùn)用我們的克制態(tài)度和堅(jiān)定信念，讓我們將我們的國家從所處的危險(xiǎn)中解脫出來，從這些危險(xiǎn)所反復(fù)說明的教訓(xùn)中汲取智念。

這些觀察所得出的道理給我留下深刻的印象，既然我必須對(duì)我即將作的莊嚴(yán)誓詞負(fù)責(zé)，我將繼續(xù)竭盡全力維護(hù)憲法所規(guī)定的正當(dāng)權(quán)力，將我們合眾國的福祉無損地傳至后代，同時(shí)，我的目標(biāo)是，以我的官方行動(dòng)，反復(fù)灌輸中央政府只行使明確地授予它的權(quán)力的必要性；鼓勵(lì)政府節(jié)儉開支；不向人民征收超過達(dá)到這些目標(biāo)所需要的款項(xiàng)，最大限度地提高社會(huì)各階級(jí)和聯(lián)邦各州的利益。我們要時(shí)刻牢記，在進(jìn)入社會(huì)時(shí)·個(gè)人必須放棄一份自由以維護(hù)其他人的自由“，我的愿望將是履行我的職責(zé)，人民照舊在廣場集會(huì)，但不像在卡米盧和大小西庇阿時(shí)代，為選舉執(zhí)政官而自由投票，或?qū)υ显旱淖h案作出裁決，而是從各自的黨派頭目那里領(lǐng)取一份贓物，還吵吵嚷嚷地要這要那，因?yàn)閺母弑R、埃及和小亞細(xì)亞收繳的贓物，將能提供更多的份額。自由精神無影無蹤。為避開文明人的住地，自由精神已到錫西厄或斯堪的納維亞的荒野中錄求庇護(hù)。因此，由于同樣的原因和影響，自由精神也會(huì)從我們的國并和全國各地的同胞們一起，培養(yǎng)一種寬容謙讓的精神，使我們的公民安心于為維護(hù)更大的利益而必須做出部分的犧牲，從而是我們寶貴的政府和聯(lián)邦能博得美國人民的信任和愛戴。最后，我站在全能的上帝面前作最熱忱的祈禱，我們的共和國在他的懷抱里已經(jīng)從嬰兒成長到今日，愿他主宰我得一切愿望和行動(dòng)，并激發(fā)公民們的信念，使我們能免遭一切危險(xiǎn)，永遠(yuǎn)成為一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)和幸福的民族。

威廉·亨利·哈里森 就職演講

星期四,1841年3月4日 我國的政黨

??

同胞們，在結(jié)束演講之前，我必須談?wù)勎覈壳按嬖诘恼h問題，我認(rèn)為有一點(diǎn)是顯而易見的；目前支配各個(gè)政黨的強(qiáng)烈的黨派情緒，如果不能完全消除，也應(yīng)該極大地削弱，否則后果不堪設(shè)想。

在一個(gè)共和國里，如果說政黨的存在是必要的，以便確保某種程度的警覺，使公共職能機(jī)構(gòu)不越出法律和職責(zé)的范圍，那么，政黨的作用應(yīng)該到此為止。超過這一限度，政黨就會(huì)成為公共美德的破壞力量，就會(huì)培育與自由精神相抵觸的情緒，就會(huì)最終不可避免地毀掉自由。以往的某些共和國不乏這樣的例子。在那里，熱愛祖國和熱愛自由一度是全體公民的主導(dǎo)情感，但是，盡管自由政府的名義和形式還繼續(xù)存在，而在公民的心中，上述情感已蕩然無存，一位英國著名作家說得很精彩：“在羅馬元老院，屋大維有自己的黨，安東尼也有自己的黨，共和國卻一無所有。”然而，元老院照舊在自由的神殿里開會(huì)，高談共和國的神圣、美麗，凝望老布魯圖、柯蒂和德西等人的雕像，會(huì)和議事堂銷聲匿跡。這不僅對(duì)我國，而且對(duì)世界來說都是可怕的災(zāi)難。每一個(gè)愛國者，都應(yīng)力求避免這一災(zāi)難，面任何可能導(dǎo)致這種災(zāi)難的事態(tài)發(fā)展，何必須立即制止。現(xiàn)在，這種趨勢(shì)已經(jīng)存在——確實(shí)已經(jīng)存在。我一直是同胞們的朋友，我從不對(duì)你們阿諛奉迎，你門對(duì)我的偏愛使我榮登高位，因此，我有責(zé)任告訴你們：我國存在著一種與你們的最大利益相抵觸的情緒——一種與自由本身相抵觸的情緒。這是一種狹隘的、自私的情緒。為了擴(kuò)大少數(shù)人的權(quán)勢(shì)，它甚至不惜毀掉全體人民的利益。徹底的糾正要靠人民，然而，人民賦予我的手段可能會(huì)起一些作用。我們需要團(tuán)結(jié)起來，但不是為黨派的緣故而團(tuán)結(jié)起來。而是為了國家、為了捍衛(wèi)她的利益和榮譽(yù)并抵御外國入侵、為了捍衛(wèi)先輩們?nèi)绱斯鈽s斗爭過的原則而團(tuán)結(jié)起來。在我看來，這個(gè)目標(biāo)一定能實(shí)現(xiàn)。我將竭盡所能，至少要防止在立法機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)形成一個(gè)執(zhí)政黨。我提出的任何措施，如果不符合國會(huì)議員的判斷，如果有悖于他們對(duì)選民的責(zé)任感，我不指望他們?nèi)魏稳私o予任何支持；我也不指望事先就得到人民的信任，而只求得到杰斐遜先生所要求的那種信任，以便“堅(jiān)定地、有效地依法管理大家的事務(wù)”。

詹姆斯·波爾克 就職演講

星期二,1845年3月4日 關(guān)于擴(kuò)大疆域

得克薩斯共和國已宣布愿意加入我們的聯(lián)邦，它要成為我們聯(lián)邦的一員，與我們共享憲法所保障的自由的恩澤。得克薩斯曾是我國的一部分，后來不明智地讓給了他國，現(xiàn)在它已經(jīng)獨(dú)立，并有權(quán)處置其部分或全部領(lǐng)土，它要作為一個(gè)獨(dú)立的州合并到我們國家中來。我祝

賀我們的國家，政府已根據(jù)合眾國國會(huì)的最新法案，同意接受它加入聯(lián)邦，現(xiàn)在只要兩國同意提出的條件，即可達(dá)成對(duì)雙方關(guān)系極為重大的目標(biāo)。我認(rèn)為合并問題純屬美國和得克薩斯的內(nèi)部事務(wù)。雙方都是有能力訂立條約的獨(dú)立國家，外國無權(quán)干預(yù)，無權(quán)對(duì)兩者的再次聯(lián)合表示異議。有一些國家似乎并不理解我國政府的真正特性。我們的聯(lián)邦是各個(gè)獨(dú)立州的聯(lián)盟，同時(shí)我們也相信，隨著制度的拓展，聯(lián)邦的結(jié)合不但下會(huì)削弱，反而會(huì)變得更牢固。

大家都能看到，如果得克薩斯仍然處于獨(dú)立狀態(tài)，或成為勢(shì)力比其更大的國家的同盟或附屬國，它將威脅我們的安全和未來的和平。難道我們的公民中會(huì)有人不愿同得克薩斯保持永久和平。而喜歡那經(jīng)常發(fā)生于獨(dú)立國家間的邊境戰(zhàn)爭嗎？難道有誰不愿意同得克薩斯自由它對(duì)各個(gè)州和對(duì)全世界都采取和平政策。擴(kuò)大聯(lián)邦的疆界就是把和平的范圍擴(kuò)展到新增加的領(lǐng)土和日益增加的人民。世界其他國家不必害怕我國抱有軍事野心。我國的總統(tǒng)及國會(huì)議員都是由數(shù)百萬群眾選出來的，而且任期很短，如果發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭，百姓必然要承受戰(zhàn)爭的負(fù)擔(dān)和禍害，所以我們的政府只能是和平的政府。因此，外國不應(yīng)把得克薩斯合并到合眾國看作是企圖用武力和暴力來擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)上，而應(yīng)看作是用和平的方法獲得曾經(jīng)屬于它自己的領(lǐng)土，是經(jīng)過一個(gè)新成員的同意，為我們的聯(lián)邦增添了這個(gè)新成員，從而減少了戰(zhàn)爭發(fā)生的可能性，并為其產(chǎn)品開拓了嶄新的。日益擴(kuò)大的市場。

對(duì)得克薩斯來說，加入聯(lián)邦具有重大的意義，因?yàn)槲覈膹?qiáng)大保衛(wèi)力量就能擴(kuò)大到這個(gè)地區(qū)。得克薩斯土地肥沃，氣候溫和，各種豐富資源將得到迅速開發(fā)，同時(shí)，新奧爾良和西南邊境抵御敵國侵犯以保衛(wèi)安全的能力，以及整個(gè)聯(lián)邦的利益，都將因其加盟而獲得增強(qiáng)。在我國初創(chuàng)時(shí)期有一種觀點(diǎn)，認(rèn)為聯(lián)邦的體制無法對(duì)擴(kuò)大后的領(lǐng)上有效地發(fā)揮作用，因而在各個(gè)時(shí)期都有人竭力反對(duì)我們擴(kuò)充疆域。在我們獲得路易斯安那時(shí)，反對(duì)的意見相蘭激烈。經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明，這些反對(duì)意見是沒有根據(jù)的。許多印第安人部族在我國擁有大片土地的權(quán)利消失了；有些新的州加入了聯(lián)邦，新的準(zhǔn)州建立了，我們可以對(duì)這些州行使管轄權(quán)和執(zhí)行法律。隨著人口的增加，聯(lián)邦得到了鞏固和加強(qiáng)。隨著疆域的擴(kuò)展和農(nóng)業(yè)人口的廣泛分布。我們的聯(lián)邦體制也增加了力量和獲得了保障。我們不妨認(rèn)為，如果我們現(xiàn)有的人口分布于當(dāng)初13個(gè)州的相當(dāng)狹小的范圍，而不是像現(xiàn)在這樣稀疏地分散在較廣闊的領(lǐng)土上，那我們的聯(lián)邦將處于被顛覆的極大危險(xiǎn)之中。我們深信我們的制度可以穩(wěn)固地拓展到我們領(lǐng)上的最遠(yuǎn)邊界； 地交往，而寧可為我們的產(chǎn)品進(jìn)入其港口或通過其疆界而支付高額稅金嗎？難道有人不愿不受限制地同它的公民進(jìn)行通信而甘愿忍受疆界的阻礙嗎？只要得克薩斯不加入聯(lián)邦，這種種情形就必然會(huì)存在下去。不論是否與聯(lián)邦合并，得克薩斯地方體制的優(yōu)缺點(diǎn)仍然是它自己的問題。目前任何一個(gè)州都無權(quán)干涉得克薩斯的內(nèi)部體制，正如各州彼此不能干涉他州的內(nèi)部體制一樣。它們是為了特殊目的而建立的同盟。各州如果以得克薩斯的地方體制為由而拒絕同它締結(jié)永久盟約，那我們的開國先賢根本無法組成現(xiàn)今的聯(lián)邦。在接納得克薩斯加入聯(lián)邦的方法與理由方面，既然沒有任何令人信服的反對(duì)意見足以證明那會(huì)嚴(yán)重影響兩國的安全、和平與繁榮，我將根據(jù)憲法所賴以成立的廣泛原則，而不是以偏狹的區(qū)域性政策精神，努力采取符合憲法的、光榮而合適的方法來完成美國政府和人民的意愿，盡早把得克薩斯并入我們的聯(lián)邦。

我將以符合憲法的方法，堅(jiān)持并維護(hù)美國對(duì)落磯山脈以西這一部分的領(lǐng)土權(quán)，這同樣將是我應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)。我們對(duì)俄勒岡的主權(quán)是“明確而不容置疑的”，而且我們的人民已準(zhǔn)備和他們的妻兒移居到那里，以便使這一主權(quán)臻于完整。但是8O 年前，我國的人口分布局限于阿勒格尼山脊的西部。在那段時(shí)期里，我不妨說，也就是在座的一些聽眾的一生中,我們的人民已增至數(shù)百萬，它們密布于密西西比河?xùn)|部流域，甚至冒險(xiǎn)溯流而上至密蘇里河的源頭，并在流注太平洋各河流的河谷上建立起自治政府。世界各國都注視著我國移民事業(yè)的和平成果。只要有移民在我們的領(lǐng)土上，我們就有責(zé)任保護(hù)他們。我們法律的管轄權(quán)以及共和體制的幸福應(yīng)該施于那些擇居遠(yuǎn)地的人民，日益增加的交通設(shè)施，將輕而易舉地把各個(gè)州帶進(jìn)聯(lián)邦的范圍，在我們聯(lián)邦范圍內(nèi)的那一部分領(lǐng)土里，應(yīng)盡早地完成各項(xiàng)設(shè)施。同時(shí)，任何條約和協(xié)定所規(guī)定的各項(xiàng)義務(wù)都必須得到嚴(yán)格的遵守。

亞伯拉罕·林肯 第一次就職演講

星期一,1861年3月4日 永久聯(lián)邦與總統(tǒng)權(quán)力

我今天正式宣誓時(shí)，并沒有保留意見，也無意以任何苛刻的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來解釋憲法和法律，盡管我不想具體指明國會(huì)通過的哪些法案是適合施行的·但我確實(shí)要建議，所有的人，不論處于官方還是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被廢止的法令，這比泰然自若地認(rèn)為其中某個(gè)法案是違背憲法的而去觸犯它，要穩(wěn)當(dāng)?shù)枚唷?/p>

自從第一任總統(tǒng)根據(jù)我國憲法就職以來已經(jīng)72年了。在此期間，有15位十分杰出的公民相繼主持了政府的行政部門。他們?cè)谠S多艱難險(xiǎn)阻中履行職責(zé)，大致說來都很成功。然而，雖有這樣的先例，我現(xiàn)在開始擔(dān)任這個(gè)按憲法規(guī)定任期只有短暫4年的同一職務(wù)時(shí)，卻處在巨大而特殊的困難之下。聯(lián)邦的分裂，在此以前只是一種威脅，現(xiàn)在卻已成為可怕的行動(dòng)。

從一般法律和憲法角度來考慮，我認(rèn)為由各州組成的聯(lián)邦是永久性的。在合國政府的根本法中，永久性即使沒有明確規(guī)定，也是不盲而喻的。我們有把握說，從來沒有哪個(gè)正規(guī)政府在自己的組織法中列入一項(xiàng)要結(jié)束自己執(zhí)政的條款。繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我國憲法明文規(guī)定的條款，聯(lián)邦就將永遠(yuǎn)存在，毀滅聯(lián)邦是辦不到的，除非采取憲法本身未予規(guī)定的某種行動(dòng)。再者：假如合眾國不是名副其實(shí)的政府，而只是具有契約性質(zhì)的各州的聯(lián)盟，那么，作為一種契約，這個(gè)聯(lián)盟能夠毫無爭議地由緯約各方中的少數(shù)加以取消嗎？締約的一方可以違約——也可以說毀約——但是，合法地廢止契約難道不需要締約各方全都同意嗎？從這些一般原則在下推，我們認(rèn)為，從法律上來說，聯(lián)邦是永久性的這一主張已經(jīng)為聯(lián)邦本身的歷史所證實(shí)。聯(lián)邦的歷史比憲法長久得多。事實(shí)上，它在1774年就根據(jù)《聯(lián)合條款》組成了。1776年，《獨(dú)立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持續(xù)下來。1778年《邦聯(lián)條款》使聯(lián)邦愈趨成熟，當(dāng)時(shí)的13個(gè)州都信誓旦旦地明確保證聯(lián)邦應(yīng)該永存，最后，1787

年制定憲法時(shí)所宣市的日標(biāo)之一就是“建設(shè)更完善的聯(lián)邦”。

但是，如果聯(lián)邦竟能由一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州按照法律加以取消的話，那么聯(lián)邦就不如制憲前完善了，因?yàn)樗鼏适Я擞谰眯赃@個(gè)重要因素。

根據(jù)這些觀點(diǎn)，任何一個(gè)州都不能只憑自己的動(dòng)儀就能合法地脫離聯(lián)邦；凡為此目的而作出的決議和法令在法律上都是無效的，任何一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州反對(duì)合眾國當(dāng)局的暴力行動(dòng)都應(yīng)根據(jù)憎況視為叛亂或革命。因此，我認(rèn)為，根據(jù)憲法和法律，聯(lián)邦是不容分裂的；我將按憲法本身明確授予我的權(quán)限，就自己能力所及，使聯(lián)邦法律得以在各州忠實(shí)執(zhí)行。我認(rèn)為這僅僅是我份內(nèi)的職責(zé)，我將以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美國人民，不給予我必要的手段，或以權(quán)威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下會(huì)把這看作是一種威脅，而只看作是聯(lián)邦已宣布過的目標(biāo)：它將按照憲法保衛(wèi)和維護(hù)它自身。

以自然條件而言，我們是不能分開的，我們無法把各個(gè)地區(qū)彼此挪開，也無法在彼此之間筑起一堵無法逾越的墻垣。夫妻可以離婚，不再見面，互不接觸，但是我們國家的各個(gè)地區(qū)就不可能那樣做。它們?nèi)缘妹鎸?duì)面地相處，它們之間還得有或者友好或者敵對(duì)的交往。那么，分開之后的交往是否可能比分開之前更有好處，更令人滿意呢？外人之間訂立條約難道還比朋友之間制定法律容易嗎？外人之間執(zhí)行條約難道還比朋友之間執(zhí)行法律忠實(shí)嗎？假定你們進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭·你們不可能永遠(yuǎn)打下去；在雙方損失慘重，任何一方都得不到好處之后，你們就會(huì)停止戰(zhàn)斗，那時(shí)你們還會(huì)遇到諸如交往條件之類的老問題。

總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)力來自人民，但人民沒有授權(quán)給他為各州的分離規(guī)定條件。如果人民有此意愿，那他們可以這樣做，而作為總統(tǒng)來說，則不可能這樣做。他的責(zé)任是管理交給他的這一屆政府，井將它完整地移交給他的繼任者。

為什么我們不能對(duì)人民所具有的最高的公正抱有堅(jiān)韌的信念呢？世界上還有比這更好或一樣好的希望嗎？在我何日前的分歧中，難道雙方都缺乏相信自己正確的信心嗎？如果萬國全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正義支持你北方這一邊，或者支持你南方這一邊，那么，那種真理和那種正義必將通過美國人民這個(gè)偉大法庭的裁決而取得勝利。

就是這些美國人民，通過我們現(xiàn)有的政府結(jié)構(gòu)，明智地只給他們的公仆很小的權(quán)力，使他們不能力害作惡，并且同樣明智地每隔很短的時(shí)間就把那小小的權(quán)力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，無論怎樣作惡和愚蠢的執(zhí)政人員都不能在短短4年的任期內(nèi)十分嚴(yán)重地?fù)p害政府。我的同胞們，大家平靜而認(rèn)真地思考整個(gè)這一問題吧。任何寶貴的東西都下會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而喪失，假使有一個(gè)目標(biāo)火急地催促你們中隨便哪一位采取一個(gè)措施，而你決不能不慌不忙，那么那個(gè)目標(biāo)會(huì)因從容對(duì)待而落空；但是，任何好的目標(biāo)是不會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而落空的，你們現(xiàn)在感到不滿意的人仍然有著原來的、完好元損的憲法，而且，在敏感問題上，你們有著自己根據(jù)這部憲法制定的各項(xiàng)法律；而新的一屆政府即使想改變這兩種情況，也沒有直接的權(quán)力那樣做。那些不滿意的人在這場爭論中即使被承認(rèn)是站在正確的一邊，也沒有一點(diǎn)正當(dāng)理由采取魯莽的行動(dòng)。理智、愛國精神、基行教義以及對(duì)從不拋棄這片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，這些仍然能以最好的方式來解決我們目前的一切困難。不滿意的同胞們，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)這個(gè)重大問題的關(guān)鍵掌握在你們手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不會(huì)對(duì)你們發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊。你們不當(dāng)挑釁者，就下會(huì)面臨沖突。你們沒有對(duì)天發(fā)誓要?dú)缯覅s要立下最莊嚴(yán)的誓言：“堅(jiān)守、維護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國憲法。”我不愿意就此結(jié)束演說。我們不是敵人，而是朋友。我們一定不要成為敵人。盡管情緒緊張，也決不應(yīng)割斷我們之間的感情紐帶。記憶的神秘琴弦，從每一個(gè)戰(zhàn)場和愛國志上的墳?zāi)股煜蜻@片廣闊土地上的每一顆跳動(dòng)的心和家庭，必將再度被我們善良的夭性所撥響，那時(shí)就會(huì)高奏起聯(lián)邦大團(tuán)結(jié)的樂章。

