第一篇：肯尼迪就職演講

全世界最著名的十大演講稿排行-第十名

肯尼迪就職演講 約翰.F.肯尼迪，1961 今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端;意味著延續也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。

現在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利并非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和丅平時期受過陶冶，他們為我國悠久的傳統感到自豪--他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道--不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落--為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證--而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業中無往不勝;我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成--因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由丅行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的XX來取代一種消失的殖民統治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由--而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間--之所以這樣做，并不是因為共丅產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法挽救少數富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證--在爭取進步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變為善意的行動，幫助自由的人們和自由的政丅府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和丅平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對聯合國，主丅權國家的世界性議事機構，我們在戰爭手段大大超過和丅平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所;加強它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護;擴大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對那些與我們作對的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷入預謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和丅平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當我們毫無疑問地擁有足夠的軍備，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠不會使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰--發展現代武器所需的費用使雙方負擔過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴散理所當然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭著改變那制止人類發動最后戰爭的不穩定的恐怖均勢。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開始--雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠有待于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團結起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發深海，并鼓勵藝術和商業的發展。

讓雙方團結起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令--“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”(注：《圣經?舊約全書?以塞亞書》第58章6節。)如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力;不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強者公正，弱者安全、和丅平將得到維護。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政丅府任期內完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。

現在，號角已再次吹響--不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器;不是召喚我們去作戰，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們為迎接黎明而肩負起漫長斗爭的重任，年復一年，從希望中得到歡樂，在磨難中保持耐性，對付人類共同的敵人--專制、社團、疾病和戰爭本身。

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎?你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎? 在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們為這一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人，而這火焰發出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能為你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應要求我們獻出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

@肖稀君 整理

第二篇：肯尼迪就職演講

肯尼迪就職演講

約翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后就讀了哈佛大學和斯坦福大學，1940年畢業。第二次世界大戰中肯尼迪加入美國海軍，在對日作戰中負傷。戰后，肯尼迪29歲即當選為議員，后三次連任。他在1953 年9月12 日與杰奎琳·布維爾結婚，生有二子一女。

1960年肯尼迪參加總統競選。他提出“新邊疆”的競選口號，倡導在科學技術、經濟發展、戰爭與和平等各個領域開拓新天地。1961年，肯尼迪在選民投票過程中以極小的差距贏得總統的位置，擊敗了共和黨人尼克松，成為美國歷史上最年輕的總統，也是第一個羅馬天主教總統。

在肯尼迪的就職演說中說道：“不要問你的國家能為你做什么？而要問你能為你的國家做什么。”作為總統，他開始履行他的競選承諾再次使美國運轉起來。他上臺后并非一切如愿。任職開始就遇到了美國入侵古巴慘敗的事實。他為了尋得平等的權利采取有力措施，要求新公民權利立法。他給予民族文化的質量和藝術在一起至關重要的社會中心角色。他希望美國恢復老的任務作為致力于人權的革命的最早的民族。由于發展和和平小組的聯盟，他對發展中國家的幫助為美國人帶來理想主義。1963年，正當肯尼迪躊躇滿志要進一步干一番事業的時候，他遇刺身亡。

we observe today not a victory of party，but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end，as well as a beginning--signifying renewal，as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state，but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place，to friend and foe alike，that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century，tempered by war，disciplined by a hard and bitter peace，proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed，and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know，whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price，bear any burden，meet any hardship，support any friend，oppose any foe，in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share，we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United，there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided，there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free，we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that，in the past，those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery，we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves，for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it，not because we seek their votes，but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor，it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border，we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states，the United Nations，our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace，we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally，to those nations who would make themselves our adversary，we offer not a pledge but a request： that both sides begin anew the quest for peace，before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons，both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom，yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness，and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides，for the first time，formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars，conquer the deserts，eradicate disease，tap the ocean depths，and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens.。and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion，let both sides join in creating a new endeavor，not a new balance of power，but a new world of law，where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1，000 days，nor in the life of this Administration，nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands，my fellow citizens，more than in mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded，each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms，though arms we need； not as a call to battle，though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle，year in and year out，“rejoicing in hope，patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man： tyranny，poverty，disease，and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance，North and South，East and West，that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind？ Will you join in that historic effort？

In the long history of the world，only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy，the faith，the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so，my fellow Americans： ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world： ask not what America will do for you，but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally，whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world，ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward，with history the final judge of our deeds，let us go forth to lead the land we love，asking His blessing and His help，but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.朝氣蓬勃的約翰．菲茨杰拉德．肯尼迪是美國口才最好的總統之一，他于一九六三年十一月三十三日在得克薩斯州達拉斯城被暗殺，事業悲慘以終。一九六一年一月二十日在就職演講詞中，他呼吁以果斷與犧牲的精神來應付當前的許多挑戰。這一演講詞重新肯定了杰佛遜與威爾遜的第一任就職演講詞所立下的原則。

