第一篇：肯尼迪就職演講稿英文(共6篇)

篇一：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(中英文)肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說（1961年1月20日）

inaugural address of john f.kennedy january 20, 1961 vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: 約翰遜副總統(tǒng)、議長先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、同胞們： we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我們今天所看到的，并非是某一黨派的勝利，而是自由的慶典。它象征著結(jié)束，亦象征著開始；意味著更新，亦意味著變化。

今天，我們不敢有忘，我們乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此時(shí)，讓這個(gè)聲音從這里同時(shí)向我們的朋友和敵人傳達(dá)：火炬現(xiàn)已傳遞到新一代美國人手中——他們生于本世紀(jì)，既經(jīng)受過戰(zhàn)火的錘煉，又經(jīng)歷過艱難嚴(yán)峻的和平歲月的考驗(yàn)。

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.這是我們矢志不移的承諾，且遠(yuǎn)不止此！

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.對于那些與我們共享同一文化和精神源頭的老朋友，我們許以朋友的忠誠。

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對于那些新成立的國家，我們歡迎它們加入自由陣營，并在此許以忠告：某種形式的殖民控制決不會(huì)僅僅因?yàn)楸涣硪环N更為殘酷的霸權(quán)所取代就消聲匿跡。

對于那些寄居于大半個(gè)地球上的草舍村落、為著掙脫無盡苦難的枷鎖而奮斗的人民，我們承諾將盡我們最大的努力，以使他們獲得自助的能力。

if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.對于我們的南部鄰邦共和國，我們許以特殊的承諾：將我們的良言轉(zhuǎn)為善行，在為了進(jìn)步而結(jié)成的新盟邦里，幫助自由的人民和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困。

and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.對于那個(gè)主權(quán)國家的世界性會(huì)議組織——聯(lián)合國，我們最后一次良好祝愿是發(fā)生在戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)器遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過和平機(jī)器的時(shí)代。為了防止它淪為僅僅用來謾罵攻訐的論壇，為了加強(qiáng)它對新成立國家及弱小國家的保障功能、為了擴(kuò)展其權(quán)力涵蓋的領(lǐng)域，我們現(xiàn)在重申對它的支持承諾。

我們不敢以軟弱誘惑它們，因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的軍備充足到確切無疑的程度時(shí)，我們才能確切無疑地肯定它們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)被投入使用。

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，讓雙方攜手進(jìn)行新的努力——不是為了建立新的勢力均衡，而是為了建立新的規(guī)則體系——以使強(qiáng)者正義，弱者安全，和平維系 all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最終成敗將掌握在你們的手中而不僅僅是我的手中。從這個(gè)國家被創(chuàng)建那天起，每一代美國人都被召喚去證實(shí)自己對國家的忠誠。

can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? 為了反對這些敵人，我們能夠?qū)⒛戏脚c北方、東方與西方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，熔鑄成一個(gè)偉大的和全球性的聯(lián)盟，以確保全人類得享更為成果累累的生活嗎？你們愿意參與這項(xiàng)歷史性的努力嗎？

在世界歷史的長河里，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危機(jī)時(shí)捍衛(wèi)自由的使命，我不會(huì)畏縮于這一責(zé)任——我歡迎它！我也不相信我們中的任何人會(huì)愿意與其他國家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而處。

and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.我的世界同胞們，不要問美國將為你做些什么，而應(yīng)問我們應(yīng)該一起為了全人類的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.篇二：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文 約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation--a can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.篇三：約翰肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說

[演講者簡介]： 約翰·肯尼迪是一位戰(zhàn)爭英雄，普利策獎(jiǎng)獲得者，整個(gè)五十年代，都是美國參議員。1960年11月，年僅43歲的他成為美國歷史上由選舉產(chǎn)生的最年輕的總統(tǒng)。

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開端；意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。

現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落一為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們恪守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間——之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證——在爭取進(jìn)行的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。

[brief introduction to the speaker]: john f.kennedy(1917-1963)john f.kennedy was a war hero, a pulitzer prize [1]-winning author, a u.s.senator for most of the 1950s.in november 1960, at the age of 43, he became the youngest man ever elected president of the united states.on nov.22, 1963, kennedy was shot to death in dallas, tex [2], the fourth united states president to die by an assassins bullet.we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom.symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn before you, and almighty god, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.and yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.this much we pledge and more.to those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7].divided there is little we can do.for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.注釋：

