第一篇：馬丁路德金介紹（模版）

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個人簡介

馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權運動領袖，誕生于美國東南部的佐治亞州的亞特蘭大市。1948年他大學畢業，擔任教會的牧師。1948年到1951年間，馬丁·路德·金在美國東海岸的費城繼續深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統，要求通過新的民權法，給黑人以平等的權利。1964年度諾貝爾和平獎獲得者，有金牧師之稱。1968年4月，馬丁路德金前往孟菲斯市領導工人罷工，下榻洛林汽車旅館。4日晚飯前，他立在二樓三百號房間的陽臺上，與人談話。這時在街對面的一幢公寓里，一個狙擊手端著一架帶有觀測鏡的汽步槍，向他射去。子彈從前面穿過他的脖子，在顎后爆炸，他隨即倒地不起。1963年在林肯紀念堂前發表《我有一個夢想》的演說。

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學歷

1929年1月15日馬丁·路德·金出生于佐治亞州的亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是教會牧師，母親是教師。15歲時聰穎好學的金以優異成績進入摩爾豪斯學院攻讀社會學，后獲得文學學士學位（1948年馬丁·路德·金獲得莫爾豪斯大學學士學位）。1951年他又獲得柯羅澤神學院學士學位，1955年他從波士頓大學獲得神學博士學位。

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個人事業

1954年馬丁·路德·金成為亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市的德克斯特大街浸信會教堂（Dexter Avenue Baptist Church）的一位牧師。1955年12月1日，一位名叫做羅沙·帕克斯的黑人婦女在公共汽車上拒絕給白人讓座位，因而被蒙哥馬利節警察當局的當地警員以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由逮捕了她。馬丁·路德·金立即組織了蒙哥馬利罷車運動（蒙哥馬利市政改進協會），號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進行長達1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運輸工具上的座位隔離。從此他成為民權運動的領袖人物。1958年他因流浪罪被逮捕。1963年金組織了爭取黑人工作機會和自由權的華盛頓游行。1964年，他被授予諾貝爾和平獎。1968年4月4日，他在旅館的陽臺被一名種族分子刺客開槍正中喉嚨致死。

1986年1月，總統羅納德·里根簽署法令，規定每年一月份的第三個星期一為美國的馬丁·路德·金全國紀念日以紀念這位偉人，并且訂為法定假日。迄今為止美國只有三個以個人紀念日為法定假日的例子，分別為紀念發現美洲大陸的哥倫布的Columbus Day（十月第二個星期一），紀念喬治·華盛頓的Presidents' Day（二月第三個星期一），與此處所提到的馬丁·路德·金紀念日。他最有影響力且最為人知的一場演講是1963年8月28日的《我有一個夢想》，迫使美國國會在1964年通過《民權法案》宣布種族隔離和種族歧視政策為非法政策。

馬丁·路德·金為黑人謀求平等，發動了美國的民權運動，功績卓著，聞名于世。金在成為民權運動積極分子之前，是黑人社區必有的浸禮會的牧師。民權運動是美國黑人教會的產物，本文記敘金的第一次民權演說，揭示了民權運動與黑人教會的關系。

第二篇：馬丁路德金英語介紹

洛基英語/xinwen1.htm

Martin Luther King, Jr.(January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968)was an American clergyman, activist, and

Martin Luther King, Jr.(January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968)was an American clergyman, activist, and prominent leader in the African American civil rights movement.His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States, and he has become a human rights icon: King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches.[1] A Baptist minister, King became a civil rights activist early in his career.He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president.King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech.There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S.history.In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means.By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and the Vietnam War, both from a religious perspective.King was

assassinated on April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee.He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004;Martin Luther King, Jr.Day was established as a U.S.national holiday in 1986.Populist tradition and Black populism

Harry C.Boyte, a self-proclaimed populist, field secretary of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and white civil rights activist describes an episode in his life that gives insight on some of King's influences:

My first encounter with deeper meanings of populism came when I was nineteen, working as a field secretary for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference(SCLC)in St.Augustine, Florida in 1964.One day I was caught by five men and a woman who were members of the Ku Klux Klan.They accused me of being a “communist and a Yankee.” I replied, “I'm no Yankee – my family has been in the South since before the Revolution.And I'm not a communist.I'm a populist.I believe that blacks and poor whites should join to do something about the big shots who keep us divided.” For a few minutes we talked about what such a movement might look like.Then they let me go.When he learned of the incident, Martin Luther King, head of SCLC, told me that he identified with the populist tradition and assigned me to organize poor whites.Thurman

Civil rights leader, theologian, and educator Howard Thurman was an early influence on King.A classmate of King's father at Morehouse College, Thurman mentored the young King and his friends.Thurman's missionary work had taken him abroad where he had met and conferred with Mahatma Gandhi.When he was a student at Boston University, King

洛基英語/xinwen1.htm

often visited Thurman, who was the dean of Marsh Chapel.Walter Fluker, who has

studied Thurman's writings, has stated, “I don't believe you'd get a Martin Luther King, Jr.without a Howard Thurman”.Gandhi and Rustin

Inspired by Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited Gandhi's birthplace in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service Committee.The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his

understanding of non-violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights.In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, “Since being in India, I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity.In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the law of gravitation.” African American civil rights activist Bayard Rustin, who had studied Gandhi's teachings, counseled King to dedicate himself to the principles of non-violence, served as King's main advisor and mentor throughout his early activism, and was the main organizer of the 1963 March on