亞伯拉罕·林肯 第二次演講

星期六,1865年3月4日 包扎好國家的創(chuàng)傷 同胞們：

在這第二次宣誓就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，我不必像第一次那樣發(fā)表長篇演說。當(dāng)時(shí)，對(duì)于將要執(zhí)行 的方針作出比較詳盡的說明似乎是恰當(dāng)而適宜的。現(xiàn)在，4年任期已滿，對(duì)于這場仍然吸引著全國關(guān)注并占用了全國力量的重大斗爭的每一重要關(guān)頭和方面，這4年間已不斷地發(fā)布公告，因此我沒有什么新情況可以奉告。我們軍隊(duì)的進(jìn)展是其他一切的主要依靠，公眾和我一樣都清楚地了解軍隊(duì)進(jìn)展的憎況，我深信，大家對(duì)之都是感到滿意和鼓舞的，我們雖對(duì)未來抱有極大的希望，卻下敢作出任何預(yù)測。4年前我就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，同胞們的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)上，大家都害怕內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，都想避免內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，當(dāng)我在這個(gè)地方發(fā)表就職演說，竭盡全力想不經(jīng)過戰(zhàn)爭來拯救聯(lián)邦時(shí)，叛亂分子卻在這個(gè)城市里圖謀不經(jīng)過戰(zhàn)爭來毀滅聯(lián)邦——企圖以談判方式解散聯(lián)邦并分割財(cái)產(chǎn)。雙方都表示反對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭，但一方寧愿發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭而下借犧牲國家，另一方則寧可接受戰(zhàn)爭也不肯讓國家滅亡，于是戰(zhàn)爭就爆發(fā)了。

我國全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隸，他們并不是遍布于聯(lián)邦各地，而是集中在聯(lián)邦南部。這些奴隸構(gòu)成了一種特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道，這種利益由于某種原因竟成了這次戰(zhàn)爭的根源。叛亂者的目的是加強(qiáng)、永保和擴(kuò)大這種利益，為此他們下惜用戰(zhàn)爭來分裂聯(lián)邦，而政府卻只是宣布有權(quán)限制享有這種利益的地區(qū)的擴(kuò)大。雙方都沒有料到戰(zhàn)爭竟會(huì)達(dá)到如此規(guī)模，歷時(shí)如此長久。雙方也沒有預(yù)期沖突的根源會(huì)隨著沖突本身而消除，甚至?xí)崆跋８鞣蕉计谕A得輕松些，期望結(jié)局不至于那么涉及根本，那么驚人。雙方同讀一本《圣經(jīng)》，向同一個(gè)上帝祈禱，而且都乞求上帝的幫助來與對(duì)方為敵。看來十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝幫助他們從別人臉上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我們且勿評(píng)論別人，以免被人評(píng)論。雙方的禱告不可能都應(yīng)驗(yàn)。也沒有一方的禱告全部得到應(yīng)驗(yàn)。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“這世界有禍了，因?yàn)閷⑷私O倒，絆倒人的事是免不了的，但那絆倒人的有禍了。”如果我們?cè)O(shè)想美國的奴隸制是按照天意必然來到的罪惡之一，并且在上帝規(guī)定的時(shí)間內(nèi)繼續(xù)存在，而現(xiàn)在上帝要予以鏟除，于是他就把這場可怕的戰(zhàn)爭作為犯罪者應(yīng)受的災(zāi)難加諸南北雙方，那么，我們能看出其中有任何違背天意之處嗎？相信上帝永存的人總是把無意歸于上帝的。我們深情地期望，虔誠地禱告，這場巨大的戰(zhàn)爭災(zāi)禍能夠很快地過去，但是如果上帝要它繼續(xù)下去，直至奴隸們250年來無償勞動(dòng)所積聚的財(cái)富全部毀滅，或如人們?cè)谌昵罢f過的，直至鞭于下流出的每一滴血都要用劍下流出的每一滴血來償還，那么今天我們還得說：“主的審判是完全正確和公正的。”

對(duì)任何人不懷惡意，對(duì)一切人心存寬厚，堅(jiān)持正義，因?yàn)樯系凼刮覀兛吹搅苏x，讓我們繼續(xù)努力完成正在從事的事業(yè)，包扎好國家的創(chuàng)傷，關(guān)心那些肩負(fù)戰(zhàn)爭重任的人，照顧他們的遺孀孤兒，去做能在我們自己中間和與一切國家締造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。

尤利塞斯·格蘭特 第一次就職演講

星期四,1869年3月4日 為最大多數(shù)人謀最大利益

這個(gè)國家剛剛從一場巨大的**中崛起。今后4年，它有許多問題要解決，而這些問題是以往歷屆政府從未遇到過的，面對(duì)這些問題，我們應(yīng)該冷靜對(duì)待，不懷偏見，不懷仇恨和地區(qū)優(yōu)越感，隨時(shí)記住我們的目標(biāo)是為最大多數(shù)人謀最大利益。這就要求全國各地普遍地確保人身、財(cái)產(chǎn)的安全，宗教信仰與發(fā)表政見的自由，擯棄地域的偏見。我將全力履行旨在實(shí)現(xiàn)這些目標(biāo)的一切法律。為了使我們與我們的后代保持聯(lián)邦制度，國家背負(fù)了一筆巨額債務(wù)，償還債款的本金和利息以及恢復(fù)硬幣制度必須育妥善的安排，必須使債務(wù)人和國家不受物質(zhì)損失，為了維護(hù)國家的榮譽(yù)，除非債約中另有規(guī)定，所有政府公債均應(yīng)用黃金來償還。應(yīng)當(dāng)明白，即使拒絕償還公債中的一角錢，也會(huì)使政府不為公眾所信任。我們必須進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)我們的信用制度，它應(yīng)是世界上最可信賴的，以便能使我們以發(fā)行債券來代替借款，而支付較低的利息。為此，我們必須切實(shí)征稅，財(cái)政部對(duì)征得的每一美元的使用均應(yīng)嚴(yán)格核算，并實(shí)際地緊縮政府各部門的開支。

在衡量國家的償還能力時(shí)，我們看到由于戰(zhàn)爭的結(jié)果，有10個(gè)州今天仍處于貧困之中。但我堅(jiān)信，經(jīng)濟(jì)很快就會(huì)比過去任何時(shí)候都繁榮。把我們現(xiàn)在的償付能力和25年前相比，并計(jì)算25年后的償付能力，誰還會(huì)懷疑那時(shí)我們

支付每一美元將比我們現(xiàn)在付款購買無益的奢

侈品更加容易呢？這是肯定的，上蒼賜給了我們一個(gè)堅(jiān)固的金箱，它被深藏在遙遠(yuǎn)的西部荒山中，而現(xiàn)在我們正在打造一把開啟金箱的鑰匙，以應(yīng)付當(dāng)前的困境。

總之，為了獲得這些寶藏，必須保證必要的手段，同時(shí)必須得到聯(lián)邦政府的幫助。但是，必須保證償還的每一美元與當(dāng)前使用的美元等值，而不是以前的價(jià)值。以硬幣償付的問題尚未解決，謹(jǐn)慎的商人正小心地處理須經(jīng)長期償付的債務(wù)，國家也應(yīng)當(dāng)遵循這樣的原則。我們特重建不景氣的商業(yè)；振興所有的工業(yè)。

美國青年——25年以后他們將成為國家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者——特別關(guān)心維護(hù)國家榮譽(yù)。如果說他們只對(duì)自己真誠，那么，稍許考慮一下我們對(duì)世界各國的重大影響，也應(yīng)該激起他們的民族自豪感。一切部門——地理的、政治的和宗教的——都能以這種共同的情感團(tuán)結(jié)起來。政府公債如何償還，硬幣如何支付等問題都不及采取和同意一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃重要，關(guān)于行動(dòng)的統(tǒng)一決心，比關(guān)于行動(dòng)方法的有分歧的意見有價(jià)值。也許我們現(xiàn)在沒有必要，也不適宜采取立法來完成這一計(jì)劃。但是，當(dāng)全國更全面地恢復(fù)實(shí)施民法，當(dāng)貿(mào)易恢復(fù)常規(guī)時(shí)，就必須采取立法手段了。

我將真誠地致力于執(zhí)行所有法律，課征一切應(yīng)征稅款，妥善安排，節(jié)省開支，我將盡力選拔稱職者擔(dān)任公職。

關(guān)于外交政策，我將像個(gè)人按照公正的法律彼此相處那樣地對(duì)待合國。守法的公民，不論他出生在本上或國外，只要是在我國國旗飄揚(yáng)的地方，一旦他的權(quán)利受到危害，我就會(huì)予以保護(hù)。我將尊重各國的權(quán)益，并要求別國同樣尊重我國的權(quán)益，如果他們?cè)谂c我們的交往中背離了這一原則，我們將被迫援用他們做出的先例。如何妥善處置美洲大陸原來的居民——印第安人，需要認(rèn)真加以研究。我將贊同一切有利于印第安人文化和基本公民權(quán)的方針。選舉權(quán)的問題受到公眾的密切注意。在任何一州內(nèi)，只要有部分公民被剝奪了選舉權(quán)，就必定會(huì)使公眾不滿。我認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在這個(gè)問題是非解決不可了。我希望并要求這個(gè)問題通過憲法第十五條修正案的批準(zhǔn)獲得解決。總之，我希望在全國人民彼此寬容，決心各盡所能，建立一個(gè)幸福的聯(lián)邦。我請(qǐng)求全國人民為實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)偉大的目標(biāo)而向全能的上帝祈禱。

本杰明·哈里森 就職演講

星期一,1889年3月4日 跨人第二個(gè)世紀(jì)

我已許下了我的諾言，你們的諾言雖未言明，但也同樣真實(shí)與莊嚴(yán)，今天，這里有各州人民的代表。當(dāng)我接受全體人民對(duì)我以及他們相互間的誓約的時(shí)候，這一典禮的精神在我看來是明確無誤的； 就是支持與保衛(wèi)憲法和聯(lián)邦，自愿服從全部法律，以及每個(gè)公民都應(yīng)以平等的公民權(quán)和政治權(quán)對(duì)待其他公民。既然我們已經(jīng)莊嚴(yán)地訂立了誓約，我們便能虔誠地祈求，并信心百倍地期待全能的上帝給我們以幫助——賜給我力量、智慧與忠誠，賜給人民博愛精神和對(duì)正義與和平的熱愛。

這一時(shí)刻有其特殊的意義，因?yàn)閺慕裉扉_始是根據(jù)憲法產(chǎn)生的第26屆總統(tǒng)任期。華盛頓總統(tǒng)的首任就職典禮于1789年4月30日在國會(huì)的所在地紐約舉行，這個(gè)日期由于出席國會(huì)及檢查選票的耽擱已比原訂日期有所推遲，今天，我們的人民已經(jīng)來歷了慶祝《獨(dú)立宣言》、約克敦戰(zhàn)役和正式通過憲法等100周年紀(jì)念活動(dòng)，不久又將在紐約慶祝憲法所規(guī)定的政府第二個(gè)重要部門的成立。我深信，在最高法院的組織下，司法部門成立一百周年的紀(jì)念活動(dòng)將會(huì)適當(dāng)?shù)嘏e行，這時(shí)候，我們的國家也就正式進(jìn)入第二個(gè)世紀(jì)了。一方面，我們的國家已經(jīng)進(jìn)入根據(jù)憲法建立起來的第二個(gè)世紀(jì)；另一方面，這個(gè)雖然稚弱，但管理得法的年輕民族，回顧它在第一個(gè)世紀(jì)中經(jīng)歷的歲月后毫不感到氣餒。這兩個(gè)方面的奇妙而令人十分愉快的對(duì)照，我就不必特別指明了。

在這一時(shí)刻，我們的人民下會(huì)忘記伴隨著依據(jù)憲法成立政府機(jī)構(gòu)所發(fā)生的事件；下會(huì)忘記從華盛頓和他那些偉大的同事的教誨和范例中獲得鼓舞和指導(dǎo)，下會(huì)忘記從現(xiàn)在的人口眾多，繁榮富庶的38個(gè)州同原來的13個(gè)州的對(duì)比中獲得希望和勇氣。這13個(gè)州當(dāng)時(shí)分布在大西洋沿岸，它們除了勇氣和對(duì)自由的熱愛之外，原是一無所有的。

現(xiàn)在，達(dá)科他準(zhǔn)州的人口已超過除弗吉尼亞州之外的原來的任何一州，而且多于1790年時(shí)的5個(gè)較小的州的總?cè)丝凇．?dāng)我們選定首都時(shí)，人口的中心是在巴爾的摩以東，許多有識(shí)之上曾議論過人口的中心將會(huì)東移而不是向西；1880年卻發(fā)現(xiàn)人口中心已到了辛辛那提附近：而且即將進(jìn)行的新的人口普查將會(huì)顯示出這一中心又向西跨了一大步。過去的人口稠密地區(qū)已變成我們國家的富饒的邊緣部分。但是，我們的成長并不限于土地；人口和財(cái)富的積累都有了驚人的成就，我們的人民比前輩有更好的飲食、衣著和住房。普及教育所品的各種設(shè)施已大量增加，遍及各地。近來已經(jīng)證明，在人民的內(nèi)心和生活之中，勇敢與愛國的美德正在不斷增長，宗教的影響正在擴(kuò)大與強(qiáng)化；慈善機(jī)構(gòu)的數(shù)目大大增加；禁酒的益處已經(jīng)得到重視。我們還沒有達(dá)到理想的境界，并不是全體人民都已幸福富足與奉公守法。但總的說來，個(gè)人追求幸福生活的機(jī)會(huì)要多于其他各國，比100年以前的我國也多得多了。

格羅弗·克利夫蘭 第二次就職演講

星期六,1893年3月4日 我們面臨的危險(xiǎn)

遵照全國人民的囑托，我莊嚴(yán)宣誓，準(zhǔn)備獻(xiàn)身為人民效力。由于你們對(duì)我所表示的信任與戴使我得以就任，為此我深受感動(dòng)。我相信，表達(dá)我感激之情的最好報(bào)答，只能是像現(xiàn)在這樣，站在上帝與人民面前宣誓，要毫無保劉地、全心全意地為給予我如此來譽(yù)的人民謀福利。

我覺得在這一場合，除了闡述我對(duì)目前一些重大公共事務(wù)的觀點(diǎn)以外，略為說明存在于民眾之間的某些狀況和傾向是適當(dāng)?shù)模@些現(xiàn)象看來已威脅到政府的完整與效能。

當(dāng)每一位美國公民懷著極大的自豪感與熱情注視著國家的成長與發(fā)展，政府各個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)足夠抵御暴力的力量，我國人民所具有的美好的節(jié)儉與進(jìn)取精神，我們的自由政府所具有的優(yōu)越性時(shí)，我們有義務(wù)時(shí)刻注意那些有害干我們國家實(shí)力的隱患的每一個(gè)癥狀。再強(qiáng)壯的人，無論自信體質(zhì)如何強(qiáng)健，精力如伺充沛，雖終日辛勞而樂在其中，仍不免有潛伏的、并為他聽忽視的疾病，危及他的生命，使他驟然死亡。

毫無疑問，我們民族的巨大成就和國家的雄厚力量，已經(jīng)使我們開始忽視那些影響我們民族健康的法則了。我們無法逃避那些法則，就像人類的生命無法抗拒上帝和自然的法則一樣。

十分明顯，一個(gè)健全而穩(wěn)定的貨幣制度，對(duì)于我們國家的強(qiáng)盛和政府的良好目標(biāo)是最為宜要的。貨幣的貶值，應(yīng)該喚起我們立即采取最有見識(shí)的政治行動(dòng)；勞動(dòng)工資購買力的降低，過一種稅制——對(duì)外稅制或?qū)?nèi)稅制，或兩者兼而有之——來獲取充足的收益。我國從一開始起就推行的，并且為各個(gè)政黨、各屆政府所實(shí)施的既定政策是：向進(jìn)入美國銷售和消費(fèi)的外國產(chǎn)品課稅以籌集大部分歲入；除戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期外．通常避免征集各種形式的直接稅。國家明確反對(duì)增加不必要的國內(nèi)稅收，并且有責(zé)任施行關(guān)稅制度，因?yàn)檫@是最近的一種普遍的呼聲。則應(yīng)激起我們采取果斷而又穩(wěn)妥的措施。

今天，在處理與上述問題有關(guān)的困難局面時(shí)，如果我們能抑制對(duì)于國家力量和資源的過分自信，坦率承認(rèn)即使擁有這些優(yōu)勢(shì)，也不能無視那不可抗拒的金融與貿(mào)易法則而不受懲罰，才是明智之舉，同時(shí)，在我們努力協(xié)調(diào)意見的分歧時(shí)，應(yīng)當(dāng)拋棄偏執(zhí)與意氣用事；我們的判斷不應(yīng)當(dāng)被花言巧語蒙騙，也不應(yīng)被個(gè)人私利擾亂。

我深信按這一方法處理問題，將會(huì)導(dǎo)致謹(jǐn)慎而有效的補(bǔ)救性立法。同時(shí)，就政府行政部門所能干預(yù)的范圍來說，只要是維護(hù)我國的信譽(yù)或避免金融危機(jī)所必需，就決不可拒絕行使法律所授予它的權(quán)力。我們面臨曹的另一危險(xiǎn)是忽視國家安全的法則，它與夸大國家強(qiáng)盛的盲目自信密切相關(guān)而且同樣嚴(yán)重。我指的是公眾的一種普遍心理，期望從政府的行動(dòng)中得到特殊的、直接的利益。選民們遣責(zé)政府奉行為保護(hù)而保護(hù)的不公正行為，他們要求人民的公仆承擔(dān)起揭露與鏟除一系列互有關(guān)連的惡劣行徑的責(zé)任，它們都是腐朽的家長式管理的產(chǎn)物，這是共和制度中的毒瘤，也是民治政府常有的危險(xiǎn)，它把我們先輩所創(chuàng)立的法規(guī)設(shè)想，我們視作摯愛與榮譽(yù)的遺產(chǎn)，貶低成手段狡詐的圖謀。它歪曲同胞們的愛國憎感，引誘他們斤斤計(jì)較于可向政府索取的蠅頭小利：它削弱人民的自立精神，而使之依賴政府的不公正照顧，它抑制真正的美國精神，使公民的一切高尚品性歸于湮滅。

威廉·麥金萊 第一次就職演講

星期四,1897年3月4日 人民的意見

政府維持其信譽(yù)的最好方法是量人為出，不是求助于貨款，而是置身于債務(wù)之外，并通 我們對(duì)這一關(guān)稅的課稅原則也不能產(chǎn)生誤解，在普選中，下面這個(gè)問題說得最為清楚，那就是，從進(jìn)口稅中籌集國家歲人，這一控制原則乃是對(duì)美國利益和美國勞工的熱誠關(guān)懷。人民已經(jīng)宣布，應(yīng)該制定一種法律，以便充分保護(hù)和鼓勵(lì)我國的工業(yè)發(fā)展。因此，熱切希望并期待國會(huì)及早在切實(shí)可行的時(shí)候制定公正、合理、穩(wěn)健、正確的歲入法規(guī)，這項(xiàng)法規(guī)在為公共目的提供充分歲入的同時(shí)，依然對(duì)各界人士和各項(xiàng)人民事業(yè)大有裨益、大有幫助。人民的意見——比任何一個(gè)政綱的表述都有力得多的力量——責(zé)成我們大家，無論屬于哪一個(gè)黨派，都要嚴(yán)格執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)政策。國會(huì)的最高職責(zé)是恢復(fù)始終是國家財(cái)政最堅(jiān)實(shí)支柱的保護(hù)性立法，以制止財(cái)政赤字。這樣一條或諸條法律的通過，將增強(qiáng)政府在國內(nèi)外的信行，并且大大有助于阻止為回收貨幣而儲(chǔ)存的黃金外流，因?yàn)檫@些年來，這些黃金一直在大量地、源源不斷地外流。

