第一篇：“約翰.肯尼迪 政教要絕對(duì)分離”的英文演講稿2

'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute'

September 12, 1960, address to the Greater Houston Ministerial AssociationBY: John F.Kennedy

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election;the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign.And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this.So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President(should he be Catholic)how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public

policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a Unitarian--or a Baptist.It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious

freedom.Today I may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday

end--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.That is the kind of America in which I believe.And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group.I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first

amendment's guarantees of religious liberty.Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test--even by indirection--for it.If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and

obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe.No one suggested then that we may have a “divided loyalty,” that we did “not believe in liberty,” or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the “freedoms for which our forefathers died.”

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo.For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died

McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not.For there was no religious test at the Alamo.I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any

boycott of the public schools(which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that

carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which

strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion.And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their

Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics.And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.I am the

Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce,censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates.And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my

conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office;and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged.But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress.For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of

President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.

第二篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說(shuō)稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.

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to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

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第三篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說(shuō)稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility--i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

第四篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說(shuō) -英語(yǔ)演講稿

John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Address

??????o2?¤???áμ?ê?ò??????ùó￠D?￡???à?2??±??μ???￡???ê??ê′ú′ó2?·?ê±??à?μ?2?òé?±?￡1960?êμ?11??￡??ê??43?êμ???3é?a?à1úàúê·????2úéúμ?×??ê?áμ?×üí3?￡1963?ê11??22è????úμ???è??1?Yμ?′?à-?1ó?′ìéíí?￡?ê??à1úàúê·é?μú?????àóú°μé±??×óμˉμ?×üí3?￡ We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,” a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own

第五篇：約翰.肯尼迪演講稿(中英文對(duì)照)

First Inaugural Address

(John F.Kennedy)Jan.2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker: John F.Kennedy(1917-1963)John F.Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S.senator for most of the 1950s.in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F.he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States.on Nov.22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify-ing renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution.Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which.we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty

This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s.Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation.The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人

（約翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20

演講者簡(jiǎn)介：

約翰·肯尼迪是一位戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)英雄，普利策獎(jiǎng)獲得者，五十年代大部分時(shí)間里的參議員。1960年的11月，年僅43歲的他成為美國(guó)歷史選擇產(chǎn)生的最年輕的總統(tǒng)。1963年11月22日他在德克薩斯州的達(dá)拉斯遇刺身亡，是美國(guó)歷史上第四位死于暗殺者的子彈的總統(tǒng)。

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今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開(kāi)端；意味著延續(xù)也意味看變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類(lèi)的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭(zhēng)論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利并非來(lái)自國(guó)家的慷慨，而是來(lái)自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽(tīng)見(jiàn)我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中受過(guò)鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過(guò)陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈?guó)悠久的傳統(tǒng)感到自豪—他們不愿目睹或聽(tīng)任我國(guó)一向保證的、今天仍在國(guó)內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國(guó)家都知道—不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落—為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證—而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠(chéng)實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠(chéng)。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無(wú)往不勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無(wú)成—因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔?zhēng)吵不休、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來(lái)的新國(guó)家，我們恪守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來(lái)取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由—而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭(zhēng)的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間---之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無(wú)法挽救少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國(guó)南面的姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證---在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國(guó)家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國(guó)都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄穑磳?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國(guó)家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)，主權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段大大超過(guò)和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國(guó)家和弱小國(guó)家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些與我們作對(duì)的國(guó)家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類(lèi)卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來(lái)引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家集團(tuán)都無(wú)法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰---發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過(guò)重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭(zhēng)著改變那制止人類(lèi)發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢(shì)。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始—雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠(chéng)意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來(lái)探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)的問(wèn)題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國(guó)的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開(kāi)發(fā)深海，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽(tīng)以賽亞的訓(xùn)令---“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”（注：《圣經(jīng)·舊約全書(shū)·以塞亞書(shū)》第58章6節(jié)。）

如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全、和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開(kāi)始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說(shuō)掌握在我手中，不如說(shuō)掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國(guó)建立以來(lái)，每一代美國(guó)人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國(guó)青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響---不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器；不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長(zhǎng)斗爭(zhēng)的重任，年復(fù)一年，從希望中得到歡樂(lè)，在磨難中保持耐性，對(duì)付人類(lèi)共同的敵人---專(zhuān)制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類(lèi)更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長(zhǎng)的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠(chéng)，將照亮我們的國(guó)家和所有為國(guó)效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國(guó)同胞們，不要問(wèn)國(guó)家能為你們做些什么、而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要問(wèn)美國(guó)將為你們做些計(jì)人，而要問(wèn)我們共同能為人類(lèi)的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國(guó)公民還是其他國(guó)家的公民，你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問(wèn)心無(wú)愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛(ài)的國(guó)家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說(shuō)，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。