我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象征著結束，也象征著開始；意味著更新，也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴誓言。現今世界已經很不同了，因為人在自己血肉之軀的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量。可是我們祖先奮斗不息所維護的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭論之中。那信念就是注定人權并非來自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。

我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時此地告訴我們的朋友，并且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國人，他們出生在本世紀，經歷過戰爭的鍛煉，受過嚴酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權逐步被褫奪。對于這些人權我國一向堅貞不移，當前在國內和全世界我們也是對此力加維護的。

讓每一個國家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價，忍受任何重負，應付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實現。

這是我們矢志不移的事－－而且還不止此。

對于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠相待。只要團結，則在許多合作事業中幾乎沒有什么是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無可作為，因為我們在意見分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應付強大挑戰的。

對于那些我們歡迎其參與自由國家行列的新國家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統治消失后，卻代之以另一種遠為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會支持我們的觀點，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅決維護他們自身的自由，并應記取，在過去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢的人，結果卻被虎所吞噬。

對于那些住在布滿半個地球的茅舍和鄉村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長時間。這并非因為共產黨會那樣做，也不是由于我們要求他們的選票，而是由于那樣做是正確的。自由社會若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數的富人。

對于我國邊界以內的各姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭取進步的新聯盟中援助自由人和自由政府來擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實現本身愿望而進行的和平革命不應成為不懷好意的國家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯合抵御對美洲任何地區的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會管。

至于聯合國這個各主權國家的世界性議會，在今天這個戰爭工具的發展速度超過和平工具的時代中，它是我們最后的、最美好的希望。我們愿重申我們的支持諾言；不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強其對于新國弱國的保護，并擴大其權力所能運用的領域。

最后，對于那些與我們為敵的國家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學所釋出的危險破壞力量在有意或無意中使全人類淪于自我毀滅。

我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因為只有當我們的武力無可置疑地壯大時，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠不會使用武力。

可是這兩個強有力的國家集團，誰也不能對當前的趨勢放心－－雙方都因現代武器的代價而感到不勝負擔，雙方都對于致命的原子力量不斷發展而產生應有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競謀改變那不穩定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時阻止人類最后從事戰爭。

因此讓我們重新開始，雙方都應記住，謙恭并非懦弱的征象，而誠意則永遠須要驗證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。

讓雙方探究能使我們團結在一起的是什么問題，而不要虛耗心力于使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次制訂有關視察和管制武器的真誠而確切的建議，并且把那足以毀滅其它國家的漫無限制的力量置于所有國家的絕對管制之下。

讓雙方都謀求激發科學的神奇力量而不是科學的恐怖因素。讓我們聯合起來去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開發海洋深處，并鼓勵藝術和商務。

讓雙方攜手在世界各個角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去「卸下沉重的負擔??(并)讓被壓迫者得自由。」

如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那么，讓雙方聯合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權力均衡，而是建立一個新的法治世界，在那世界上強者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此種種不會在最初的一百天中完成，不會在最初的一千天中完成，不會在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開始。

同胞們，我們事業的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你們手中。自從我國建立以來，每一代的美國人都曾應召以驗證其對國家的忠誠。響應此項召喚而服軍役的美國青年人的墳墓遍布全球各處。

現在那號角又再度召喚我們－－不是號召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的；不是號召我們去作戰，雖然我們準備應戰；那是號召我們年復一年肩負起持久和勝敗未分的斗爭，「在希望中歡樂，在患難中忍耐」；這是一場對抗人類公敵－－暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰爭本身－－的斗爭。

我們能否結成一個遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯盟來對付這些敵人，來確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否愿意參與這歷史性的努力? 在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機時保衛自由的任務。我決不在這責任之前退縮；我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會有人愿意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們在這場努力中所獻出的精力、信念與虔誠、將照亮我們的國家以及所有為國家服務的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。所以，同胞們：不要問你們的國家能為你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要問美國愿為你們做些什么，而應問我們在一起能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不管你是美國的公民或世界它國的公民，請將我們所要求于你們的有關力量與犧牲的高標準拿來要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報酬是問心無愧，我們行為的最后裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導我們所摯愛的國土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個世界上，上帝的任務肯定就是我們自己所應肩負的任務。

第三篇：肯尼迪就職演講

肯尼迪就職演講

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning;signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端；意味著延續也意味看變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are;but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation”，a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.現在，號角已再次吹響---不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器；不是召喚我們去作戰，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們為迎接黎明而肩負起漫長斗爭的重任，年復一年，從希望中得到歡樂，在磨難中保持耐性，對付人類共同的敵人---專制、社團、疾病和戰爭本身。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility.I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion

which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們為這一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人，而這火焰發出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能為你們做些什么、而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些計人，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must truly be our own.最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應要求我們獻出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