在修改關(guān)稅時(shí)，我們應(yīng)特別注意1890年法案的互惠原則的再制定與擴(kuò)大，根據(jù)這一原則，能大大推動(dòng)我國剩余農(nóng)產(chǎn)品和工業(yè)品在新的、有利的市場上所進(jìn)行的對(duì)外貿(mào)易。對(duì)這項(xiàng)立法進(jìn)行的短暫考驗(yàn)充分證實(shí)，在締結(jié)商業(yè)協(xié)議中作進(jìn)一步實(shí)驗(yàn)并授予處理權(quán)是正確的，其目的始終在于為我國產(chǎn)品開辟新市場，對(duì)其他國家生產(chǎn)的、我們需要但又不能生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品作出讓步，這不會(huì)給我國人民的勞動(dòng)帶來任何損失，而往往會(huì)增加就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

過去4年的蕭條特別嚴(yán)重地落到國內(nèi)勞苦大眾和小農(nóng)場主的身上。農(nóng)業(yè)已衰退，工人則遭受損失。制造業(yè)的復(fù)興可以為兩者解難。目前我國人口中沒有哪一郡分人比制造商們更致力于、更忠實(shí)地支持自由政府的制度了，也沒有哪一部分人更樂于，更全面地承擔(dān)自己應(yīng)該承擔(dān)的義務(wù)來維護(hù)政府，或更值得政府明智而慷慨地給予關(guān)懷與保護(hù)了。有助于制造商的立法，必然有益于全體人民，農(nóng)場，礦山和工廠的不景氣，削弱了人民滿足政府要求的能力，他們有理由期望，不僅應(yīng)建立一個(gè)負(fù)擔(dān)最少而收益最大的稅收制度，而且應(yīng)采取一切措施，削減而不是增加公共開支。商業(yè)情況并非最有希望。恢復(fù)到從前的繁榮需要一定的時(shí)間，即使我們不能迅速達(dá)到這一目的，我們也要堅(jiān)決轉(zhuǎn)到這個(gè)方向，并且要采取有利的立法措施。無論形勢(shì)如何困難，我深信，國會(huì)不會(huì)缺乏采取立法措施以擺脫困境的意向與能力。各黨派人士如此熱切期望恢復(fù)信任與復(fù)興企業(yè)，這主要取決于國會(huì)迅速、有力、明智地采取行動(dòng)，而不是由其他任何一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)來影響局勢(shì)。

西奧多·羅斯福 就職演講

星期六,1905年3月4日 我們負(fù)有重大的責(zé)任 同胞們：

世界上沒有哪一個(gè)民族比我們更有理由感到欣慰了，這樣說是謙恭的，絕無夸耀我們的力量之意，而是懷著對(duì)賜福于我們、使我們能夠有條件獲得如此巨大的幸福康樂的上帝的感激之情，作為一個(gè)民族，我們獲得上帝的許可，在新大陸上奠下國民生活的基礎(chǔ)。我們是時(shí)代的繼承者，然而我們無需像在古老的國家里那樣，承受以往文明的遺留影響所強(qiáng)加的懲罰。我們不必為了自己的生存而去同任何異族抗衡；然而，我們的生活要求活力和勤奮，沒有這些，雄健剛毅的美德就會(huì)消失殆盡。在這種條件下，倘若我們失敗了，那便是我們自己的過錯(cuò)；我們?cè)谶^去獲得的成功，我們深信未來將帶給我們的成功，不應(yīng)使我們目空一切，而是要深刻地長久地認(rèn)識(shí)到生活為我們提供的一切，充分認(rèn)識(shí)我們肩負(fù)的責(zé)任，并矢志表明；在自由政府的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的民族能夠繁榮昌盛，物質(zhì)生活如此，精神生活必也如此。

我們被賦予的很多，期望于我們的自然也很多。我們對(duì)他人負(fù)有義務(wù)，對(duì)自己也負(fù)有義務(wù)；兩者都不能逃避。我們已成為一個(gè)偉大的國家，這一事實(shí)迫使我們?cè)谕澜缟掀渌麌医煌鶗r(shí)，行為舉止必須與負(fù)有這種責(zé)任的民族相稱。對(duì)于其他一切國家，無論大國還是小國，我們的態(tài)度都必須熱誠真摯友好。我們必須不僅用語言，而且以行動(dòng)表明，我們公正、寬宏地承認(rèn)他們的一切權(quán)利，用這種精神對(duì)待他們，我們熱切希望能從而獲得他們的善意。但是，一個(gè)國象的公正與寬宏，如同一個(gè)人的公正與寬宏一樣，不是由弱者而是由強(qiáng)者表現(xiàn)出來時(shí)，才為人推崇。在我們極其審慎地避免損害別人時(shí)，我們必須同樣地堅(jiān)持自己不受傷害。我們希望和平，但是我們希望的是公正的和平，正義的和平。我們這樣希望是因?yàn)槲覀冋J(rèn)為這是正確的，而不是因?yàn)槲覀兦优衬懶　Ｐ惺鹿艺x的弱國決無理由畏懼我們，強(qiáng)國則永遠(yuǎn)不能挑選我們作為蠻橫入侵的對(duì)象。

我們同世界上其他強(qiáng)國的關(guān)系是重要的，但更為重要的是我們內(nèi)部之間的關(guān)系。隨著國家在過去125年中所經(jīng)歷的財(cái)富、人口和實(shí)力的增長，就像每一個(gè)逐步壯大起來的國家所遇到的情況一樣，各種問題也都不可遺免地相應(yīng)增長了。實(shí)力永遠(yuǎn)意味著責(zé)任和危險(xiǎn)。先輩們?cè)媾R某些我們這個(gè)時(shí)代不復(fù)存在的危險(xiǎn)。我們現(xiàn)在面臨的則是其他危險(xiǎn)，這些危險(xiǎn)的出現(xiàn)是先人所無法預(yù)見的。現(xiàn)代生活既復(fù)雜又緊張，我們的社會(huì)和政治肌體的每一根纖維，都能感覺到過去半個(gè)世紀(jì)里工業(yè)的異常發(fā)展所引起的巨大變化。人們以前從來沒有嘗試過諸如在民主共和國的形式下管理一個(gè)大陸的事務(wù)這般龐大而艱巨的實(shí)驗(yàn)。創(chuàng)造了奇跡般的物質(zhì)幸福，并將我們的活力、自立能力和個(gè)人能動(dòng)性發(fā)展到很高程度的那些條件，也帶來了與工業(yè)中心巨大的財(cái)富積累不可分開的煩惱與焦慮，許多事情取決于我們的實(shí)驗(yàn)成功與否，這不僅關(guān)系到我們自己的幸福，而且關(guān)系到人類的幸福。倘若我們失敗了，就會(huì)動(dòng)搖全世界自由的自治政府的事業(yè)的基礎(chǔ)，因此，對(duì)于我們自己，對(duì)于當(dāng)今世界，對(duì)于尚未出生的后代，我們負(fù)有重大責(zé)任。我們沒有什么理由畏懼未來，但是有充分理由認(rèn)真地面對(duì)未來，既不對(duì)自己隱瞞擺在面前的問題的嚴(yán)重性，也不怕以百折不撓的意志處理這些問題，正確予以解決。然而，要知道，雖然這些是新問題，雖然擺在我們面前的任務(wù)不同于擺在創(chuàng)建并維護(hù)這個(gè)共和國的先輩面前的任務(wù)，但是，如果要很好地履行我們的責(zé)任，那么，承擔(dān)這些任務(wù)和正視這些問題所必須發(fā)揚(yáng)的精神依然根本沒有改變。我們知道，自治是困難的。我們知道，我們力求以組成本民族的自由人所自由表達(dá)的意愿來正確地管理自己的事務(wù)，沒有哪一個(gè)民族需要像我們所需要的這樣高尚的特性。但我們相信，我們會(huì)背離先人們?cè)谳x煌的過去所創(chuàng)立的事業(yè)。他們干了他們的工作，他們?yōu)槲覀兞粝铝宋覀內(nèi)缃袼硎艿妮x煌的遺產(chǎn)。我們也堅(jiān)信，我們一定不會(huì)浪費(fèi)這份遺產(chǎn)，而且要進(jìn)一步充實(shí)增加，留給我們的孩子，留給孩子們的后代。為此，我們不僅必須在重大危機(jī)中，而且要在日常事務(wù)中，都表現(xiàn)出注重實(shí)際的智慧、勇敢、剛毅和忍耐，尤其是獻(xiàn)身于崇高理想的力量等優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)，而這些品質(zhì)曾使亞伯拉罕·林肯時(shí)代維護(hù)這個(gè)共和國的人們名垂青史。

伍德羅·威爾遜 第一次就職演講

星期二,1913年3月4日 一種新的眼光

政府發(fā)生了變化。這種變化開始于兩年前民主黨在眾議院取得決定性多數(shù)席位的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在已告完成。即將組成的參議院也將由民主黨占據(jù)多數(shù)席位。總統(tǒng)和副總統(tǒng)的職務(wù)都已交與民主黨人執(zhí)掌。這種變化意味著什么呢？這是如今盤旋于我們腦海中的最主要的問題。這也是今天我要試圖回答的問題，如果可以的話，我要闌明其中的緣由。

這種變化何止意味著一個(gè)政黨的勝利。一個(gè)政黨的勝利是不足稱道的，除非國家要利用這個(gè)政黨達(dá)到一個(gè)重大而明確的目標(biāo)，誰都不會(huì)誤解國家現(xiàn)在想利用民主黨所要達(dá)到的目的。它要利用民主黨來闡明國家的規(guī)劃和立場中的某種變化。某些陳舊的事物雖已為我們所熟悉，并已開始不知不覺地進(jìn)入我們的思想習(xí)慣和生活習(xí)慣，但是，當(dāng)我們后來以新的、覺醒的眼光批判地看待這些事物時(shí)，它們卻面目全非，卸下了偽裝，顯得陌生而又邪惡。而某些新生事物，當(dāng)我們實(shí)事求是地看待井愿意了解它們的實(shí)質(zhì)時(shí)，便開始呈現(xiàn)出我們久已相信和熟悉的事物特征，即我們自己堅(jiān)信不移的那些東西。我們以一種新的眼光來洞察自己的生活，從而我們的精神也為之一振。從許多方面來看，生活是非常偉大的。它在物質(zhì)方面，在財(cái)富數(shù)量方面，在能量的多樣性和威力方面，在以個(gè)人天賦和群體的無限創(chuàng)造力所構(gòu)想、建立起來的工業(yè)方面，都是無比偉大的，它在道德力量方面是偉大的，而且同樣是極其偉大的。世界上再?zèng)]有什么地方有這樣高尚的男女能如此出色地表現(xiàn)出同情、互助、協(xié)商的美妙境界和巨大能量。他們努力補(bǔ)偏救弊、彌患紓難，扶助弱者以增加力量和希望。不僅如此，我們還建立起了一個(gè)偉大的政治體制，這個(gè)政治體制在很長一段時(shí)期中經(jīng)受了考驗(yàn)，在很多方面成為那些試圖把自由建立在經(jīng)得起偶然變故、狂風(fēng)暴雨和意外事件的基礎(chǔ)上的人們的楷模。我們的生活擁有一切偉大事物，豐富而充足。但是，罪惡與善良俱來，純金常被腐蝕。不可原諒的浪費(fèi)與富足并至。我們浪費(fèi)了一大部分本來可資利用的東西，我們至今還沒有停止揮霍浪費(fèi)，來保存大自然的慷慨恩賜。如果沒有這些恩賜，我們的創(chuàng)業(yè)天賦很可能變得毫無價(jià)值和無所作為。我們鄙視謹(jǐn)慎行事，我們的生產(chǎn)效率固然值得贊美，我們的浪費(fèi)卻十分可恥。我們一向?qū)ξ覈墓I(yè)成就引以為豪，但我們至今仍沒有縝密計(jì)算一下人類為此付出的代價(jià)：包括人們所獻(xiàn)出的生命的代價(jià)；由于辛勞過度、心力交瘁所付出的精力的代價(jià)；以及男人、女人和兒童——工業(yè)生產(chǎn)的全部重?fù)?dān)成年累月地?zé)o情地壓在這些人的身上——所付出的駭人聽聞的體力代價(jià)和精神代價(jià)。這些人的痛楚呻吟尚未完全傳到我們的耳際，而由礦山、工廠，由每一個(gè)痛苦掙扎的家庭傳來的這些呻吟則構(gòu)成了我們生活中的莊嚴(yán)而感人的和聲。伴隨偉大政體而來的，還有我們長期以來一直不愿以坦率無畏的眼光去探索、去審視的許多諱莫如深的事物。我們所熱愛的偉大政體經(jīng)常被人們用來為個(gè)人謀私利，而利用這個(gè)政體的那些人則早已把人民大眾忘記得一千二凈。我們終于得以看到了生活的全貌。我們看到惡與善、丑與美、頹唐墮落與活力生機(jī)并生共存。我們是以這種眼光來處理新生事物的。我們的責(zé)任是清除、審察、糾偏、匡正邪惡而不損害善與美，使我們?nèi)粘Ｉ畹拿恳粋€(gè)過程得以凈化、人性化而不使之衰弱傷感。但我們往往急于求成，有些事憎難免做得粗魯、無情而冷酷。我們一向認(rèn)為要“讓每一個(gè)人自己照管自己，讓每一代人自己照管自己”，同時(shí)，我們卻建立起了龐大的政府機(jī)器、使除了那些掌握操縱

桿的人之外，任何人都不可能有機(jī)會(huì)照管自己。我們沒有忘記我們的道德準(zhǔn)則。我們清楚地記得，我們?cè)?jīng)制定過一項(xiàng)政策，說明我們既要為權(quán)貴效勞，也要為地位地下者服務(wù)，而且我們特別著眼于公正合理的準(zhǔn)則，一想到這一點(diǎn)，我們就會(huì)感到自豪。但是，我們太不謹(jǐn)慎，太急于求成了。現(xiàn)在我們已經(jīng)在冷靜地重新思考。我們的眼睛已經(jīng)去除了因考慮不周而造成的翳障。我們決心要以我們當(dāng)初自豪地建立起來的、同胞們，我無需說服你們接受這些原則；這些原則是你們自己的、是你們?cè)谔幝窀黜?xiàng)事務(wù)中自己的思想和自己的動(dòng)機(jī)的重要組成部分。這些原則是在我們中間自然而然地萌主出來的。這是我們目標(biāo)與行動(dòng)的綱領(lǐng)，在此基礎(chǔ)上，我們可以站在一起，而且我們必須站在一起。我們正在目前這場燃遍整個(gè)世界的烈火中熔成一個(gè)新的整體。我們希望，在上帝的福佑下，我們將在熾熱的烈焰中，摒除黨派紛爭，并且始終牢記在心中的準(zhǔn)則，重新調(diào)整國民生活的每一個(gè)過程。我們所要做的工作是一項(xiàng)正本清源的工作。

??

伍德羅·威爾遜 第二次就職演講

星期一,1917年3月5日 共同的原則

我們不再狹隘了。我們剛剛經(jīng)過的歷時(shí)30個(gè)月的大騷亂所造成的悲慘事件，已經(jīng)使我們成為世界公民。回轉(zhuǎn)的余地是沒有的。作為一個(gè)民族，我們的命運(yùn)就在于愿否接受這一事實(shí)。

但是，我們并不由于這個(gè)原因就下太像美國人了。如果我們?nèi)匀恢矣谂嘤覀兊哪切┰瓌t，我們就會(huì)更像真正的美國人，這些原則不屬于某個(gè)地區(qū)或某個(gè)大陸。我們一向知道并引以為榮的是，這些原則是解放了的人類的原則。國此，無論在戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期還是在和平時(shí)期，我們都將贊成這些原則：

所有國家對(duì)世界和平與自由民族的政治穩(wěn)定同樣感興趣，并且對(duì)兩者的維護(hù)都負(fù)有同樣的責(zé)任；和平的基本原則是各國在有關(guān)權(quán)利或特權(quán)的一切問題上的實(shí)際平等，和平不可能安全地或公正地建立在武裝力量的平衡上；政府的一切正當(dāng)權(quán)力來自被統(tǒng)治者的同意，任何其他權(quán)力都不應(yīng)得到國際大家庭的共同思想，共同目標(biāo)或共同力量的支持，根據(jù)共同協(xié)議并一致同意的規(guī)則，各國人民可以同樣自由、安全地使用海洋，而且只要切實(shí)可行，都能平等地使用海洋；國家武裝力量必須限于維持國家秩序和國內(nèi)安全的需要；今后，和平所仰賴的利益和力量的共同體，必須迫使每一個(gè)國家負(fù)起責(zé)任，務(wù)必嚴(yán)厲而有效地鎮(zhèn)壓和制止其本國公民企圖鼓勵(lì)或援助別國革命的一切勢(shì)力。

清除錯(cuò)誤的黨派情緒和私利觀念，并且在將來以國家的驕做和精神的新的尊產(chǎn)立足于世。我們要使每一個(gè)人務(wù)必懂得：獻(xiàn)身是他自己的心愿，國家的崇高目標(biāo)是他自己的思念，他是自己的意志和愿望的主宰。

富蘭克林·羅斯福 第一次就職演講

星期六,1933年3月4日

我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現(xiàn)在正是但白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻，我們不必畏首畏尾，不著老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國今天的情況，這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既住地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一種莫明其妙的、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼，它會(huì)把轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。我和你們都要以這種槽神，來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了，我們的支付能力下降了；各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié)；工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見；農(nóng)場主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路；千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生育問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)?/p>

缺乏物資。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢俊４笞匀蝗栽诮o予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力，因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗，并撒手不管了，貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑，將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈和理智的唾棄。

幸福并不在于單純地占有主錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造性努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的夭命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念，我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為，難怪信心在減弱，因?yàn)樵鰪?qiáng)信心只有靠誠實(shí)、榮譽(yù)感、神圣的責(zé)任感，忠實(shí)地加以維護(hù)和無私地履行職責(zé)，而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復(fù)興不僅僅要求改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。

根據(jù)憲法賦予我的職責(zé)、我準(zhǔn)備提出一些措施，而一個(gè)受災(zāi)世界上的受災(zāi)國家也許需要這些措施。對(duì)于這些措施，以及國會(huì)根據(jù)本身的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和智慧可能制訂的其他類似措施，我將在憲法賦予我的權(quán)限內(nèi)，設(shè)法迅速地予以采納。

但是，如果國會(huì)拒不采納這兩條路線中的一條，如果國家緊急情況依然如故，我將下回避我所面臨的明確的盡責(zé)方向。我將要求國會(huì)準(zhǔn)許我使用唯一剩下的手殷來應(yīng)付危機(jī)——向非常情況開戰(zhàn)的廣泛的行政權(quán)，就像我們真的遭到外敵人侵時(shí)授予我那樣的廣泛權(quán)力。

對(duì)大家寄予我的信任，我一定報(bào)以時(shí)代所要求的勇氣和獻(xiàn)身精神，我會(huì)竭盡全力。

讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都

能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的國標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。

在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保佑我們大家和每一個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。

富蘭克林·羅斯福 第二次就職演講

星期三,1937年1月20日 持久進(jìn)步之路

4年前，當(dāng)我們聚在一起舉行總統(tǒng)就職典禮，合眾國憂心如焚，群情激奮。我們致力于實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)理想——讓全體人民為追求幸福所必不可少的安全與和平環(huán)境早日到來。我們合眾國人民立下誓言：要把玷污我們傳統(tǒng)信仰的人趕出廟堂；要堅(jiān)韌不拔地、無所畏懼地用行動(dòng)來結(jié)束當(dāng)時(shí)的蕭條和失望，我們首先解決了這些當(dāng)務(wù)之急。