2．dallas, tx：美國德克薩斯州的達(dá)拉斯市，位于美國南部。4．a(chǎn)t issue：issue這里是個(gè)名詞，意思是“引起討論的問題”。at issue表示正在討論中，也就是存在爭議。

6．a(chǎn) host of：是習(xí)慣用法，與of連用，表示許多。

7．ventures：venture的原意是冒險(xiǎn)或冒險(xiǎn)事業(yè)。有人說： no venture, no success.意思就是“沒有冒險(xiǎn)就沒有成功”。肯尼迪在演講中宣稱的一切理想都需要在未來得以實(shí)施。

9．cast off：原意是松開、放開，比喻意義是拋棄、丟棄。

篇四：美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪的就職演說 美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪和他的就職演說(2011-01-20 22:04:30)姚鴻恩

今天（20日）英文谷歌的涂鴉（doodle）是為了紀(jì)念前美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說50周年

肯尼迪是美國有史以來最年輕的總統(tǒng)，就職時(shí)年僅43歲。他言談風(fēng)趣，富有魅力。他上任時(shí)，正是局勢**的年頭。但他給美國民眾帶來了極大的希望和勇氣。不幸，1963年11月22日遇刺身亡。

1963年8月28日，超過25萬的抗議者從四面八方匯集到首都華盛頓，要求得到平等的工作權(quán)益和自由。

馬丁-路德-金領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)，促使美國國會(huì)通過了《1964民權(quán)法案》（civil rights act of 1964），1964年7月2日頒布生效。法案規(guī)定：美國境內(nèi)不得進(jìn)行種族隔離，歧視黑人、少數(shù)族裔和婦女，都是違法的。

而這個(gè)法案，正是肯尼迪在1963年6月11日的民權(quán)演說中呼吁要建立的法案（the bill was called for by president john f.kennedy in his civil rights speech of june 11, 1963）。

附：肯尼迪就職演說全文（據(jù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)來源編輯）

篇五：肯尼迪就職演說 inaugural address(january 20,1961)by john f.kennedy we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge—and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.back of the tiger ended up inside.t finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.講評(píng)“肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說詞”

■北京外國語大學(xué) 李品偉 選評(píng)

半個(gè)世紀(jì)以前的國際形勢與今天大不相同：勢不兩立的兩大陣營、激烈的軍備競賽、持續(xù)的冷戰(zhàn)局面。

可是，在肯尼迪的全篇演說中，沒有直截了當(dāng)?shù)貙H形勢進(jìn)行分析，更沒有一處提到一個(gè)國家的名字或具體事例，一切都隱晦、委婉、模糊不清，用的只是to friend and foe alike, to those nations who...等，沒有經(jīng)歷或不熟悉那一段時(shí)期歷史的人也許會(huì)摸不著頭腦。21世紀(jì)的今天，全球化(globali-zation)成了全世界所關(guān)注的問題，也成了人們天天在重復(fù)的一個(gè)詞語，從形勢上與此篇講演的背景很有可比較之處，但這里我們主要是就此篇講演中如何沿襲古希臘、羅馬的修辭、文風(fēng)，如何精心選用圣經(jīng)語言句式，講演稿如何注意音韻效果等問題分別舉例討論而已。因篇幅有限，只選用了前11段，未選全文。inaugural address 指就職演說詞。一般來說，演說詞在英語里是speech,用address這個(gè)詞是比較少的。如果要說兩者有什么差別的話，無非是風(fēng)格上及使用場合上的區(qū)別。