背景介紹：

約翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪（John Fitzgerald Kennedy，通常被稱作約翰·F·肯尼迪（John F.Kennedy）、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪（Jack Kennedy），），美國第35任總統，美國著名的肯尼迪家族成員，他的執政時間從1961年1月20日開始到1963年11月22日在達拉斯遇刺身亡為止。肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期間曾先后任眾議員和參議員，并于1960年當選為美國總統，成為美國歷史上最年輕的當選總統，也是美國歷史上唯一信奉羅馬天主教的總統和唯一獲得普利策獎的總統。

第四篇：肯尼迪就職演講

第一講：美國總統就職演講特質

一國總統的識見、魄力、智慧與心智成熟

在就職演說中,新任總統宣布自己的施政綱領,表明自己的政見和立場,激起聽眾的熱情,勸說聽眾接受其政治主張并采取相應的行動。

Like other great communicators including Winston Churchill before him and Reagan since then and Barack Obama now---he was someone who took word-craft very seriously indeed.1、約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講如何開啟？ FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom，symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning，signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.chief justice 審判長，首席法官

Clergy/clergyman可以統指神職人員,其中clergyman在英國國教里又指牧師；Reverend是對教士的尊稱。

renewal 英 [r?'nju??l] 美 [r?'nu??l] n.更新；恢復；革新；復蘇；復活 We are all delighted at the renewal of negotiation.God Almighty/Almighty God全能上帝.forebear 祖先，祖宗

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統、尼克松副總統、杜魯門總統、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。

2、手按《圣經》宣誓就職

1961年1月20日,肯尼迪總統按照慣例,手按《圣經》宣誓就職。誓詞出自美國憲法第一章第二條:

“I do solemnly swear(or affirm)that I will faithfully execute（執行；實行；處決）the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

僅從總統宣誓就職的誓詞本身,美國總統對于憲法的重視可見一斑。

3、世界為何不同了？

The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal（致命的；終有一死的）hands the power to abolish（廢除）all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue（在爭論、在爭論中）around the globe，the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity（慷慨，大方;寬容或慷慨的行為;豐富）of the state, but from the hand of God.現在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

“自由”、“人權”、“民主”這幾個字眼,美國人一向偏愛。美國人相信“天賦人權”,自由是人權的一種體現。在《獨立宣言》中就有這樣一段有關人權的論述: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by（被賦予）their Creator with certain unalienable（不可剝奪的）Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

4、薪火相傳

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs（繼承人;后嗣，嗣子）of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans，born in this century, tempered by（受過鍛煉）war, disciplined by（訓練有素的）a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed（忠誠的，堅定的，把…托付給）, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們為我國悠久的傳統感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

Imagery: “The torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans”

意象：“火炬已經傳給了新一代的美國人”

Imagery is vivid descriptive language that appeals to one or more of the senses(sight, hearing, touch, smell, and taste).以維護天下的人權為己任

肯尼迪在其就職演說中指出，”a new generation of Americans, ……unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which the nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.“ 這里,肯尼迪的政治主張非常明確,在外交政策上延續了國際主義的走向――自詡為自由世界的維護者和領導者的美國要以維護天下的人權為己任。

5、美國人一向的偏愛

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival（幸存，生存;幸存者;遺物;遺風）and the success of liberty.This much we pledge（保證;典當，抵押），and more.讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。肯尼迪在其就職演說一開始提到的“revolutionary belief(革命信念)“即是《獨立宣言》中關于”天賦人權“的信念。

在肯尼迪就職演說詞中,”自由(liberty, freedom,)“一詞就用了多達9次,而與”自由“息息相關的”人權(human rights)“也多次出現。

這里,肯尼迪表達的是美國人對于自由、人權的一貫追求。對自由、人權的重視是美國人的核心價值觀。

6、精神淵源的老盟友

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do，for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.（在爭吵下休、四分五裂時）

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業中無在而下勝；我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成——因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰。

第二講：一國與世界的關注

1、加入到自由行列中來的新國家

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

2、身居茅舍和鄉村的人們

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做，并不是因為共產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的，自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數富人。

Combinations of contrasts and lists(by contrasting a third item with the first two): “Not because the communists are doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right” 對比與排比相結合（三句中的最后一句和前兩句意義相反）

3、做自己家園的主人

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證——在爭取進步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變為善意的行動，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。

But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

4、最后、最美的希望——對聯合國的理解

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ（[法] 令狀； 文書）may run.聯合國是主權國家的世界性議事機構，是我們在戰爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護；擴大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