我們的誓約沒有就此止步。我們本能地認(rèn)識(shí)到更深一層的需要——需要通過政府找到實(shí)現(xiàn)共同目標(biāo)的手段，為每個(gè)人去解決復(fù)雜文明社會(huì)所日益產(chǎn)生的問題。試圖不要政府的幫助來解決這些問題，已使我們屢屢碰壁和一籌莫展。圇為，沒有這種幫助，我們就無法從道德上來控制科學(xué)的使用；有了這種必要的控制，才能把科學(xué)變成人類的有用的仆人，而不是無情的主人。為了做到這一點(diǎn)。我們知道必須找到切實(shí)可行的辦法，控制那些盲目的經(jīng)濟(jì)力量和利令智昏的人。

我們合眾國人民認(rèn)識(shí)到一條真理：民主政府生來就有能力保護(hù)人民，使他們免遭一度認(rèn)為是不可避免的災(zāi)難，解決一度認(rèn)為是不可解決的問題。我們聽天由命地忍受了幾個(gè)世紀(jì)之后，找到了控制瘟疫的辦法，所以，我們不承認(rèn)找不到控制經(jīng)濟(jì)瘟疫的辦法。我們拒絕把我們的共同福利問題交給機(jī)會(huì)的陣風(fēng)和災(zāi)難的狂飆去擺布。

在這方面，我們美國人不是在發(fā)明全新的真理。而是在為我們的自治史冊(cè)寫下新的篇章。我們正在為建立道德更高尚的世界，制作一件

力大無比的工具。

今年是制憲會(huì)議召開150周年，那次會(huì)議使我們成為一個(gè)國家。在那次會(huì)議上，我們的前輩為擺脫革命戰(zhàn)爭后的混亂局面我到了出路；他們創(chuàng)立了步調(diào)一致、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)有力的政府，使我們足以在當(dāng)時(shí)和現(xiàn)在都能解決個(gè)人或地方根本無法解決的問題，他們?cè)谝粋€(gè)半世紀(jì)以前建立起聯(lián)邦政府，目的就是要增進(jìn)美國人民的普遍福利，確保美國人民的自由幸福。

今天，我們要同樣運(yùn)用政府的力量來達(dá)到同樣的目標(biāo)。

4年來的新經(jīng)驗(yàn)并沒有使我們的歷史直覺落空。這4年清楚地展現(xiàn)了一條希望之路，即地方政府、州政府和合眾國政府都能按時(shí)代的要求行事而無需放棄民主。我們過去4年的任務(wù)并沒有迫使民主去休假。

我們幾乎所有的人都認(rèn)識(shí)到，由于人類關(guān)系日趨復(fù)雜，支配這種關(guān)系的權(quán)力也必須加強(qiáng)——包括抑惡的權(quán)力和揚(yáng)善的權(quán)力，我國的基本民主和人民安全的依據(jù)不是不要權(quán)力，而是通過誠實(shí)和自由的選舉制度，把權(quán)力交給可以由人民定期更換或連任的人。1787年的憲法并沒有使我們的民主軟弱無力。

事實(shí)上，在過去4年中，我們使一切權(quán)力的行使都變得更加民主；因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)開始使私人專斷的種種權(quán)力恰當(dāng)?shù)胤挠诖蟊姷恼Ｋ^它們不可戰(zhàn)勝——凌駕于民主程序之上面又超脫于民主程序之外——這個(gè)神話已經(jīng)被粉碎，它們?cè)獾搅颂魬?zhàn)，并且已經(jīng)被擊敗。

我們擺脫蕭條所取得的進(jìn)步是顯而易見的。但是，那還不是你們和我所說的事物新秩序的全部，我們的誓言并非僅僅用舊材料做些修補(bǔ)工作。我們已經(jīng)在用社會(huì)公正這種新材料，開始從原有基礎(chǔ)上建立更持久的結(jié)構(gòu)，以便未來幾代人更好地利用。

在這方面，我們已經(jīng)得益于思想和精神上所取得的成就。古老的真理得到了重溫；假話虛話遭到了拋棄。我們一直知道，無動(dòng)于衷的自私自利是不道德的，我們現(xiàn)在還知道，它是不利于經(jīng)濟(jì)的。經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮的建筑師們?cè)栽偡蠈?shí)際，但隨著繁榮的破滅，人們都已經(jīng)深信，從長遠(yuǎn)來看經(jīng)濟(jì)道德會(huì)帶來效益。我們正在開始消除實(shí)際與理想之間的界線；通過這種做法，這種新的認(rèn)識(shí)，打破了以追名逐利為榮的傳統(tǒng)觀念。我們開始不再容忍某些人濫用權(quán)力，這些人為了利潤而背棄了起碼的生活準(zhǔn)則。

在這個(gè)過程中，以前得到認(rèn)可的歪風(fēng)邪氣不會(huì)那么輕易地得到寬恕，冷靜的頭腦下會(huì)那么輕易地原諒冷酷的心肝。我們正在走向一個(gè)好心腸時(shí)代，但是，我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，除非在有善良愿望的人之間，是不可能存在好心腸時(shí)代的。

出于這些原因，我理所當(dāng)然地認(rèn)為，我們所目睹的最重大變化就是美國道德風(fēng)尚的變化。

在有善良愿望的人之間，科學(xué)加之民主，為個(gè)人提供了日益豐富的生活和日益增大的滿足。隨著道德風(fēng)尚的這種變化，隨著我們重新發(fā)現(xiàn)了改進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序的能力，我們已經(jīng)踏上了持久的進(jìn)步之路。

我們現(xiàn)在就停下來，從前進(jìn)的道路上向后轉(zhuǎn)嗎？我們要把現(xiàn)在的美國稱為希望之鄉(xiāng)嗎？或者，我們要繼續(xù)走自己的路嗎？因?yàn)槭淘疲骸懊恳粋€(gè)時(shí)代都是一場夢(mèng)，不是在消逝，就是在誕生。”

我們?cè)诿媾R重大抉擇時(shí)聽到了許多聲音。貪圖安逸者說：“歇一會(huì)吧。”機(jī)會(huì)主義者說：“這是個(gè)好地方。”膽小怕事者問：“前面的路有多難走？”

不錯(cuò)，我們已經(jīng)把蕭條和沮喪的日子遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)甩到了后面。我們維持了活力。我們恢復(fù)了勇氣和信心。我們擴(kuò)大了思想和道德領(lǐng)域的疆界。

但是，我們目前的成績是在超常形勢(shì)的壓力下取得的。在恐懼和痛苦的刺激下，前進(jìn)是迫不得已的。當(dāng)時(shí)的形勢(shì)是有利于進(jìn)步的。

然而，今天要堅(jiān)持進(jìn)步就比較困難了，麻木不仁、不負(fù)責(zé)任、冷酷無情的自私自利已經(jīng)重新抬頭。這類繁榮的癥狀可能成為災(zāi)難的征兆！繁榮已經(jīng)在考驗(yàn)我們進(jìn)步的決心能否持久。

讓我們?cè)賳栆粏枺何覀円呀?jīng)達(dá)到1933年3月4日那天幢憬的目標(biāo)了嗎？我們已經(jīng)找到快樂之谷了嗎？

我看到一個(gè)偉大的國家，地處遼闊的大陸，天賜富饒的自然資源。它的一億三千萬人民和睦相處；他們正在使自己的國家威為各國的好鄰居，我看到一個(gè)合眾國，它能夠作出示

范，即采用民主管理的方法，可以把國家財(cái)富轉(zhuǎn)變成日益廣泛的、聞所未聞的人類生活情趣，國不為不公正的致命弊病所敗壞，從而在決心實(shí)現(xiàn)和平方面為各國樹立起堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的榜樣。今天，可以把最低生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)提高到遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過僅僅糊口的水平。

但是，我們的民主正面臨種種挑戰(zhàn)：在這個(gè)國家，我看到幾千萬公民——占人口總數(shù)相當(dāng)大一部分——此時(shí)此刻得不到按目前最低標(biāo)準(zhǔn)所規(guī)定的大部分生活必需品。

我看到幾百萬個(gè)家庭以微薄收入勉強(qiáng)度日，日復(fù)一日處于家庭災(zāi)難的威脅之下。我看到幾百萬城鄉(xiāng)居民，他們的日常生活仍處于半個(gè)世紀(jì)以前被所謂上流社會(huì)稱作的不體面狀況。

我看到幾百萬人得不到教育和娛樂，得不到改善自己及其子女命運(yùn)的機(jī)會(huì)。

我看到幾百萬人無力購買工農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)品，而他們的貧困又使其他成千上萬人無法投人工作和生產(chǎn)。

我看到全國三分之一的人住不好，穿不好，吃不好。

我不是懷著失望向你們描繪這幅圖景的。我是懷著希望來描繪的——因?yàn)椋?dāng)全國都看到并認(rèn)識(shí)到這是不公正現(xiàn)象，就會(huì)建議把它消除掉。我們決心使每個(gè)美國公民都成為國家注意和關(guān)心的對(duì)象；我們決下會(huì)把境內(nèi)任何忠誠守法的群體看作是多余的。檢驗(yàn)我們進(jìn)步的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，不是看我們是否為富裕者錦上添花，而是看我們是否使貧困者豐衣足食。

如果我對(duì)我國的精神和目標(biāo)有所了解，那么，我們一定不會(huì)去理睬貪圖安逸者、機(jī)會(huì)主義者和膽小怕事者，我們一定會(huì)繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

我們合眾國絕大多數(shù)人都是善良的人，不論男人還是女人；他們不僅都有熱誠的奉獻(xiàn)之心，而且還有為達(dá)到實(shí)際目的所需要的冷靜的頭腦和勤勞的雙手。他們會(huì)堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，民眾政府的各個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)都要運(yùn)用有效的手段來執(zhí)行人民的意志。

政府的各個(gè)成員都作為全體人民的委托人那樣去工作，這個(gè)政府就是稱職的政府，政府隨時(shí)了解所有情況，它就能不斷前進(jìn)，人民了解到政府所作所為的真實(shí)情況，政府就能得到應(yīng)有的支持和合理的批評(píng)。如果我對(duì)我國人民的意志有所了解，那么，他們會(huì)要求務(wù)必創(chuàng)造并維持使政府有效的上述條件。他們會(huì)要求我 我們?cè)谕蝗话l(fā)生變化的文明世界上、再一次把我們的國家奉獻(xiàn)給珍視已久的理想。世界各地歷來存在使人們分離或聚合的力量。從個(gè)人抱負(fù)而言，我們是個(gè)人主義者。但是，當(dāng)我們作為一個(gè)國家去謀求經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治進(jìn)步時(shí)，我們就是一個(gè)整體，要么共同興旺起來，要么一起衰落下去。

要維持民主的力量，需要以極大的耐心來處理方法上的分歧，而要有虛懷若谷的氣度，但是，在眾說紛紜之中，可以了解到公眾需要的主流。于是，政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人就能夠指出共同的理想，井幫助實(shí)現(xiàn)這些理想。

值此再度宣誓就任臺(tái)眾國總統(tǒng)之際，我擔(dān)當(dāng)起領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國人民沿著他們選定的前進(jìn)道路奔向前方的莊嚴(yán)職責(zé)。

在擔(dān)任這個(gè)職務(wù)朗間，我要盡最大努力按照人民的意圖說話，按照人民的意志辦事，我要析求上帝的指引，來幫助我們大家把光亮送給黑暗中的人，并引導(dǎo)大家走向和平之路。

富蘭克林·羅斯福 第三次就職演講

星期一,1941年1月20日 民主不是在死亡

1789年起，每逢總統(tǒng)就職典禮的全國性日子，人民都要賦予為合眾國作出奉獻(xiàn)以新的意義。

在華盛頓就職時(shí)，人民的任務(wù)是創(chuàng)立和熔鑄成為一個(gè)國家。

在林肯就職時(shí)，人民的任務(wù)是維護(hù)這個(gè)國家，使它避免從內(nèi)部發(fā)生分裂。

今天，人民的任務(wù)是挽救這個(gè)國家及其制度，使它避免因外部因素而瓦解。

對(duì)我們來說，由于事態(tài)的急劇發(fā)展，現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)到了稍停片刻和作一番審查的時(shí)候——重新想一想我們?cè)跉v史上占據(jù)了什么地位，重新看一看我們現(xiàn)在和可能扮演什么角色。如果我們不這佯做，我們將因遲鈍而冒真正的危險(xiǎn)。國家的壽命并不是用年數(shù)的多少來確定的，而是用人類精神的生命力來確定的。人的壽命一般是70歲：有的人活得稍微長一些，有的人稍微短一些。國家的壽命則完全取決于官的生存意志。有些人懷疑這一條。有些人認(rèn)為：民主作為一種政體和生活制度，受到神秘的和人為的命運(yùn)的限制或制約；出于某種無法解釋的原因，暴政和奴隸制已成為未宋的洶桶潮流，自由正在退潮。

但是，我們美國人知道這不是真的。

8年前，當(dāng)這個(gè)共和國的生命似乎由于命中注定的恐懼而停止時(shí)，我們已經(jīng)證明這不是真的，我們?cè)幱诳謶种小俏覀儾扇×诵袆?dòng)。我們迅速、大膽、果斷地采取了行動(dòng)。

后來的這若千年一直是生氣勃勃的年代——是這個(gè)民主國家的人民獲得豐收的年代。因?yàn)檫@些年給我們帶來了更大的安全，而且我希望，也帶來了更好的認(rèn)識(shí)，即生活的理想是用物質(zhì)以外的東西來衡量的。

對(duì)我們的現(xiàn)在和未來而言，一個(gè)民主國家的這段經(jīng)歷是最重要的：它成功地度過了國內(nèi)危機(jī)，它拋棄了許多邪惡的東西；它根據(jù)持久的路線建立了新的結(jié)構(gòu)；通過所有這些，它堅(jiān)持了民主制的實(shí)際。

這是因?yàn)椋覀兪窃诤媳妵鴳椃ㄒ?guī)定的三權(quán)分立的范圍內(nèi)采取行動(dòng)的，與政府井列的各個(gè)部門繼續(xù)在自由地履行職能，權(quán)利法案依然不可侵犯。選舉自由完全得到了堅(jiān)持，預(yù)言美國民主制即將崩潰的人已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們聳人聽聞的預(yù)測變成了泡影。

民主不是在死亡。

我們了解這一點(diǎn)，因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)目睹它復(fù)蘇過來——而且成長起來。我們知道它不會(huì)死亡——因?yàn)樗墙⒃谀心信牟皇軌阂值闹鲃?dòng)精神上的，他們攜手并肩地投入了一項(xiàng)共同的事業(yè)——一項(xiàng)由享有自由的多數(shù)人通過自由表達(dá)來承擔(dān)和完成的事業(yè)。

我們知道民主不會(huì)死亡，因?yàn)樵诟鞣N形式的政體中，唯獨(dú)民主政體能充分發(fā)揮人類進(jìn)步意志的力量。

我們知道民主不會(huì)死亡，因?yàn)槲í?dú)民主制確立了沒有任何約束的文明，它能在改善人類生活方面取得永無止境的進(jìn)步。

我們知道民主下會(huì)死亡，因?yàn)槿绻覀兺高^表面看問題，就會(huì)感覺到它仍在每一片大陸上擴(kuò)展——因?yàn)樗亲钊说馈⒆钕冗M(jìn)，說到底也是最不可征服的人類社會(huì)形式。

國家像人一樣有一個(gè)身體——它必須以我們時(shí)代的目標(biāo)為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，得到吃、穿、住、活動(dòng)和休息。

國家位人一樣有一個(gè)腦袋——它必須了解憎況和處于戒備狀態(tài)，它必須了解自己，了解鄰居的希望和需要，而鄰居就是生活在這個(gè)狹小世界范圍內(nèi)的所有其他國家。

國家像人一樣不止是各個(gè)部分的總和，還有更深、更廣、更持久的東西，這件東西最關(guān)系到國家的前途——它喚起民眾最神圣地保衛(wèi)其現(xiàn)在。

對(duì)這作東西，我們發(fā)覺很難，甚至不可能用一句簡單的話來表達(dá)。

不過，我們都了解它是什么——它是精神——它是美國的信念。它是好幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的結(jié)晶。它是在大批群眾中產(chǎn)生的，他們來自世界上的許多地方——有些人層次較高，但大多數(shù)是普通人，他們?cè)诖酥铝τ诳傆幸惶炷芨皇芗s束地尋找自由。

在人類歷史上，渴望民主并不是最近階段的事情。它本身就是一部人類史。這樣的例子在古代各國人民的生活中俯拾即是。它在中世紀(jì)重新燃起了火炬。它被載人了英國大憲章。

民主在美洲一直有曹不可抗拒的影響。美國歷來是操不同語言的各國人民心中的新世界，這倒不是因?yàn)樗且黄掳l(fā)現(xiàn)的大陸，而是因?yàn)樗衼淼竭@里的人都相信，他們能夠在這片大陸上創(chuàng)造出新的生活——而且應(yīng)當(dāng)是自由的新生活。

民主的生命力被記載在我們自己的五月花號(hào)公約中，被記載在獨(dú)立宣言、合眾國憲法和葛底斯堡演說中。

那些最先來到這里實(shí)現(xiàn)其精神追求的人們，那些成千上萬的后繼者，以及這些人的子孫后代——都在堅(jiān)定不移地、始終如一地奔向一個(gè)理想，而這個(gè)理想在每一代人中逐漸成長和明確起來。

為了實(shí)現(xiàn)共和國的希望，既不能永無休止地容忍不該有的貧窮，也不能水無休止地容忍自私自利的財(cái)富。

我們知道，我們還要走很長的一段路，我們必須根據(jù)國家資源和能力的條件，為每一個(gè)公民創(chuàng)造出更大的安全、更好的機(jī)會(huì)和更多的知識(shí)。

但是，僅僅達(dá)到這些目的是不夠的，使這個(gè)國家有衣穿和有飯吃是不夠的，使它得到教誨和知識(shí)也是不夠的，因?yàn)樗€有精神。在身體、腦袋和精神三者中間，精神是最重要的。

我國歷史上的各個(gè)時(shí)期都面臨過特殊的挑戰(zhàn)。我們現(xiàn)在面臨的挑戰(zhàn)和過去面臨的任何挑戰(zhàn)一樣嚴(yán)重，今天不僅標(biāo)志著一屆新政府的起點(diǎn)，而且標(biāo)志著一個(gè)新時(shí)期的開始。對(duì)我們來

所有的人都知道，沒有身體和腦袋，這個(gè)國家就不能生存。

但是，如果美國精神遭到扼殺，我們所知道的美國就會(huì)滅亡，即使它的身體和腦袋蜷縮到完全不同的世界中依然生存。那種精神——那種信念——在我們的日常生活中對(duì)我們說話，但它說話的方式常常不被注意，因?yàn)樗坪醮笏究找姂T了。它在這里，在我國的首都對(duì)我們說話。它通過48個(gè)主權(quán)州的管理過程對(duì)我們說話。它在我國的農(nóng)村、城市、鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)、村莊對(duì)我們說話。它從西半球的其他國家，從大洋彼岸的國家——無論是被奴役的國家還是自由的國家對(duì)我們說話。有時(shí)候我們聽不見，或者不注意這些表達(dá)自由的聲音，因?yàn)閷?duì)我們來說，自由的特權(quán)已是很古老的故事。

1789．我國第一位總統(tǒng)在他的首任就職演說中作過預(yù)言，他的話宣布了美國的命運(yùn)——這些話似乎完全是針對(duì)今年1941年說的，“人們理所當(dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次地把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn)，系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。”

如果我們丟掉那支神圣的火炬——如果我們讓它在懷疑和恐懼中熄滅——那么，我們就會(huì)拋棄華盛頓經(jīng)過如此英勇和成功的斗爭而確立起來的命運(yùn)。為了維護(hù)美國的精神和信念，我們現(xiàn)在和將來都完全有理由在國防事業(yè)中作出任何犧牲。