第一段第一個(gè)動(dòng)詞observe一般作“觀察”解，但這里“觀察”一看就說不通，說不通就可以試著通過上下文來推斷或查一下詞典。

（anniversaries）等。這幾個(gè)賓語中的birthday因?yàn)樘胀耍赡苡玫蒙傩?/p>

從選詞風(fēng)格的角度來說，我們會(huì)注意到文章一開始有某些不太常用的詞，如：forebears, prescribes等，可以說forbears這個(gè)詞在中、小型詞典中往往是查不到的，你必須查較大的詞典。它的意思是祖先、祖宗，也就是我們一般熟悉的ancestor。兩者用法上有所不同，那就是ancestor的單數(shù)很常見，而forebear則總是以復(fù)數(shù)形式forebears出現(xiàn)，從風(fēng)格上，更具古風(fēng)。

prescribe這個(gè)動(dòng)詞你不一定見得多，如見到，也多半是它的名詞形式prescription（處方）。prescription是常用詞，而動(dòng)詞prescribe則較常用于正式場合。

第二段以一個(gè)短句開始，與第一段的長句正好相反。唱歌讀詩有節(jié)奏，句子與句子、段與段的關(guān)聯(lián)也有節(jié)奏，如果一篇文章自始至終是緩慢而沉重的長句，讀起來就沉重、缺乏起伏。

另外在用詞方面，你會(huì)注意到這里又一次出現(xiàn)了forebears，而且還有一個(gè)在層次和風(fēng)格上可與之稱兄道弟的mortal hands與它做伴，在一般情況下我們見到的也許會(huì)是...holds in his hands the power to...，這里卻多了mortal這一個(gè)大家不一定熟悉的詞。mortal屬非常用詞，詞義可以是：不能不死的，不共戴天的，性命攸關(guān)的。在這里應(yīng)作“凡人的”，“人類的”解。

講演除了論點(diǎn)清楚，有說服力外，還要考慮如何在公眾場合中取得預(yù)期的最佳效果及如何調(diào)動(dòng)人們的情緒，此外還需要掌握很多的技巧。它是一種學(xué)問，這種學(xué)問西方政治家們都要鉆研，他們往往把它作為一個(gè)課程來學(xué)習(xí)。如果你看過西方政治家的傳記一定已經(jīng)注意到了這個(gè)問題。這實(shí)際上是一個(gè)始于希臘羅馬時(shí)期的西方傳統(tǒng)。對于“瘋狂英語”的倡導(dǎo)人李揚(yáng)人們多有評(píng)論，但有一點(diǎn)是應(yīng)該肯定的，那就是革“啞巴英語”的命，初學(xué)者應(yīng)如此，達(dá)到一定程度后，仍然應(yīng)該如此。講到這里，我們再來默默讀一下本篇第4段，這里包含的幾組頭韻與尾韻，使句子富有一種鮮明的節(jié)奏感、音樂感，如：pay any price, bear any burden, wishes us well or ill, oppose any foe（第４段）這類現(xiàn)象你可以在文章中找到很多，多朗讀一遍就會(huì)多發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)，在此不一一舉例。當(dāng)然除了頭韻、尾韻還有許多其他隱而不現(xiàn)的手段。

所選的句子是：

在這樣一個(gè)嚴(yán)肅的講演中，也許有人會(huì)對出現(xiàn)let somebody do something這樣的結(jié)構(gòu)感到不可思議，因?yàn)樗麄円詾閘et somebody do something只是一個(gè)口語中的表達(dá)法，如let me do it.lets sing the song together.但他們不一定能意識(shí)到所提到的let結(jié)構(gòu)有時(shí)表達(dá)的意思、語氣正好與口語中的截然相反，它們含有的是一種號(hào)召、命令的口吻。

如第6段中的united, there is little we cannot...divided, there is little we can do,...

第二篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.

xiexiebang.com范文網(wǎng)(FANWEN.CHAZIDIAN.COM)

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

共2頁,當(dāng)前第1頁12

第三篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility--i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

第四篇：最新約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文-精品

約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility--i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

第五篇：約翰·肯尼迪就職演講稿

約翰·肯尼迪就職演講稿

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五，1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲埃x了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪--他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道--不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落--為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證--而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚αⅲ蜁?huì)一事無成--因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔幊诚滦荨⑺姆治辶褧r(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由--而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間--之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的，自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證--在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，是我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強(qiáng)它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對那些想與我們作時(shí)的國家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭洌覀儾拍芎翢o疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰--發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭的不移定的恐怖均勢。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始--雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令--“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切下可能在第一個(gè)一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在第一個(gè)一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響--不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任，年復(fù)一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅(jiān)韌”，去反對人類共同的敵人--專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。