5、要求而不是保證

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by（釋放）science engulf（吞沒;吞食;包住;狼吞虎咽）all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，對那些想與我們作對的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷人到預謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

肯尼迪也認識到,要與以蘇聯為首的社會主義陣營對抗,就得盡可能地贏得更多的支持,盡可能地擴大美國的勢力范圍,不管是利誘還是威脅。這樣,肯尼迪在其就職演說”power(力量)“一詞用了多達7次,”pledge(保證、承諾)“一詞也用了7次,”help(幫助)“一詞用了4次,在確保原有歐洲盟國的忠誠中,和支持的前提下,利用”金元外交“,盡量拉攏亞洲、非洲和拉丁美洲國家,實踐其擴張主義,諸如此類的細節的出現,就是在情理之中了。另一方面,肯尼迪在就職演說中也確實需要”pledge(保證、承諾)“很多東西,因為他在總統大選中僅以微弱的優勢獲勝,被很多國內外人士認為太年青,缺乏經驗,難以領導美國對抗強大的蘇聯。

6、兩個“毫無疑問”

We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當我們毫無疑問地擁有足夠的軍備，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠下會使用這些軍備。

7、兩個強大的國家集團——受累！

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from（從中得到安慰）our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady（穩定的，不變的）spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter（改變;更改）that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.但是，這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發展現代武器所需的費用使雙方負擔過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴散理所當然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發動最后戰爭的不移定的恐怖均勢。

第三講：政治家的智慧——如何處理爭端？

1、雙方重新開始

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility（禮貌）is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠有侍于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

2、團結起來

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring（痛擊；痛斥；冗長地解釋）those problems which divide us.讓雙方都來探討使我們團結起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

3、認真而又明確的提案

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate（構想出，規劃;確切地闡述）serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

4、尋求利用科學的奇跡

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders（創造奇跡）of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate（摧毀;完全根除）disease, tap（開發）the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.讓雙方尋求利用科學的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發深梅，并鼓勵藝術和商業的發展。

5、各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令

Let both sides unite to heed（聽從）in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.” 讓雙方團結起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

當選美國總統(包括肯尼迪總統)在其就職儀式上手按《圣經》宣讀誓言,然后才開始發表就職演說。肯尼迪在其就職演說中多次提到God(上帝),還直接援引《圣經》原文來闡述其施政方針和政治理想,如: “Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah to 'undo the heavy burdens…(and)let the oppressed go free'.” 在演說詞的結束部分,肯尼迪也不忘借助上帝之名來進行最后的呼吁。肯尼迪在其就職演說中或直接引用《圣經》,把自己的政治主張托詞于上帝的意旨,或直接祈求上帝的保佑和賜福,或模仿使用《圣經》風格語言等等,有助于使其演說更易得到篤信上帝的聽眾的同情、理解和支持,使演說更具感染力和號召力。可以說,肯尼迪就職演說從開頭到結尾、從形式到內容都充滿著鮮明的宗教色彩,利用宗教的力量和影響,來達到政治訴求的目的。這是一種獨特的文化現象,是美國社會歷史淵源的反映。”政教分離“的美國事實上是政教融合。

6、雙方共同作一次新的努力

And if a beachhead（灘頭）of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor（努力）, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護。Three-part lists: “Where the strong are just, and the weak secure and the peace preserved” 三句式排比“強國秉持公正，弱國不受威脅，和平得以維系”

7、讓我們開始吧！

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有這一切下可能在第一個一百天內完成，也不可能在第一個一千天或者在本屆政府任期內完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

8、對國家的忠誠

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。

9、反對人類共同的敵人

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.現在，號角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們去作戰，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們為迎接黎明而肩負起漫長斗爭的重任，年復一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅韌”，去反對人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰爭本身。

10、愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

賦予保衛自由的責任

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們為這一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

最牛的格言

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

Contrast:

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

讓我們走向前去！

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應該要求我們現出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

Alliteration: “Let us go forth to lead the land we love” 押前韻（譯者注：靠近的兩個單詞的第一個單詞相同，比如例句中的“land”和“love”，都是“l”打頭）

Impressive though the rhetoric and imagery may have been, what really made the speech memorable was that it was the first inaugural address by a US president to follow the first rule of speech-preparation: analyse your audience-or, to be more precise at a time when mass access to television was in its infancy, analyse your audiences.雖然這些修辭和意象給聽眾留下了很深的印象，這篇演講的最可貴之處還在它對聽眾的分析，這是美國總統在就職演講時第一次這么做。當電視開始進入千家萬戶時，話題有針對性，作為演講準備的第一要素，就變得尤為重要。

I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jarring discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last!Free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第五篇：肯尼迪就職演講

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be do planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--askMy fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but whatFinally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go

forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.