我們面臨著前所未有的嚴(yán)峻的險(xiǎn)惡形勢(shì)，我們的堅(jiān)定決心是捍衛(wèi)和維持民主的完整。

為此，我們要振作起美國的精神和美國的信心。

我們不會(huì)后退。我們不會(huì)滿足于原地踏步。作為美國人，我們要遵奉上帝的意志為國效力和走向前方。

哈里·杜魯門 就職演講

星期四,1949年1月20日 四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針

說，對(duì)整個(gè)世界來說，這個(gè)時(shí)期特是個(gè)多事之秋，也許還將是決定性的歲月。也許命運(yùn)注定我們要去體驗(yàn)，或者在更大程度上是去促成人類漫長歷史中的一個(gè)重大轉(zhuǎn)折。本世紀(jì)上半葉的特點(diǎn)是，人權(quán)遭到史無前例的粗暴踐踏，并經(jīng)歷了歷史上最可怕的兩場戰(zhàn)爭。我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最迫切的需要是學(xué)會(huì)和睦相處。

世界各國人民都懷著忐忑不安的心情面對(duì)著未來，他們既充滿希望又滿腹憂慮。在這疑慮的時(shí)刻，他們比以往任何時(shí)候更期待著合眾國的善意、力量以及明智的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。

因此，我們審時(shí)度勢(shì)，利用這一時(shí)機(jī)向全世界宣布指導(dǎo)我們生活的信念的基本原則，向所有的民族宜布我們的目標(biāo)。

在今后幾年，我們的和平自由綱領(lǐng)將著重于四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針。

第一，我們將繼續(xù)堅(jiān)定不移地支持聯(lián)合國及其有關(guān)機(jī)構(gòu)，繼續(xù)尋求各種方法來加強(qiáng)這些機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)威和增加這些機(jī)構(gòu)的效率。今天，不少新的國家正在成立，正在民主原則的指引下向自治方向邁進(jìn)，我們相信，聯(lián)合國將因這些新國家而得到加強(qiáng)。

第二，我們將繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我們制定的世界經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興計(jì)劃。

這意味著我們必須首先全力支持歐洲復(fù)興計(jì)劃。對(duì)于世界復(fù)興中這一重大事業(yè)的成功，我們充滿了信心。我們相信，通過這項(xiàng)工作，我們的伙伴將再一次取得自給國家的地位。此外，我們還必須執(zhí)行為減少世界貿(mào)易壁壘、增加世界貿(mào)易額而制定的計(jì)劃。經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興與和平本身都取決于世界貿(mào)易的增加。

第三，我們要加強(qiáng)熱愛自由的國家的力量，以抵御侵略的威脅。

我們和許多國家一起，正在為增加北大西洋地區(qū)的安全面起草一項(xiàng)共同協(xié)議。這種協(xié)議將根據(jù)聯(lián)合國憲章的規(guī)定，采取集體防御協(xié)定的形式。

我們已經(jīng)根據(jù)里約熱內(nèi)盧公約為西半球建立了這樣一個(gè)防御同盟。

這些協(xié)議的主要目的是明確表示自由國家抵抗來自任何地方的武裝進(jìn)攻的共同決心。參加這些協(xié)議的每個(gè)國家必須為共同防御貢獻(xiàn)出全部力量。

如果我們能預(yù)先充分地表明，任何影響到我們國家安全的武裝進(jìn)攻必將遭到強(qiáng)大的抵抗，那么武裝進(jìn)攻也許就永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)發(fā)生。

我希望關(guān)于北大西洋安全計(jì)劃的條約不久將呈送參議院。

此外，我們還將向在維護(hù)和平與安全時(shí)同我們進(jìn)行合作的自由國家，提供軍事顧問和軍事裝備。

第四，我們必須著手?jǐn)M定一項(xiàng)大膽的新計(jì)劃，使不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)的進(jìn)步與發(fā)展能受益于我們的先進(jìn)的科學(xué)和發(fā)達(dá)的工業(yè)。

全世界半數(shù)以上的人口正瀕臨悲慘的境地，他們食不果腹、疾患加身。他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)生活原始落后，滯綴不振。無論對(duì)于他們自己還是對(duì)于比較繁榮的地區(qū)來說，他們的貧困既是一種阻礙又是一種威脅。

人類有史以來第一次掌握了能解除這些人苦難的知識(shí)和技術(shù)。

合眾國在工業(yè)和科學(xué)技術(shù)發(fā)展方面居各國之首。盡管我們用來援助其他國家人民的物質(zhì)資源是有限的，但我們?cè)诩夹g(shù)知識(shí)方面的資源卻是無法估量的，是不斷增長和用之不竭的。

我認(rèn)為，為了幫助各愛好和平民族實(shí)現(xiàn)他們對(duì)美好生活的愿望，我們應(yīng)該使他們受惠于我們豐富的技術(shù)知識(shí)。同時(shí)，我們還應(yīng)該和其他國家合作，支持對(duì)急待開發(fā)的地區(qū)進(jìn)行投資。

我們的目標(biāo)應(yīng)該是幫助世界上各個(gè)自由民族通過他們自己的努力，生產(chǎn)更多的食物，更多的衣物，更多的建筑材料，以及更多的機(jī)器來減輕他們的負(fù)擔(dān)。

我們吁請(qǐng)其他國象匯集他們的技術(shù)力量以進(jìn)行這項(xiàng)工作。我們熱烈歡迎他們作出貢獻(xiàn)。這應(yīng)該是一種合作事業(yè)，所有國家通過聯(lián)合國及其專門機(jī)構(gòu)在任何可行的方面為此共同工作。這必須是在世界范圍內(nèi)為實(shí)現(xiàn)和平、繁榮和自由而作出的努力。

在我國企業(yè)、私人資本、農(nóng)業(yè)和勞工等方面的協(xié)作下，這一計(jì)劃能夠極大促進(jìn)其他國家的工業(yè)活動(dòng)，從實(shí)質(zhì)上提高他們的生活水平。

這種新的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展必須加以規(guī)劃和控制，從而使被開發(fā)地區(qū)的人民有所得益。在保證投資者利益的同時(shí)，必須兼顧人民的利益，因?yàn)樵谶@些經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中傾注著人民的才智和勞動(dòng)。

在我們的計(jì)劃中，剝削他國利潤的老牌帝國主義沒有立足之地。我們擬定的是一個(gè)以民主的公平交易的概念為基礎(chǔ)的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。

所有國家，包括我國在內(nèi)，將極大地受益于為更合理地使用世界上的人力資源和自然資源而制定的一項(xiàng)建設(shè)性計(jì)劃。經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明，我們同其他國家的貿(mào)易將隨著這些國家在工業(yè)和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的發(fā)展而擴(kuò)大。

提高生產(chǎn)是繁榮與和平的關(guān)鍵，而提高生產(chǎn)的關(guān)鍵是更廣泛、更積極地運(yùn)用現(xiàn)代科學(xué)技術(shù)知識(shí)。

人類大家庭只有通過幫助最不幸的成員自助，才能享受體面的、令人滿意的生活，而所有人郁有權(quán)過上這樣的生活。

只有民主政治才能產(chǎn)生生機(jī)勃勃的力量，以激勵(lì)世界人民不僅為反抗人類的壓迫者，而且壓力反抗人類古老的敵人——饑餓、貧困、失望——而斗爭。

根據(jù)這四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針，我們希望有助于創(chuàng)造各種條件，最終實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人自由和全人類的幸福。

德懷特·艾森豪威爾 第二次就職演講

星期一,1957年1月21日 和平的代價(jià)

因此，強(qiáng)勁的變革之風(fēng)已吹遍全球，雖然我們很幸運(yùn)，但我們知道，決不能置之下理。

我們注視著這一震撼的世界，并宣告我們堅(jiān)定不移的目標(biāo)：在奉行道德法則的世界上以正義來建立和平。

建立這樣的和平是大膽而神圣的目標(biāo)。宣布這一目標(biāo)易如反掌，但達(dá)到這一目標(biāo)卻困難重重。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，我們必須充分認(rèn)識(shí)它的意義，并隨時(shí)準(zhǔn)備為此付出全部代價(jià)。

我們非常明白我們尋求的是什么，以及為什么要尋求。

我們尋求和平，是因?yàn)槲覀冎篮推绞亲杂傻臈l件，與其他時(shí)代不同的是，我們今天尋求和平，是因?yàn)槲覀円咽艿浆F(xiàn)代武器的威力的警告：和平可能已成為人類生活本身唯一可以依賴的條件。

但是，我們所尋求的和平不能只是因恐懼而產(chǎn)生，和平必須根植于各國人民的生活之中。

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)必須有一種正義，它能力一切民族所感受和分享，因?yàn)椋绻麤]有正義，世界上就只有一種緊張而不穩(wěn)定的休戰(zhàn)。必須有一種法律，它能為一切國家堅(jiān)定地奉行和尊重，因?yàn)椋绻麤]有法律，世界上就只有強(qiáng)者憐憫弱者那樣的無力的正義。但我們所說的法律，應(yīng)包括自由的全部價(jià)值，并確認(rèn)國家不論大小，一律平等。

這樣的和平所產(chǎn)生的幸福是輝煌的，其代價(jià)是高昂的，需要耐心地忍受艱辛，正直地給予援助，安然地承受犧牲。

我們被召喚來為這種和平付出代價(jià)。

為了制止那些企圖用武力實(shí)行統(tǒng)治的人所造成的威脅，我們必須為我們所需要的軍備力量付出代價(jià)，并幫助其他民族建立他們的安全保障。

我們必須運(yùn)用我們的技術(shù)和知識(shí)，有時(shí)甚至運(yùn)用我們的物資，去幫助其他民族擺脫痛苦，不論這些痛苦的所在地離我們的海岸有多遠(yuǎn)。因?yàn)樵谑澜绲娜魏蔚胤剑粋€(gè)民族只要知道自己追切需要什么，那里就必然會(huì)出現(xiàn)希望的火花，出現(xiàn)進(jìn)步的希望，換句話說，最后必定會(huì)燃起抗?fàn)幍幕鹧妗?/p>

我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，并承認(rèn)我們自己已深深地同世界各地人民的命運(yùn)聯(lián)在一起。所以，我們發(fā)音要尊重并努力加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國的權(quán)威。因?yàn)樵谶@個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)中，寄托著我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最美好的希望——維護(hù)所有國家尊嚴(yán)的法律。除了這個(gè)總的決心之外，我們還受命在世界重大事件或沖突中負(fù)起責(zé)任，無論這些事件涉及的是某個(gè)廣大地區(qū)的事務(wù)，還是太平洋上某個(gè)島嶼的命運(yùn)，或是中東某條運(yùn)河的使用。只有尊重其他國家的希望和文化，我們才能做到各國之間的平等。只有在提出忠告，接受忠告，分擔(dān)直任時(shí)顯示出我們的意愿和智慧，我們才能明智地履行和平的任務(wù)。

約翰·肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日 火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人

開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲埃x了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無成——因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔幊诚滦荨⑺姆治辶褧r(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間——之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的，自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證——在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄穑磳?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，是我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些想與我們作時(shí)的國家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭洌覀儾拍芎翢o疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭的不移定的恐怖均勢(shì)。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征

服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切下可能在第一個(gè)一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在第一個(gè)一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任，年復(fù)一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅(jiān)韌”，去反對(duì)人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

林登·約翰遜 就職演講

星期四,1965年1月20日 美國公約

同胞們：

此時(shí)此刻，我在你們和上帝面前宣誓，這個(gè)誓言不只是我個(gè)人的，而是我們大家的。我們同住在一個(gè)國家，同屬一個(gè)民族。我們國家的命運(yùn)和我們民族的未來并不是靠一個(gè)公民，而是要靠所有的公民。

這就是這一時(shí)刻的莊嚴(yán)及其意義所在。

每一代人都有自己的命運(yùn)。就某些時(shí)代的人而言，歷史決定了他們的命運(yùn)。至于我們這一代人，我們必須選擇自己的命運(yùn)。

此時(shí)此刻，一枚火箭正向著火星飛去。這提醒我們，對(duì)我們的子孫來說，甚至對(duì)我們自己來說，在短短幾年內(nèi)，世界將不會(huì)再像現(xiàn)在一樣。下一任總統(tǒng)站在這里時(shí)，他將展望一個(gè)和我們現(xiàn)在不同的景象。因?yàn)槲覀兊臅r(shí)代是一個(gè)變革的時(shí)代。迅速而又急劇的變革，揭示了自然的奧秘，使國家成倍地增加，讓靠下住的人掌握了能征服和毀滅人類的新式武器，動(dòng)搖了舊的價(jià)值觀念、改變了舊的生活方式。

在這場變革中，我們的命運(yùn)將取決于我國人民始終不渝的性格，取決于我們的信念。

我們的祖輩，那些背井離鄉(xiāng)的異鄉(xiāng)人，那些勇敢而受驚的異鄉(xiāng)人，為尋找一塊個(gè)人可以自主的地方而來到這里。他們?cè)谶@塊土地上訂立了公約。這一公約以公正來表達(dá)，用自由寫成，受團(tuán)結(jié)的約束，指望總有一無會(huì)激勵(lì)全人類的理想，這一公約至今仍約束著我們。我們?nèi)绻裱牡囊?guī)定，就將繁榮昌盛。

公約的第一條是公正，就是允許所有遷徙到這里的人共享土地的碩果。

在一塊富饒的上地上，家家戶戶不能生活在毫無希望的貧困中。

在一塊收獲豐盛的土地上，孩子們不能遭受饑饉之苦。

在一塊充滿救死扶傷奇跡的土地上，我們的鄰居不能無人照料，遭受病痛的折磨而離開人世。

在一塊知識(shí)普及、學(xué)者眾多的偉大上地上，年輕人必須受到教育，能讀會(huì)寫。

我為這個(gè)國家服務(wù)了30多年，我一直認(rèn)為，不公正地對(duì)待我們的人民，浪費(fèi)我們的資源，乃是我們真正的敵人。30多年來，我竭盡所能，時(shí)刻提防這一敵人并與之作斗爭。我認(rèn)識(shí)到，也深深懂得，這個(gè)敵人不會(huì)輕易屈服。

但是，變革為我們提供了新的武器。在這一代美國人的有生之年，這個(gè)敵人不僅會(huì)退卻，而且還會(huì)被征服。

公正就是要求我們記住，倘若任何一個(gè)公民不承認(rèn)自己的同胞，宣稱“某某人的膚色和我的膚色不同”，或者“某某人的信仰奇怪異樣”，這個(gè)公民便背叛了美國，盡管他的先輩創(chuàng)立了這個(gè)國家。公約的第二條是自由，就是自治。這就是我們的權(quán)利法案，但不僅如此。美國將是人人都能感到自豪的地方，每個(gè)人都可以施展才能，愉快地工作，在鄰里和國家的生活中發(fā)揮重要的作用。

但是，在變革和發(fā)展似乎已超出人們控制，甚至超出人們的判斷力的世界里，實(shí)現(xiàn)自由已經(jīng)變得更為困難。因此，我們必須努力提供各種知識(shí)和環(huán)境，為每個(gè)公民增加機(jī)遇。

美國公約要求我們?yōu)閹椭祟惖慕夥胖该鞯缆贰＿@就是我們今天的奮斗目標(biāo)。因此，作為一個(gè)國家，我們無法控制許多事情；但作為一個(gè)民族，我們對(duì)所有的人充滿希望。

變革給這一古老的使命增添了新義。我們?cè)僖膊荒苄涫峙杂^，以孤立為榮了。那些曾被我們稱之為“外國的”可怕的危險(xiǎn)和**，現(xiàn)在卻時(shí)時(shí)在我們的生活中發(fā)生。如果美國人必須在了解甚少的國家中獻(xiàn)出生命井消耗錢財(cái)，那也是變革向我們的信念以及向我們不朽的政府索取的代價(jià)。

想象一下在飛向火星的火箭上看地球時(shí)的情景吧。地球就像小孩玩的地球儀，它懸在大空間，陸地就像貼在球體表面的彩色地圖。我們都是這個(gè)小小地球上的旅客。在時(shí)間的長河中，我們每個(gè)人實(shí)際上只在自己的同伴中度過短暫的一瞬。

人的生存是如此脆弱，可我們竟然彼此仇恨，相互殘殺，這是多么難以令人置信。凡意愿放棄統(tǒng)治他人的人，有足夠的機(jī)會(huì)來實(shí)現(xiàn)對(duì)自然的統(tǒng)治。天地廣闊，足以讓每個(gè)人以自己的方式尋求幸福。

我國的方針是明確的。我們并不奢求獲得別人的東面。我們并不尋求統(tǒng)治別人，而只希望人類能戰(zhàn)勝專制和苦難。

但是我們需要做更多的事情。人們希望成為共同事業(yè)的參與者——這是比他們本身更為偉大的事業(yè)。我們每個(gè)人都必須想方設(shè)法為實(shí)現(xiàn)我國的目標(biāo)作出貢獻(xiàn)，因而也為自己找到新的目標(biāo)。如果缺少這些，我國就會(huì)變成一個(gè)陌路人組成的國家。

公約的第三條是團(tuán)結(jié)。對(duì)那些當(dāng)年同荒野作斗爭的勢(shì)單力簿的移民來講，實(shí)現(xiàn)自由需要團(tuán)結(jié)的力量。兩個(gè)世紀(jì)的變革再次證實(shí)了這點(diǎn)。

資本家和工人，農(nóng)場主和雇員，城市和農(nóng)村再也不必為分配利益而爭斗，我們只要肩并周共同努力，就能夠增加所有人的利益。

我們已經(jīng)看到，每一個(gè)在學(xué)的兒童，每一個(gè)在職的成人，每一個(gè)康復(fù)的病人，都像圣壇上的蠟燭，照亮了全體信徒的希望。

因此，讓我們唾棄我們中間任何企圖再啟舊創(chuàng)、重燃舊恨的人。因?yàn)閷?duì)這個(gè)不停地追求的國家來說，他們是道路上的障礙。

現(xiàn)在，讓我們把理性和信念融成一體，將行動(dòng)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)融成一體，把利益的一致轉(zhuǎn)變成目標(biāo)的一致。因?yàn)闊o需沖突便能取得進(jìn)步，不結(jié)仇恨便能實(shí)現(xiàn)變革的時(shí)刻已經(jīng)來臨——這不是說沒有不同的觀點(diǎn)，而是下會(huì)再有在幾代人的團(tuán)結(jié)中留下傷痕的根深蒂固的分歧。

在這個(gè)以公正、自由、團(tuán)結(jié)為宗旨的公約指導(dǎo)下，我們已經(jīng)成為一個(gè)繁榮、偉大和強(qiáng)盛的國家。我們還維護(hù)了我們的自由。

但是，上帝沒有保證我們的偉大國家經(jīng)久不衰。

上帝準(zhǔn)許我們用自己的雙手、用汗水、用精神力量來爭取我們的偉大。

我認(rèn)為，“偉大社會(huì)”不是一個(gè)等級(jí)森嚴(yán)、毫無變化、枯燥乏味的蟻群。

“偉大社會(huì)”因轉(zhuǎn)化而充滿激憎——不停地變革、嘗試、探索、失敗、休整、再嘗試——但總是在嘗試，總是有所收獲。

我們每一代人都必須用汗水和淚水重新繼承我們的傳統(tǒng)。

倘若我們現(xiàn)在失敗了，這是因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)诟辉Ｖ型浟嗽谄D難歲月中懂得的那些道理：民主依賴于信仰，自由的要求大于它的贈(zèng)與，上簾最嚴(yán)厲地評(píng)判最受恩賜的人們。

倘若我們成功了，這并不是因?yàn)槲覀兙邆淞耸裁礂l件，而是由于我們本身的原因；并不是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛惺裁礀|西，而是由于我們的信仰所致。

因?yàn)槲覀兪且粋€(gè)有信仰的民族。我們鬧嚷嚷地創(chuàng)業(yè)，急匆匆地迫逐生活目標(biāo)，但在這些表象背后，我們是公正、自由和團(tuán)結(jié)的信仰者，是自己聯(lián)邦的信徒。我們相信，總有一天，人人都會(huì)獲得自由。而且，我們相信自己有力量。

我們的敵人總是犯相同的錯(cuò)誤。在我這一生中——在蕭條年代和戰(zhàn)爭歲月——他們期待著我們的失敗。但每一次，在美國人民的心靈深處，都會(huì)產(chǎn)生出他們無法理解，甚至無法想象的信念。這種信念曾給我們帶來勝利，它將再次給我們帶來勝利。

因?yàn)檫@就是美國。這是一塊未曾跨越的沙漠，是一座尚未攀登的山嶺。這是一顆人跡還沒有到過的星球，是沉睡在未開墾土地中的碩果。

我們的世界已經(jīng)過去了嗎？我們時(shí)它說聲“再見”。新的世界來臨了嗎？我們表示歡迎，并將使它服從人類的愿望。

對(duì)那些肩負(fù)重任的公仆，對(duì)我的家人，對(duì)隨我走過漫長而又曲折的道路的朋友們，對(duì)聯(lián)邦全體人民和全世界人民，我今天重述我在1963年11月那悲痛的一天說過的話：“我將領(lǐng)導(dǎo)大家，并將盡我所能。”

但是，你們必須在內(nèi)心銘記舊日的承諾和夢(mèng)想。這才是你們最好的向?qū)А?/p>

至于我自己，借用一位古代領(lǐng)袖的話，我只“求你賜我智慧聰明，我好在這民前出入；不然，誰能判斷這眾多的民呢？”

理查德·尼克松

第一次就職演講

星期一,1969年1月20日 我們都是地球的乘客

歷史的每一個(gè)時(shí)刻轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨(dú)特。可是，其中某些顯然是揭開序幕的時(shí)刻，我們不能指望每個(gè)人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設(shè)法使任何人都不與我們?yōu)閿场?/p>

我們邀請(qǐng)那些很可能是我們對(duì)手的人進(jìn)行一場和平競賽——不是要征服領(lǐng)土或擴(kuò)展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

此時(shí)，一代先河得以開創(chuàng)，它決定了未來數(shù)十年或幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的航向。

現(xiàn)在可能就是這樣一個(gè)時(shí)刻。

現(xiàn)在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現(xiàn)的種種進(jìn)步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們?cè)诘厍蛏弦舶l(fā)現(xiàn)了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領(lǐng)袖害怕戰(zhàn)爭，因此，目前形勢(shì)第一次變得有利于和平。

從現(xiàn)在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現(xiàn)在大多數(shù)人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個(gè)百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據(jù)自己的行動(dòng)和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽(yù)，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號(hào)。這一榮譽(yù)現(xiàn)在正在召喚美國——這是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢(mèng)寐以求的和平高壇的一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)。

我們?nèi)臬@成功，下幾代人在談及現(xiàn)在在世的我們時(shí)會(huì)說，正是我們掌握了時(shí)機(jī)，正是我們協(xié)力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創(chuàng)立宏偉大業(yè)的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準(zhǔn)備響應(yīng)這一召喚。

經(jīng)過一段對(duì)抗時(shí)期，我們正進(jìn)入一個(gè)談判時(shí)代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內(nèi)，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個(gè)開放的世界——對(duì)各種思想開放，對(duì)物資和人員的交流開放，在這個(gè)世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會(huì)生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

在探索宇宙空間的時(shí)候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進(jìn)行一次新的探險(xiǎn)。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負(fù)擔(dān)，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對(duì)所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強(qiáng)大就會(huì)多強(qiáng)大：需要強(qiáng)大多久，就會(huì)強(qiáng)大多久。

自從我作為新當(dāng)選的國會(huì)議員首次來到國會(huì)大廈之后的20多年來，我已經(jīng)出訪過世界上大多數(shù)國家。

我結(jié)識(shí)了世界各國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強(qiáng)大勢(shì)力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會(huì)單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復(fù)一日，甚至年復(fù)一年地進(jìn)行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰(zhàn)爭中掛彩負(fù)傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識(shí)形態(tài)和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達(dá)我們的深切關(guān)懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現(xiàn)在還要補(bǔ)充一項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)：我將把自己的職責(zé)、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻(xiàn)給各國之間的和平事業(yè)。

讓強(qiáng)者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰(zhàn)勝任何一個(gè)民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創(chuàng)傷的和平：是對(duì)遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對(duì)那些反對(duì)過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運(yùn)的機(jī)會(huì)的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個(gè)世界一樣，第一次端視了這個(gè)世界，一個(gè)在冥冥黑暗中輝映發(fā)光的獨(dú)特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號(hào)上的字航員在圣誕節(jié)前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時(shí)，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們?cè)谄矶\上帝賜福人間。

在那一時(shí)刻，他們從月球上發(fā)出的意愿，擺在我們面前的中心問題是：我們將怎樣利用這個(gè)和平時(shí)代？

讓我們下定決心，使我們即將跨人的這個(gè)時(shí)代，避免成為歷次戰(zhàn)爭后屢見不鮮的那種時(shí)代：一個(gè)導(dǎo)致國內(nèi)停滯不前、國外危險(xiǎn)迭出的退卻和孤立的時(shí)代。

讓我們下定決心，使這個(gè)時(shí)代能成為肩負(fù)重任的時(shí)代；在這個(gè)時(shí)代里，當(dāng)我們步人立國的第三個(gè)世紀(jì)時(shí)，我們將更新美國的精神和希激勵(lì)著詩人阿奇博爾德·麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動(dòng)。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟。”

在那個(gè)比技術(shù)勝利更有意義的時(shí)刻，人們把思緒轉(zhuǎn)向了家鄉(xiāng)和人類——他們從那個(gè)遙遠(yuǎn)的視角中發(fā)現(xiàn)，地球上人類的命運(yùn)是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們?cè)谟钪嬷凶叩枚噙h(yuǎn)，我們的命運(yùn)不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經(jīng)度過了一個(gè)反映美國精神的漫漫長夜。可是，當(dāng)我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運(yùn)所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機(jī)會(huì)的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅(jiān)定的信念，朝著穩(wěn)定的目標(biāo)，在提防著危險(xiǎn)中前進(jìn)吧！我們對(duì)上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。

里查德·尼克松 第二次就職演講

星期六,1973年1月20日 讓我們建立和平機(jī)制

4年前我們?cè)谶@里相聚時(shí)，美國沒精打采。國外的戰(zhàn)爭似乎漢完沒了，國內(nèi)的沖突叉造成了破壞一切令人壓抑。

今天我們?cè)谶@里相聚時(shí)，我們正站在世界和平新時(shí)代的門檻上。

望。

在過去一年中，我們爭取和平的各項(xiàng)新政策取得了意義深遠(yuǎn)的成果。通過不斷加強(qiáng)同合國的傳統(tǒng)友誼，出訪北京和莫斯科，我們?yōu)槭澜鐐鋰⒁环N新穎的、更加持久的關(guān)系模式奠定了基礎(chǔ)。由于美國的大膽倡議，1972年將作為第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來在走向世界持久和平的坦道上取得最巨大進(jìn)展的年頭，而為人們永志銘記。

我們?cè)谑澜缟现\求的和平，不是戰(zhàn)爭間歇那樣的曇花一現(xiàn)的和平，而是能使下幾代人持續(xù)享有的和平。

重要的是，我們要理解美國為維護(hù)這種和平而發(fā)揮作用的必要性和局限性。

如果我們美國不竭盡全力保衛(wèi)和平，就不會(huì)有和平。

如果我們美國不竭盡全力保衛(wèi)自由，就不會(huì)有自由。

可是，作為以往4年我們采取新政策所獲得的結(jié)果，我們應(yīng)該對(duì)美國角色的新性質(zhì)有個(gè)透徹的理解。

我們將尊重我們的條約義務(wù)。

我們將努力支持這佯一條原則：任何國家都無權(quán)運(yùn)用武力將其意志或統(tǒng)治強(qiáng)加于別的國家。

我們將在這個(gè)談判時(shí)代，繼續(xù)致力于限制核武器，減少強(qiáng)國之間發(fā)生沖突的危險(xiǎn)。

我們將為維護(hù)世界和平與自由而貢獻(xiàn)一份力量。但是，我們也期待其他國家貢獻(xiàn)一份力量。美國把別國的沖突視為自己的沖突，或把關(guān)心別國的前途視為自己的職責(zé)，或認(rèn)為應(yīng)該告訴別國人民怎樣管理國家事務(wù)，這樣的時(shí)代已一去不復(fù)返了。

正如我們尊重各國都有權(quán)利決定自己的未來。我們也認(rèn)為合國都有責(zé)任保衛(wèi)自己的未來。

正如美國在維護(hù)世界和平中所扮演的角色是不可或缺的那樣，各國在維護(hù)其自身和平時(shí)所扮演的角色也是不可或缺的。

讓我們同世界各國一起，決心把我們業(yè)已開創(chuàng)的事業(yè)向前推進(jìn)。讓我們繼續(xù)努力，推倒那些使世界長期處于分裂狀態(tài)的充滿故意的隔墻，代之以建立起理解的橋梁——這樣，盡管各國政府體制存在著巨大差異，但世界人民卻可以成為朋友。

讓我們?cè)谑澜缟辖⒑推綑C(jī)制，使弱者和強(qiáng)者同樣感到安全，使人人都尊重他人在不同制度下生活的權(quán)利，使人們用思想的力量，而下是用武力去影響別人。

讓我們接受這一崇高職責(zé)，不是作為負(fù)擔(dān)，而是欣然接受——因?yàn)橛袡C(jī)會(huì)建立這樣的和平，是一個(gè)國家所能從事的最高尚的事業(yè)，還因?yàn)橹挥幸詡ゴ蟮男袆?dòng)來履行我們?cè)诤Ｍ獾呢?zé)任，才能保持一個(gè)大國的風(fēng)范：而只有保持大國的風(fēng)范，才能以偉大的行動(dòng)迎接國內(nèi)的挑戰(zhàn)。

杰米·卡特 ,1977年1月20日 新精神

今天的就職典禮標(biāo)志著一個(gè)新開端，標(biāo)志著政府的新奉獻(xiàn)，標(biāo)志著全體人民的新精坤。總統(tǒng)可以感悟升宣揚(yáng)這種新精神，但唯有人民才能賦予這種精神。

兩個(gè)世紀(jì)以前，我們國家的誕生是長期尋求自由的一個(gè)里程碑。但是，激勵(lì)立國先賢們的這個(gè)勇敢而光輝的理想，依然有待于完成。今天我無意提出新的理想，而是要在原有的理想中提出一種新的信念。

我們的社會(huì)是第一個(gè)依據(jù)精神價(jià)值和人類自由來公開闡明自己的社會(huì)。正是這種獨(dú)特的自我定義使我們具有特殊的號(hào)召力--但同時(shí)也賦子我們特殊的義務(wù)--道德義務(wù)，這種義務(wù)一旦承擔(dān)起來，似乎總是符合我們的最大利益。

你們已給予我一項(xiàng)重大責(zé)任--同你們緊密站在一起，不負(fù)眾望，作出表率。讓我們共同

創(chuàng)造一種新的，團(tuán)結(jié)和信任的國家精神。你們的力量能彌補(bǔ)我的弱點(diǎn)，你們的智慧能幫助我盡量少犯錯(cuò)誤。

讓我們一起學(xué)習(xí)，一起歡笑，一起工作，一起祈禱，堅(jiān)信站在正義這邊的我們終將共同獲勝。

美國的理想持久不衰。我們必須再次對(duì)我們的國家和對(duì)我們彼此充滿信心。我相信美國能變得更美好。我門能比過去任何時(shí)候更強(qiáng)大。

讓我們檢討最近犯的錯(cuò)誤，以便對(duì)我國的基本原則重新承擔(dān)起義務(wù)，因?yàn)槲覀冎溃绻p視自己的政府，我們就沒有任何前途。我們記得，我們?cè)谝恍┨厥獾臅r(shí)期有過短暫而意義深遠(yuǎn)的團(tuán)結(jié)；在那個(gè)時(shí)候，我們?nèi)〉昧藷o數(shù)珍貴的成就。

但是，我們不能陶醉于昔日的榮耀。我們不能隨波逐流，我們不要那種失敗的、碌碌無為的，或者使任何人過著一種低質(zhì)量生活的遠(yuǎn)景。我們的政府既要稱職，又要富于同情心。

我們已經(jīng)達(dá)到了高度的個(gè)人自由，我們現(xiàn)在正在為促進(jìn)機(jī)會(huì)均等而斗爭。我們?yōu)榫S護(hù)人權(quán)所作的承諾必須是絕對(duì)的，我們的法律必須是公正的，我們天賦的美德必須保存；強(qiáng)者絕不可以欺凌弱者，人的尊嚴(yán)必須提高。

我們懂得，“更多”未必就是“更好”。即便我們偉大的國家也有公認(rèn)的局限性，我們既回答不了所有的問題，也解決不了所有的問題。我們不能包攬一切，但我們?cè)诿鎸?duì)未來時(shí)不能缺乏勇氣。因此，讓我們一起懷著為了共同利益而作出個(gè)人犧牲的精神，務(wù)必盡力而為之。

我們的國家只有自強(qiáng)，才能對(duì)外稱強(qiáng)，我們還懂得，要增進(jìn)其他國家的自由，最好的方式，就是在這里證實(shí)我們的民主制度是值得仿效的。

為要對(duì)自己真誠，我們必須對(duì)別人真誠。我們不會(huì)到別國領(lǐng)上去違犯我們國內(nèi)奉行的規(guī)范與準(zhǔn)則，因?yàn)椋覀兌茫覀儑宜A得的信任，對(duì)加強(qiáng)我國的力量是不可或缺的。

現(xiàn)在，世界本身正受著一種新的精神支配。那些人數(shù)較多、在政治上日益覺醒的民族，正渴望并要求在陽光下?lián)碛幸幌?-不只是為了他們自身的物質(zhì)條件，而且也是為了獲得基本的人權(quán)。

人們對(duì)自由的熱望正在高漲，為了發(fā)揚(yáng)這種新精神，美國在這個(gè)新開始的日子里所要從事的崇高而雄心勃勃的使命，莫過于幫助塑造一個(gè)公正、合乎、真正合乎人道主義的世界。政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦

羅納德·里根 第一次就職演講

星期二,1981年1月20日 政府的管理就是問題所在

我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈鴼v史上歷時(shí)最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計(jì)。

停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢(shì)如果長此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的 法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)摚欢Ｎ覀儽仨氷P(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個(gè)稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)，讓美國重新工作起來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費(fèi)用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂歇?dú)樹一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時(shí)候到了。

我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請(qǐng)不要誤會(huì)，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會(huì)，而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個(gè)人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個(gè)人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來沒有不愿意付出這代價(jià)。

我們目前的困難，與政府機(jī)構(gòu)因?yàn)椴槐匾倪^度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個(gè)泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)的時(shí)候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點(diǎn)。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個(gè)國家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢(mèng)。

喬治·布什 就職演講

星期五,1989年1月20日 一致性、多樣性、寬容性

我剛才逐字逐句復(fù)述了喬治·華盛頓在200年前宣讀過的誓言，我用手按過的《圣經(jīng)》，就是他按過的那一本。我們今天懷念華盛頓是恰當(dāng)?shù)模粌H因?yàn)檫@是我們?cè)诮▏僦苣陼r(shí)舉行的總統(tǒng)就職典禮，而且因?yàn)槿A盛頓始終是我們的國父，我想，他會(huì)為這個(gè)日子感到高興的。因?yàn)檫@個(gè)日子具體說明了一個(gè)驚人的事實(shí)：我們的政府自創(chuàng)建以來已經(jīng)延續(xù)200年了。我們相聚在象征著民主政治的正門門廊，這是我們作為鄰居、作為朋友交談的好地方，因?yàn)榻裉焓俏覈蔀橐粋€(gè)整體的日子，是我們的分歧暫時(shí)中止的日子。我作為總統(tǒng)要做的第一件事是進(jìn)行析禱--請(qǐng)大家低下頭：

天父，我們垂首感謝您的恩愛。您賜給我們和平，儀我們得有今天，您賜給我們共同的信念，使和平得以持久。請(qǐng)您使我們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)起來以完成您的工作，使我們甘愿聆聽和遼從您的旨意，并在我們心中寫下這樣的話：“運(yùn)用權(quán)力幫助人民。”因?yàn)槲覀儽皇谟铏?quán)力不是為了實(shí)現(xiàn)

個(gè)人意圖，不是為了炫耀于世，也不是為了追

逐名聲。權(quán)力只有一個(gè)正當(dāng)用途，那就是為人民辦事。主啊，幫助我們銘記這一點(diǎn)吧。阿門。

我是在一個(gè)充滿希望的時(shí)到來到你們面前就任總統(tǒng)的。我們生活在和平、繁榮的時(shí)代，我們能夠使它更加美好。因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在吹拂著一陣清新的和風(fēng)，一個(gè)為自由所振奮的世界似乎已經(jīng)重新降生；因?yàn)榧词共皇窃谑聦?shí)上，也是在人們心里，獨(dú)裁者稱雄的日子已經(jīng)過去。極權(quán)主義時(shí)代正在消逝，它那陳舊的觀念就像一株衰老枯萎的樹上的葉子已經(jīng)被風(fēng)吹走。

一陣清新的和風(fēng)正在吹拂--一個(gè)為自由所振奮的國家準(zhǔn)備繼續(xù)奮進(jìn)。新的天地有待開辟，新的行動(dòng)有待采取。

有時(shí)候濃霧沉沉，前途迷茫：大家坐著等待，希望云開霧散，顯露出正確的道路。

但在目前這個(gè)時(shí)刻，未來就像你可以立即跨人的大門--走進(jìn)一個(gè)叫作明天的房間。世界上的偉大國家正在走向民主--經(jīng)過這道大門，走向自由。世界上的男男女女正在走向自由市場--經(jīng)過這道大門，走向繁榮。世界合國人民正在宣揚(yáng)言論自由和思想自由--經(jīng)過這道大門，走向只有在自由時(shí)才能得到的道德上和理智上的滿足。

我們知道什么能起作用：自由能起作用。我們知道什么是正確的：自由是正確的，我們知道如何為地球上的人類爭得更合理、更富裕的生活：通過自由市場，自由言論，自由選舉，和不受國家阻撓地行使自由意志。本世紀(jì)第一次--也許是有史以來第一次--人類不必發(fā)明一種賴以生存的制度了。我們不必為哪種政體較好而討論到深夜了。我們不必從國王手里奪取公正了--我們只需從自身內(nèi)部喚起公正。

我們必須按照自己所懂得的道理去行動(dòng)。我把一位圣人的期望當(dāng)做行動(dòng)的指南：對(duì)嚴(yán)重問題，要有一致性；對(duì)巨大問題，要有多樣性，對(duì)一切問題，要有寬容性。

在總統(tǒng)和國會(huì)之間，我們同樣需要承擔(dān)一種新的義務(wù)。我們面臨的各種挑戰(zhàn)將由總統(tǒng)會(huì)同眾議院和參議院研究解決。我們必須使聯(lián)邦預(yù)算達(dá)到平衡。我們必須確保美國以團(tuán)結(jié)的姿態(tài)屹立于世界，強(qiáng)大，和睦，財(cái)政狀況良好。當(dāng)然，工作有可能是艱巨的。

我們需要和解；我們有過不和。我們需要和諧；我們?cè)娬f紛紜。因?yàn)閲鴷?huì)在我們這個(gè)時(shí)代也發(fā)生了變化。那里出現(xiàn)了某種分裂。我們看到了一些嚴(yán)峻的面容，聽到了一些議論，但其中的爭端不在于彼此的觀念，而在于彼此的動(dòng)機(jī)。我們兩個(gè)偉大的黨彼此相距過遠(yuǎn)、互不信任的時(shí)候大多了。

自越南戰(zhàn)爭以來，情況即已如此。那場戰(zhàn)爭至今還在我們中間挑起分裂。但是，朋友們，民主屬于我們?nèi)w，自由就像一個(gè)能隨著和風(fēng)越飛越高的風(fēng)箏。對(duì)全體人民，我要說，不論你們情況如何，也不論你們身在何處，你們都是這個(gè)重要日子的組成部分。你們是這個(gè)偉大國家的生命的組成部分。

總統(tǒng)不是君王，不是教皇。我不尋求“人們心靈上的窗戶”。事實(shí)上，我向往的是更大的寬客，和人們對(duì)彼此的態(tài)度與生活方式不作苛求。

然而，在有些問題上，我們作為一個(gè)社會(huì)那場戰(zhàn)爭始于25年前，而且毫無疑問，有關(guān)那場戰(zhàn)爭的訴訟時(shí)效法規(guī)早已確定下來。越南戰(zhàn)爭的最終教訓(xùn)是，任何偉大國家都無法長期承受由一件記憶中的往事所造成的分裂--這是一個(gè)事實(shí)。

一陣清新的和風(fēng)正在吹拂，原有的兩黨關(guān)系必須再次更新。向忠誠的反對(duì)派朋友們--對(duì)，我是說“忠誠的”和“朋友們”--我伸出了手。議長先生，我向您伸出了手。多數(shù)黨領(lǐng)袖先生，我向您伸出了手。因?yàn)檫@就是現(xiàn)實(shí)：這是握手言和的時(shí)代。我們不能倒撥時(shí)鐘，我也不想這樣做。但是議長先生，在我們的父親還年輕時(shí)，我們的分歧曾在國內(nèi)結(jié)束。我們不希望時(shí)間倒轉(zhuǎn)；但是，多數(shù)黨領(lǐng)袖先生，在我們的母親還年輕時(shí)，國會(huì)和總統(tǒng)能夠同心協(xié)力，并制訂了我們的國家可以賴以為生的預(yù)算。讓我們?cè)缛照J(rèn)真地進(jìn)行協(xié)商，最后，讓我們也能制訂出這樣的預(yù)算。

美國人民期待著行動(dòng)。他們派我們到這里來，不是要我們爭吵。他們要我們超脫于純粹黨派觀念之上。對(duì)嚴(yán)重問題，要有一致性--而這個(gè)問題，朋友們，的確是嚴(yán)重的。

今天，這里有成千上萬個(gè)美國公民，他們?yōu)閰⒓恿嗣裰魇聵I(yè)，并看到自己的希望得到實(shí)現(xiàn)，而理所當(dāng)然地感到滿意，然而近幾天來，我的思緒卻轉(zhuǎn)向那些在家里觀看實(shí)況轉(zhuǎn)播的人們--我想到了一個(gè)在國旗經(jīng)過身旁時(shí)會(huì)自動(dòng)敬禮的老伙伴，和一位會(huì)將戰(zhàn)歌歌詞告訴子孫們的婦女。我這樣說不是感情沖動(dòng)。我是說，在像今天這樣的日子里，我們下會(huì)忘記我們都是一個(gè)連續(xù)統(tǒng)一體的組成都分，都是必然地由連結(jié)著我們的紐帶團(tuán)結(jié)起來的。

在我國遼闊的大地上，我們的孩子正在學(xué)校里觀看著這里的一切。對(duì)他們，我要說，謝謝你們注視了民主事業(yè)的這個(gè)盛大節(jié)日．因?yàn)?必須團(tuán)結(jié)起來，明確地表示不能留情。目前最明顯的是吸毒問題。自從第一批可卡因在一艘船上偷運(yùn)入境，就完全可以說它是一種致命的毒菌，因?yàn)樗绱藝?yán)重地?fù)p害了我們國家的肌體與靈魂，這方面有許多事要做，有許多話耍說，但請(qǐng)相信我的話：這個(gè)禍言必將被制止。

所以，要做的事很多；工作明天就開始。對(duì)未來，我毫無懷疑；對(duì)前途，我毫無恐懼。因?yàn)椋覀兊膯栴}雖大，我們的勇氣更大，我們的挑戰(zhàn)雖大，我們的決心更大。而且，如果說我們的缺點(diǎn)無窮無盡，上帝的愛就真正無邊無垠。

有人把領(lǐng)袖的作為看作是高亢激越的戲劇，和催人奮進(jìn)的號(hào)角。有時(shí)情況正是如此。但是，我把歷史看作一部鴻篇巨制--我們每天都以充滿希望和意義的行動(dòng)去填寫一頁。

一陣清新的和風(fēng)正在吹拂，一頁歷史正在揭開，故事展開了--今天就這樣開始了新的一章：以一致性、多樣性和寬容性為主題的短小而輝煌的篇章--由我們大家一起參加，一起去寫。

謝謝你們，上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國。

比爾·克林頓 第一次就職演講

星期三,1993年1月20日 美國復(fù)興的新時(shí)代

同胞們：

今天，我們慶祝美國復(fù)興的奇跡。這個(gè)儀式雖在隆冬舉行，然而，我們通過自己的言語和向世界展示的面容、卻促使春回大地--回到了世界上這個(gè)最古老的民主國家，并帶來了重新創(chuàng)造美國的遠(yuǎn)見和勇氣。

當(dāng)我國的締造者勇敢地向世界宣布美國獨(dú)立，并向上帝表明自己的目的時(shí)，他們知道，美國若要永存，就必須變革。不是為變革而變革，而是為了維護(hù)美國的理想--為了生命、自由和追求幸福而變革。盡管我們隨著當(dāng)今時(shí)代的節(jié)拍前進(jìn)，但我們的使命永恒不變。每一代美國人，部必須為作為一個(gè)美國人意味著什么下定義。今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長起來的一代人，在世界上負(fù)起了新的責(zé)任。這個(gè)世界雖然沐浴著自由的陽光，但仍受到舊仇宿怨和新的禍患的威脅。

我們?cè)跓o與倫比的繁榮中長大，繼承了仍然是世界上最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)。但由于企業(yè)倒閉，工資增長停滯、不平等狀況加劇，人民的分歧加深，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)削弱。

當(dāng)喬治·華盛頓第一次宣讀我剛才宜讀的誓言時(shí)，人們騎馬把那個(gè)信息緩慢地傳遍大地，繼而又來船把它傳過海洋。而現(xiàn)在，這個(gè)儀式的情景和聲音即刻向全球幾十億人播放。通信和商務(wù)具有全球性，投資具有流動(dòng)性；技術(shù)幾乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想現(xiàn)在具有普遍性。今天，我們美國人通過同世界各地人民進(jìn)行和平競爭來謀求生存。各種深遠(yuǎn)而強(qiáng)大的力量正在震撼和改造我們的世界，當(dāng)今時(shí)代的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是我們能否使變革成為我們的朋友，而不是成為我們的敵人。

這個(gè)新世界已經(jīng)使幾百萬能夠參與競爭并且取勝的美國人過上了富裕的生活。但是，當(dāng)多數(shù)人干得越多反而掙得越少的時(shí)候，當(dāng)有些人根本不可能工作的時(shí)候，當(dāng)保健費(fèi)用的重負(fù)使眾多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企業(yè)瀕臨破產(chǎn)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)犯罪活動(dòng)的恐懼使守法公民不能自由行動(dòng)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)千百萬貧窮兒童甚至不能想象我們呼喚他們過的那種生活的時(shí)候，我們就沒有使變革成為我們的朋友。我們知道，我們必須面對(duì)嚴(yán)酷的事實(shí)真相，并采取強(qiáng)有力的步驟。但我們沒有這樣做，而是聽之任之，以致?lián)p耗了我們的資源，破壞了我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)，動(dòng)搖了我們的信心。

我們面臨驚人的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們同樣具有驚人的力量，美國人歷來是不安現(xiàn)狀、不斷追求和充滿希望的民族，今天，我們必須把前人的遠(yuǎn)見卓識(shí)和堅(jiān)強(qiáng)意志帶到我們的任務(wù)中去。從革命，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，大蕭條，直到民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)，我國人

民總是下定決心，從歷次危機(jī)中構(gòu)筑我國歷史的支柱。

托馬斯·杰斐遜認(rèn)為，為了維護(hù)我國的根基，我們需要時(shí)常進(jìn)行激動(dòng)人心的變革。美國同胞們，我們的時(shí)代就是變革的時(shí)代，讓我們擁抱這個(gè)時(shí)代吧！

我們的民主制度不僅要成為舉世稱羨的目標(biāo)，而且要成為舉國復(fù)興的動(dòng)力。美國沒有任何錯(cuò)誤的東西不能被正確的東西所糾正。因此，我們今天立下誓言，要結(jié)束這個(gè)僵持停頓、放任自流的時(shí)代，一個(gè)復(fù)興美國的新時(shí)代已經(jīng)開始。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須鼓足勇氣。我們必須做前人無需做的事情。我們必須更多地投資于人民，投資于他們的工作和未來，與此同時(shí)，我們必須減少巨額債務(wù)。而且，我們必須在一個(gè)需要為每個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)而競爭的世界上做到這一切。這樣做并不容易：這樣做要求作出犧牲。但是，這是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我們不是為犧牲而犧牲，我們必須像家庭供養(yǎng)子女那樣供養(yǎng)自己的國家。

我國的締造者是用子孫后代的眼光來審視自己的。我們也必須這樣做。凡是注意過孩子蒙昽人睡的人，都知道后代意味著什么，后代就是將要到來的世界--我們?yōu)橹畧?jiān)持自己的理想，我們向之借用這個(gè)星球，我們對(duì)之負(fù)有神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須做美國最拿手的事情：為所有的人提供更多的機(jī)會(huì)，要所有的人負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任。

現(xiàn)在是破除只求向政府和別人免費(fèi)索取的惡習(xí)的時(shí)候了。讓我們大家不僅為自己和家庭，而且為社區(qū)和國家擔(dān)負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任吧。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須恢復(fù)我們民主制度的活力。這個(gè)美麗的首都，就像文明的曙光出現(xiàn)以來的每一個(gè)首都一樣，常常是爾虞我詐、明爭暗斗之地。大腕人物爭權(quán)奪勢(shì)，沒完沒了地為官員的更替升降而煩神，卻忘記了那些用辛勤和汗水把我們送到這里來，并養(yǎng)活了我們的人。

美國人理應(yīng)得到更好的回報(bào)。在這個(gè)城市里，今天有人想把事情辦得更好一些。因此，我要時(shí)所有在場的人說：讓我們下定決心改革政治，使權(quán)力和特權(quán)的喧囂不再壓倒人民的呼聲。讓我們撇開個(gè)人利益。這樣我們就能覺察

美國的病痛，并看到官的希望。讓我們下定決心，使政府成為富蘭克林·羅斯福所說的進(jìn)行“大膽而持久試驗(yàn)”的地方，成為一個(gè)面向未來而不是留戀過去的政府。讓我們把這個(gè)首都?xì)w還給它所屬于的人民。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須迎接國內(nèi)外的種種挑戰(zhàn)。國外和國內(nèi)事務(wù)之間已不再有明確的界限--世界經(jīng)濟(jì)，世界環(huán)境，世界艾滋病危機(jī)，世界軍備競賽，這一切都在影響著我們大家。天，我們不僅是在贊頌美國，我們?cè)僖淮伟炎约悍瞰I(xiàn)給美國的理想：這個(gè)理想在革命中誕生，在兩個(gè)世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)中更新；這個(gè)理想經(jīng)受了認(rèn)識(shí)的考驗(yàn)，大家認(rèn)識(shí)到，若不是命運(yùn)的安排，幸運(yùn)者或不幸者有可能互換位置；這個(gè)理想由于一種信念而變得崇高，即我國能夠從紛繁的多佯性中實(shí)現(xiàn)最深刻的統(tǒng)一性，這個(gè)理想洋溢著一種信：美國漫長而英勇的旅程必將永遠(yuǎn)繼續(xù)。同胞們，在我惻即將跨入21世紀(jì)之際，讓

我們?cè)趪鴥?nèi)進(jìn)行重建的同時(shí)，面對(duì)這個(gè)新世界的挑戰(zhàn)不會(huì)退縮不前，也下會(huì)坐失良機(jī)。我們將同盟友一起努力進(jìn)行變革，以免被變革所吞沒。當(dāng)我們的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者，當(dāng)國際社會(huì)的意志和良知受到蔑視，我們將采取行動(dòng)--可能時(shí)就采用和平外交手段，必要時(shí)就使用武力。

今天，在波斯灣、索馬里和任何其他地方為國效力的勇敢的美國人，都證明了我們的決心。

但是，我們最偉大的力量是我們思想的威力。這些思想在許多國家仍然處于萌芽階段。看到這些思想在世界各地被接受，我們感到歡欣鼓舞。我們的希望，我們的心，與每一個(gè)大陸正在建立民主和自由的人們是連在一起的。他們的事業(yè)也是美國的事業(yè)。

美國人民喚來了我們今天所慶祝的變革。你們毫不含糊地齊聲疾呼。你們以前所未有的人數(shù)參加了投票。你們使國會(huì)、總統(tǒng)職務(wù)和政治進(jìn)程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你們，我的美國同胞們，促使春回大地。

現(xiàn)在，我們必須做這個(gè)季節(jié)需要做的工作。現(xiàn)在，我就運(yùn)用我的全部職權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)向這項(xiàng)工作。我請(qǐng)求國會(huì)同我一道做這項(xiàng)工作。任何總統(tǒng)、任何國會(huì)、任何政府都不能單獨(dú)完成這一使命。同胞們，在我國復(fù)興的過程中，你們也必須發(fā)揮作用。

我向新一代美國年輕人挑戰(zhàn)，要求你們投入這一奉獻(xiàn)的季節(jié)--按照你們的理想主義行動(dòng)起來，使不幸的兒童得到幫助，使貧困的人們得到關(guān)懷，使四分五裂的社區(qū)恢復(fù)聯(lián)系。要做的事情很多--確實(shí)夠多的，以至幾百萬在精神上仍然年輕的人也可作出奉獻(xiàn)。

在奉獻(xiàn)過程中，我們認(rèn)識(shí)到相互需要這一簡單而又強(qiáng)大的真理。我們必須相互關(guān)心．今 我們以旺盛的精力和滿腔的希望，以堅(jiān)定的信心和嚴(yán)明的紀(jì)律開始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣經(jīng)》說：“我們行善，不可喪志，若不灰心，到了時(shí)候，就要收成。”

在這個(gè)歡樂的山巔，我們聽見山谷里傳來了要我們作出奉獻(xiàn)的召喚。我們聽到了號(hào)角聲。我們已經(jīng)換崗。現(xiàn)在，我們必須以各自的方式，在上帝的幫助下響應(yīng)這一召喚。

謝謝大家。上帝保佑大家。

喬治·布什

謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們：

這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步；在我之后，也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國的承諾，這就是：每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值，每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)，每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中曾停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占，而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。２２５年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時(shí)，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸，但不屬于同一個(gè)國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)樯系郯醋约旱纳硇蝿?chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對(duì)這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個(gè)人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家更具美國特色。

今天，我們?cè)谶@里重申一個(gè)新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的精神來實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國家的理想。美國在它最鼎盛時(shí)也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個(gè)文明的社會(huì)需要我們每個(gè)人品質(zhì)優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認(rèn)為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因?yàn)樵诤推侥甏覀兯鶢幷摰脑掝}都是無關(guān)緊要的。但是，對(duì)我們美國來說，我們所

討論的問題從來都不是什么小事。如果我們不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)；如果我們不引導(dǎo)我們的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R(shí)、發(fā)揮個(gè)性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想將難以實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施，任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應(yīng)該時(shí)刻聽取時(shí)代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術(shù)也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅(jiān)定的選擇--在批評(píng)聲中贏得信任；在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會(huì)享有共同的成就。

美國有強(qiáng)大的國力作后盾，將會(huì)勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期，我們的人民在困難面前表現(xiàn)得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現(xiàn)了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)。現(xiàn)在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會(huì)激勵(lì)我們；如果我們的選擇是錯(cuò)誤的，祖輩會(huì)譴責(zé)我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個(gè)國家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對(duì)問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國的學(xué)校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多的年輕生命。我們要改革社會(huì)醫(yī)療和保險(xiǎn)制度，在力所能及的范圍內(nèi)拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復(fù)經(jīng)濟(jì)，酬勞辛勤工作的美國人民。我們要防患于未然，懈怠會(huì)帶來麻煩。我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀(jì)擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對(duì)自由和反對(duì)我們國家的人應(yīng)該明白：美國仍將積極參與國際事務(wù)，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會(huì)保護(hù)我們的盟國，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民表示我們的目標(biāo)。我們將堅(jiān)決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價(jià)值觀。

正處在鼎盛時(shí)期的美國也不缺乏同情心。

當(dāng)我們靜心思考，我們就會(huì)明了根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國作出承諾。無論我們?nèi)绾慰创毟F的原因，我們都必須承認(rèn)，孩子敢于冒險(xiǎn)不等于在犯錯(cuò)誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結(jié)果。監(jiān)獄數(shù)量的增長雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望——人人遵紀(jì)守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。對(duì)我們來說，需要幫助的美國人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民；不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是急需救助的對(duì)象。當(dāng)有人陷入絕望時(shí)，我們大家都會(huì)因此變得渺小。

對(duì)公共安全和大眾健康，對(duì)民權(quán)和學(xué)校教育，政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責(zé)，更是整個(gè)國家的義務(wù)。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、體面，這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃挝覀冏约海且驗(yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍睢Ｒ坏┻@種公民精神喪失了，無只有導(dǎo)師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、猶太會(huì)堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性，因此它們理應(yīng)在我們的建設(shè)和法律上受到尊重。

我們國家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。我發(fā)誓我們的國家要達(dá)到一種境界：當(dāng)我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠(yuǎn)行的路上，我們決不會(huì)袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國重視并期待每個(gè)人擔(dān)負(fù)起自己的責(zé)任。

鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是讓人們充當(dāng)替罪羊，而是對(duì)人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔(dān)責(zé)任意味著犧牲個(gè)人利益，但是你能從中體會(huì)到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實(shí)現(xiàn)人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實(shí)踐來實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們知道，通過對(duì)整個(gè)社會(huì)和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務(wù)，我們將得到最終自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性；依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng)，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是，正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個(gè)人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。

（同胞們），你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享 論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰·佩齊曾給托馬斯·杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時(shí)光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢(mèng)想。

我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬的就職演說詞 讓全世界一起分享美國的光榮與夢(mèng)想

美利堅(jiān)合眾國第44任總統(tǒng) 奧巴馬

美利堅(jiān)合眾國的各位公民：

今天，我作為一名美國普通公民站在這里，向你們宣誓，就任美利堅(jiān)合眾國的總統(tǒng)，擔(dān)負(fù)起憲法規(guī)定的職權(quán)和義務(wù)。此時(shí)此刻，我像你們一樣會(huì)想起另一個(gè)普通的美國公民，馬丁.36 路德.金，令我們自豪的是，現(xiàn)在，膚色和種族的多樣性已經(jīng)成為美國的財(cái)富，人生來平等正在成為現(xiàn)實(shí)，我們不要對(duì)國家抱怨什么，只要對(duì)這個(gè)國家和人民有足夠的熱愛以及堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的信念，誰都可以擔(dān)當(dāng)重任。現(xiàn)在，我相信你們最興奮的不是產(chǎn)生了一位新的美國總統(tǒng)，而是沐浴在萬能的上帝和這個(gè)偉大國家的光榮和夢(mèng)想的圣光里。這束高潔尊貴的圣光像上帝的聲音一樣穿越了歷史和未來，并普照在每一個(gè)美國公民的內(nèi)心。如果他們?cè)敢猓覀円苍敢馀c全世界人民一起分享這一個(gè)莊嚴(yán)而溫暖的時(shí)刻。我想告訴他們的是，這是全世界的勝利。

很多年以前，我的父輩從非洲大陸出發(fā)，帶著一顆單純的心來到美國尋找夢(mèng)想。我仿佛還能看到他們走過的清晰的執(zhí)著的漫長的道路。那是通往夢(mèng)想的路，雖然艱苦而且并不充滿詩意，但它卻激勵(lì)他們把非洲和美國都當(dāng)成自己的祖國。上帝和我的父母選擇美國作為我的出生地，美國就是我的全部。我愿意承擔(dān)起憲法賦予我的一切。

自由、民主和保護(hù)人權(quán)是美國與生俱來的責(zé)任。我愿意為承擔(dān)責(zé)任而奉獻(xiàn)我的全部，因?yàn)槟鞘俏覟槭裁匆傔x美國總統(tǒng)的唯一理由。我的夢(mèng)想是像其他美國總統(tǒng)一樣因?yàn)楸Ｗo(hù)美國和美國公民功勛卓越而名垂青史。但美國不是永遠(yuǎn)都是美好的代名詞。美國不能因?yàn)槭鞘澜缟献顝?qiáng)大的國家而沾沾自喜，蒙蔽我們眼睛的不是慌言而是麻痹。面對(duì)我們知道的和無法預(yù)知的挑戰(zhàn)，美國必須改變。現(xiàn)在，干擾我們夢(mèng)想的不是夢(mèng)想本身，而是安全、信心和對(duì)價(jià)值觀的懷疑。我們所要做的一切就是讓美國自信起來。我們必須像平息颶風(fēng)一樣平息金融危機(jī)，重建美國的金融和經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序，恢復(fù)美國公民對(duì)國家的信任。我們還必須改變貿(mào)易政策，使美國在與世界各國的貿(mào)易往來中獲得更大利益。國家必須像保護(hù)國土安全那樣竭盡所能確保能源安全。反對(duì)恐怖活動(dòng)就是保護(hù)我們自己，美

利堅(jiān)合眾國必須動(dòng)用一切力量與一切邪惡戰(zhàn)斗。但我們更熱愛和平，武力不是唯一的辦法。美國不要害怕付出太多而回報(bào)太少，更不能因此動(dòng)搖對(duì)世界和平的信念和責(zé)任。在這里我不得不提到，我們將要從伊拉克撤出軍隊(duì)，這并不說明我們害怕戰(zhàn)爭，相反，那是因?yàn)槲覀儗?duì)美國價(jià)值觀堅(jiān)定不移的堅(jiān)持而作出的正確選擇。我們還認(rèn)識(shí)到，美國的命運(yùn)與世界各國緊密相連，幫助和依靠我們的盟友，團(tuán)結(jié)和與友好國家、組織一起努力，是解決動(dòng)蕩、威脅、環(huán)境、疾病、災(zāi)害和貧困等等問題的重要方法。我們的外交必須是在不斷解決世界性的重大問題中體現(xiàn)美國的利益并體現(xiàn)各國平等。北大西洋公約組織對(duì)美國至關(guān)重要，擴(kuò)大這個(gè)組織并使之更強(qiáng)大是維護(hù)世界和平、遏制霸權(quán)和獨(dú)裁專制的有力震脅力量。我們要尊重并努力加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國的權(quán)威。因?yàn)樵谶@個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)中，寄托著我們最美好的夢(mèng)想，即使是最弱小的國家發(fā)出的聲音也能讓全世界聽到并得到尊重，并且讓它們平等地參與世界事務(wù)。美國支持和推動(dòng)聯(lián)合國的有效改革，支持世界各國推行民主、自由的價(jià)值觀和政策以及它們?yōu)楸Ｕ先藱?quán)所作的一切努力。美國是世界的，我們?cè)敢馀c世界一起分享美國的光榮與夢(mèng)想。當(dāng)然，美國將會(huì)從人類的文明與進(jìn)步中獲得更大的喜悅和成功。我，奧巴馬，美利堅(jiān)合眾國第44任總統(tǒng)，以上帝和《憲法》的名義向你們保證，美國是我的生命，我將全力以赴地愛她，愛她的一切！2008年11月3日中午

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬第二任期就職演說全文

2013-01-22 09:10

副總統(tǒng)拜登、首席法官、美國國會(huì)議員、尊敬的客人和美國同胞們：

每次聚在一起舉行總統(tǒng)就職儀式時(shí)，我們總能見證到憲法經(jīng)久不衰的力量。我們肯定民主的承諾。我們回憶起，團(tuán)結(jié)這個(gè)國家的力量不是皮膚的顏色、所信奉的教條或名字的起源。

讓我們與眾不同、成為美國人的是源自對(duì)一個(gè)理念的效忠，它早在2個(gè)多世紀(jì)前就在一份宣言中有過明確表述：

“我們認(rèn)為這一真理是不言自明的：人人生而平等，并由造物主賦予了某些不可轉(zhuǎn)讓的權(quán)利，其中包括生命、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利。” 往任何時(shí)候都有必要團(tuán)結(jié)一致，共同去做這些事。

這代美國人經(jīng)受過多次危機(jī)的考驗(yàn)，鍛煉了我們的意志，證明了我們的韌性。十年的戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束，經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)開始復(fù)蘇。美國有著無限可能，因?yàn)槲覀儞碛羞@個(gè)無國界的世界所要

今天，為了縮小這些文字意義與當(dāng)今現(xiàn)實(shí)間的差距，我們將繼續(xù)這場沒有盡頭的旅程。因?yàn)闅v史告訴我們，雖然這些真理也許不言自明，但它們從不會(huì)自動(dòng)生效；雖然自由是來自上帝的禮物，但它必須由地球上的子民們?nèi)幦　?776年的愛國者們不是為了用少數(shù)人的特權(quán)或?yàn)鹾现姷姆▌t取代國王的暴政而戰(zhàn)斗。他們給予我們的是一個(gè)共和國、一個(gè)民有、民治、民享的政府，并委托每一代人去捍衛(wèi)我們的建國理念。

兩百多年來，我們一直如此。

通過皮鞭抽打和刀劍割劃流出的鮮血，我們學(xué)到，沒有哪個(gè)建立在自由平等原則上的聯(lián)盟能夠容忍半奴隸半自由的狀態(tài)。我們重塑自我，并發(fā)誓一同前進(jìn)。

我們一同決定，一個(gè)現(xiàn)代經(jīng)濟(jì)體需要鐵路和高速路來促進(jìn)旅游和商務(wù)，需要學(xué)校和大學(xué)來培訓(xùn)我們的工人。

我們一同發(fā)現(xiàn)，一個(gè)自由市場只有當(dāng)規(guī)則能確保公平競爭時(shí)才能夠繁榮。

我們一同下定決定，一個(gè)偉大的國家必須照顧弱者，并保護(hù)他們不受到生活最惡劣的傷害和不幸。

通過以上所有，我們從未放棄過對(duì)中央集權(quán)的質(zhì)疑，也未曾對(duì)光靠政府就能解決所有社會(huì)弊病的幻想有過屈服。對(duì)首創(chuàng)精神和進(jìn)取精神的歌頌、對(duì)勤勞和責(zé)任的堅(jiān)持已經(jīng)成為我們性格中無法改變的一部分。

但是我們一直懂得，當(dāng)時(shí)代改變時(shí)，我們也必須做出相應(yīng)的改變：忠于建國原則需要我們以新的方式應(yīng)對(duì)新的挑戰(zhàn)；保證個(gè)人自由最終需要我們采取集體行動(dòng)。因?yàn)闆]有哪個(gè)美國人能獨(dú)自滿足當(dāng)今世界的需求，就像美國士兵無法獨(dú)自迎戰(zhàn)擁有槍彈和民兵的法西斯主義。沒有哪一個(gè)人能為我們孩子的未來培訓(xùn)所有的數(shù)學(xué)和理科教師，或是通過修路聯(lián)網(wǎng)和建立研究型實(shí)驗(yàn)室給我們海岸帶來更多就業(yè)和商業(yè)活動(dòng)。作為一個(gè)國家、一個(gè)民族，我們現(xiàn)在比以 求的一切品質(zhì)：青春和動(dòng)力，多樣性和開放性，掌控風(fēng)險(xiǎn)無窮的能力和進(jìn)行徹底改造的天賦。我親愛的美國同胞們，我們?yōu)榇丝潭灰覀兡芤煌プ∵@個(gè)機(jī)遇，我們就能把它緊緊抓牢。

因?yàn)椋鳛槿嗣竦奈覀冎溃挥猩贁?shù)人過得好，而越來越多人生活無法好轉(zhuǎn)時(shí)，我們的國家就無法成功。我們相信，美國的繁榮必須建立在一個(gè)愈加龐大的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)寬闊的肩膀上。我們知道，只有當(dāng)每個(gè)人都能在自己的工作中找到獨(dú)立和自豪，只有當(dāng)誠實(shí)勞動(dòng)所換得的工資能將家人從困苦的邊緣解救出來時(shí)，美國才能繁榮。當(dāng)一個(gè)出身貧寒的小女孩意識(shí)到，因?yàn)樽约菏敲绹耍徽撛谏系邸⑦€是大家眼中都是自由平等的，知道自己和其他人一樣有機(jī)會(huì)獲得成功。只有這樣，我們才是堅(jiān)守了信條。

我們知道，過時(shí)的規(guī)劃無法滿足現(xiàn)代的需求。我們必須利用新的想法和科技來重塑我們的政府、改進(jìn)我們的稅法、改革我們的學(xué)校，讓我們的公民獲得所需的技能，更加勤奮地工作、學(xué)習(xí)更多知識(shí)，攀登更高峰。盡管方法會(huì)有所改變，我們的目標(biāo)始終如一：建設(shè)一個(gè)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)每個(gè)美國人所付出努力和決心的國家。這是我們此刻所需要的，也是賦予我們信條的真實(shí)含義。

作為人民，我們?nèi)匀幌嘈牛總€(gè)公民都享有一定基礎(chǔ)的安全和尊嚴(yán)。我們必須做出削減醫(yī)保開支和債務(wù)規(guī)模的艱難決定，但是拒絕相信美國必須在照顧建設(shè)國家的這代人和投資下一代兩者間做出選擇的想法。因?yàn)槲覀冇浀眠^去的教訓(xùn)，當(dāng)晚年貧困潦倒，而殘疾兒童的父母無處求援時(shí)。在這個(gè)國家，我們不相信自由只是幸運(yùn)者的特權(quán)或少數(shù)人的快樂。我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，無論自己對(duì)生活多么負(fù)有責(zé)任感，任何人在某個(gè)時(shí)候都有可能面臨失業(yè)、暴病、或者房屋被颶風(fēng)摧毀等危險(xiǎn)。我們通過醫(yī)保、醫(yī)補(bǔ)和社保相互間做出的承諾不僅不會(huì)損害我們的主

動(dòng)性，反而能使我們更強(qiáng)大。它們不會(huì)讓我們淪為國家一味的索取者，而是把我們從建設(shè)偉大國家包含的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)中解脫出來。

作為人民，我們?nèi)匀幌嘈牛覀兠绹说牧x務(wù)不僅僅是對(duì)自己，而是對(duì)所有子孫后代。我們將應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化的威脅，因?yàn)槲覀冋J(rèn)識(shí)到失敗將意味著出賣自己的孩子和后人。一些人仍然否認(rèn)壓倒性的科學(xué)判斷，但沒人能夠逃避熊熊大火、嚴(yán)重干旱和強(qiáng)風(fēng)暴的毀滅性影響。通往可持續(xù)能源的道路將是漫長的，有時(shí)充滿艱辛。但美國不會(huì)抵制這樣的轉(zhuǎn)變；我們必須領(lǐng)導(dǎo)它。我們不能把這些能夠增加新崗位和新產(chǎn)業(yè)的技術(shù)割讓給其他國家—我們必須留住這些好處。那是我們保持經(jīng)濟(jì)活力和國家財(cái)富的方法——我們的森林和水路，我們的農(nóng)田和雪峰；是我們保護(hù)上帝吩咐我們照顧的星球的方法。它詮釋了我們先輩們所宣揚(yáng)的信條。

作為人民，我們?nèi)匀幌嘈牛志玫陌踩c和平不要通過永遠(yuǎn)的戰(zhàn)爭來維護(hù)。我們身穿制服、勇敢男女們?cè)趹?zhàn)火中歷練出了無以倫比的技藝和勇氣。被失去親人的痛苦記憶折磨的公民非常清楚為自由付出自由的代價(jià)。認(rèn)識(shí)他們的犧牲能讓我們對(duì)可能傷害我們的人永遠(yuǎn)保持警醒。那些人不僅僅贏得戰(zhàn)爭、還贏得了和平，他們還將不共戴天的仇敵變成最為可靠的盟友。作為繼承人的我們必須把這些教訓(xùn)運(yùn)用到現(xiàn)代。

我們將通過武器和法律的力量捍衛(wèi)我們的人民、維護(hù)我們的價(jià)值觀。我們將用和平的手段嘗試解決和其他國家的分歧——不是因?yàn)槲覀兠鎸?duì)危險(xiǎn)的天真，而是因?yàn)閰f(xié)約能夠更持久地消除疑慮和恐懼。美國將在全球每個(gè)角落在堅(jiān)定的聯(lián)盟中繼續(xù)承擔(dān)錨的作用；我們將重啟那些利于我們擴(kuò)展管理國外危機(jī)能力的組織機(jī)構(gòu)，因?yàn)楹推綄?duì)于最強(qiáng)大的國家來說，比其他國家有更大的利害關(guān)系。利益和良心驅(qū)使我們?nèi)ゴ砟切┛释杂傻娜耍覀儗⒅С置裰鳎秶采w亞洲到非洲、美洲到中東。我們還必須成為窮人、病患、被邊緣化者和受歧視者希望的源泉——不是僅僅是出于慈善，而是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)時(shí)代的和平要求我們推進(jìn)這些在信條中有過描述的原則：寬容和機(jī)會(huì)；人類的尊嚴(yán)和正義。

作為人民，我們今天在此宣布最不言自明的真理——人人生而平等，它仍是指引我們的星星；就像它曾指引我們的先輩們走過紐約州塞尼卡瀑布城、塞爾瑪和石墻；就像它指引所有那些被歌頌或淹沒的男女們，他們?cè)谶@條偉大的林蔭大道上留下足跡，傾聽一名牧師訴說我們不能獨(dú)自行走；去聽馬丁-路德-金宣講說，我們每個(gè)人的自由與地球每一個(gè)靈魂的自由有著不可分割的緊密聯(lián)系。

現(xiàn)在，我們這代人的任務(wù)是繼承先驅(qū)們開創(chuàng)的事業(yè)。因?yàn)槲覀兊穆贸踢€未完成，除非我們的妻子、母親和女兒能夠獲得和付出等值的回報(bào)。我們的旅程還未完成，除非我們的同性戀兄弟姐妹們被法律平等對(duì)待。因?yàn)椋绻覀冋娴纳降龋敲次覀儗?duì)他人承諾的愛也肯定是平等的。我們的旅程還未完成，除非公民不必被迫等待數(shù)個(gè)小時(shí)行使投票權(quán)。我們的旅程還未完成，除非我們找到一個(gè)更好的方式歡迎那些視美國為機(jī)遇之鄉(xiāng)、艱苦奮斗、滿懷希望的移民；直到聰明年輕的學(xué)生和工程師成為勞動(dòng)大軍的一員，而不是被驅(qū)逐出境。我們的旅程還未完成，除非我們所有的兒童，從底特律的街頭到阿巴拉契亞山脈，再到紐鎮(zhèn)安靜的小路，知道他們將會(huì)受人照顧和珍惜，且永遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)離傷害。

那就是我們這代人的任務(wù)——讓這些生命、自由和追求幸福的話語、權(quán)利和價(jià)值觀變成每個(gè)美國人的現(xiàn)實(shí)。忠于建國文獻(xiàn)并不要求我們?cè)谏畹姆椒矫婷娑歼_(dá)成一致；它不意味著我們用一樣的方式去定義自由，或是遵循通往幸福的某一條固定道路。進(jìn)步不會(huì)迫使我們結(jié)束長達(dá)數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來關(guān)于政府作用的討論，但它確實(shí)要求我們?cè)诋?dāng)代采取行動(dòng)。

目前，決策的時(shí)間越來越臨近，我們已經(jīng)無法再拖延。我們不能把專制主義錯(cuò)當(dāng)成原則，或是用表演取代政治，抑或是把謾罵當(dāng)作理性的辯論。我們必須行動(dòng)起來，認(rèn)識(shí)到我們的工作將不會(huì)完美。我們必須行動(dòng)起來，認(rèn)識(shí)到今天的勝利將只是局部，而這一切將取決于今后4年、40年乃至400年后站在這里的人，由他來推進(jìn)我們?cè)谫M(fèi)城獨(dú)立大廳被授予的永恒精神。

我們美國同胞們，我今天在你們面前的誓詞跟歷任總統(tǒng)在國會(huì)山上背誦的一樣，是對(duì)上

帝和國家的承諾，不是政黨或派系。我們必須在任職期間忠實(shí)地執(zhí)行這一誓言。但是我今天說的話，和報(bào)名服役的士兵或?qū)崿F(xiàn)夢(mèng)想的移民沒有太大不同。我的誓言和大家滿心自豪、在飄揚(yáng)的國旗下所做的宣誓沒有太大不同。

它們是公民的語言，代表了我們最大的期望。

你和我作為公民，有能力去設(shè)定這個(gè)國家的道路。

你和我，作為公民，有義務(wù)去影響我們時(shí)代的討論——不僅僅是通過選票，還可以抬高聲音，去維護(hù)我們最古老的價(jià)值觀和最持久的理念。

讓我們每個(gè)人現(xiàn)在用莊嚴(yán)的職責(zé)和無比的喜悅擁抱我們與生俱來的永恒權(quán)利。伴隨著共同的努力和共同的愿望，伴隨著熱情和奉獻(xiàn)，讓我們一起響應(yīng)歷史的號(hào)召，高舉珍貴的自由之光進(jìn)入不確定的未來。

謝謝你們，上帝保佑你們，并希望他永遠(yuǎn)保佑美利堅(jiān)。

第五篇：奧巴馬就職演講 中英文對(duì)照

This election had many firsts many stories, that will be told for generation.But one that's on my mind tonight is about a wonman who cast her hallot in Ailanta.She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing--Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.She was born just a generation past slavery,a time when there were on cars on the road or planes in the sky,whensomeone like her could't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and because od the color of her skin.And tonight,I think heartache and the hope;the struggle and the progress'the times we were told that we can't and the people who pressed on with that American creed:Yes,we can.Atatime whenwoman's voices were silened and their hopes dismissed and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes, we can.when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nirion conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes, we can.When the bombs fell on our bardour and tyranny threatened the word, she was there to winess a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes, we can.......Aman touched down on the moon,a wall came down in Berlin,a world was connected by our own science and imaginattion.And this year, in this election she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote,because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.Yes, we can.這一次選舉擁有許多故事和數(shù)不清的第一次，它們將被世世代代流傳，但今晚在腦海中一直浮現(xiàn)的，是亞特蘭大的一位女性選民。她就像成千上萬的其它選民一樣，排在隊(duì)伍中喊出自己的心聲，唯一不同的是——安.尼克松.庫伯已經(jīng)106歲了。

她出生的時(shí)候正是奴隸制解除之后，那時(shí)候還沒有汽車和飛機(jī)，像她一樣的人那時(shí)候是沒有選舉權(quán)的，因?yàn)樗莻€(gè)女人，還因?yàn)樗つw的顏色。

但是今晚，我思考著她所經(jīng)歷的這個(gè)世紀(jì)的美國——心痛和希望，斗爭與進(jìn)步，我們被告知我們不能做什么的時(shí)代，以及美國人的信條：是的，我們可以！

在那個(gè)女性不能發(fā)出聲音的時(shí)代，在那個(gè)女性的希望被剝奪的時(shí)代，她看著她們站了起來，大聲說出自己的想法，投出了自己的選票。是的，我們可以！

當(dāng)絕望和大蕭條襲來的時(shí)候，她看見了一個(gè)民族通過新政，新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)及對(duì)新目標(biāo)的共同追求戰(zhàn)勝了恐懼。是的，我們可以！

當(dāng)炸彈在珍珠港爆炸，當(dāng)暴政威脅這個(gè)世界的時(shí)候，她見證了一代人的強(qiáng)大，見證了民主得到了捍衛(wèi)。是的，我們可以！

……

人類登上了月球，柏林墻倒塌了，世界由我們自身的科學(xué)和想象力被連接到了一起。而在這一年，在這一次選舉中，她的手指觸摸到了屏幕，她投出了自己的一票，因?yàn)槊绹?jīng)歷了106年的變遷，經(jīng)歷了最好與最壞的時(shí)代后，她了解美國是如何變化的。是的，我們可以！