Washington.Rustin's open homosexuality, support of democratic socialism, and his former ties to the Communist Party USA caused many white and African-American leaders to demand King distance himself from Rustin.Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955

In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl, Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws.King was on the committee from the Birmingham African-American community that looked into the case;Edgar Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue.On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat.The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.The boycott lasted for 385 days, and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed.King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v.Gayle that ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.March on Washington, 1963

King, representing SCLC, was among the leaders of the so-called “Big Six” civil rights organizations who were instrumental in the organization of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, which took place on August 28, 1963.The other leaders and

organizations comprising the Big Six were: Roy Wilkins from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People;Whitney Young, National Urban League;A.Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters;John Lewis, SNCC;and James L.Farmer, Jr.of the Congress of Racial Equality.The primary logistical and strategic organizer was King's colleague Bayard Rustin.For King, this role was another which courted controversy, since he was one of the key figures who acceded to the wishes of President John F.Kennedy in changing the focus of the march.Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would negatively impact the drive for

passage of civil rights legislation, but the organizers were firm that the march would proceed.The march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition of blacks in the southern United States and a very public opportunity to place organizers' concerns and grievances squarely before the seat of power in the nation's capital.Organizers intended to excoriate and then challenge the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights and physical safety of civil rights workers and blacks, generally, in the South.However, the group acquiesced to presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident tone.As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony;Malcolm X called it the “Farce on Washington,” and members of the Nation of Islam were not permitted to attend the march.The march did, however, make specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public school;meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment;protection of civil rights workers from police brutality;a $2 minimum wage for all workers;and self-government for Washington, D.C., then governed by congressional committee.Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success.More than a quarter million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, sprawling from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial onto the National Mall and around the reflecting pool.At the time, it was the largest gathering of protesters in Washington's history.King's “I Have a Dream” speech electrified the crowd.It is regarded, along with Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and Franklin D.Roosevelt's Infamy Speech, as one of the finest speeches in the history of American oratory.Assassination

On March 29, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tennessee in support of the black sanitary public works employees, represented by AFSCME Local 1733, who had been on strike since March 12 for higher wages and better treatment.In one incident, black street

repairmen received pay for two hours when they were sent home because of bad weather, but white employees were paid for the full day.Martin Luther King, Jr.Day

At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King.Observed for the first time on

January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King, Jr.Day.Following President George H.W.Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed on the third Monday of January each year, near the time of King's birthday.On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr.Day was officially observed in all fifty U.S.states.1948年大學畢業。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費城繼續深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統，要求通過新的民權法，給黑人以平等的權利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀念堂前發表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領導工人罷工被人謀殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將

每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀念日。另有美國著名歷史學家阿瑟·施萊辛格（Arthur M.Schlesinger，Jr.，1917-2007）以該人物事跡出版了同名人物傳記。個人簡介

馬丁·路德·金(Dr.Martin Luther King)，將“非暴力（”nonviolence）和“直接行動（”direct action）作為社會變革方法的最為突出的倡導者之一。1929 年1月15日，馬丁·路德·金在亞特蘭大（Atlanta）出生。他是牧師亞當·丹尼爾·威廉姆斯（Rev.A.D.Williams）的外孫，威廉姆斯是埃比尼澤浸信會（Ebenezer Baptist Church）的牧師和全國有色人種協進會（NAACP）亞特蘭大分會的發起人；他是老馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Sr.）的兒子，老馬丁·路德·金繼承父親威廉姆斯成了埃比尼澤的牧師。金的家族發源于非洲裔美國人的浸信會。在結束亞特蘭大莫爾浩司學院（Morehouse College）的學業后，金又在賓夕法尼亞州（Pennsylvania）的克勞澤神學院（Crozer Theological Seminary）和波士頓（Boston University）大學就讀，在學習中，他加深了對神學的認識并探究圣雄甘地（Mahatma Gandhi）在社會改革方面的非暴力策略。

1953年，金和柯瑞塔·斯科特（Coretta Scott）結婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴馬州（Alabama）蒙哥馬利（Montgomery）的德克斯特大街浸信會（Dexter Avenue Baptist Church）當了一名牧師。1955年，他獲得了系統神學的博士學位。1955年12月5日，民權積極分子羅莎·帕克斯（Rosa Parks）拒絕遵從蒙哥馬利公車上的種族隔離政策，在此之后，黑人居民發起了對公共汽車抵制運動（bus boycott）并選舉金作他們新形式下蒙格馬利權利促進協會（Montgomery Improvement Association）的領頭人。公共汽車抵制運動在 1956 年持續一年，金因其領導地位而名聲大噪。1956 年12 月，美國最高法院宣布阿拉巴馬州的種族隔離法律違反憲法，蒙哥馬利市公車上的種族隔離規定也被廢除。為了尋求蒙哥馬利勝利后的進一步發展，金和其他的南部黑人領袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教領袖會議

（Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC）。1959年，金到印度游歷并進一步發展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，金辭去了德克斯特的職務并返回亞特蘭大，和他的父親共同成為一名埃比尼澤浸信會牧師。

1960 年，黑人大學生們揭起了入座抗議（sit-in protests）的浪潮，這促進了學生非暴力協調委員會（Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC）的形成。金支持學生運動，并對創建南方基督教領袖會議的青年分部表現出興趣。學生激進分子很欽慕金，但他們不滿于金自上而下的領導作風，進而決定取得自治。作為學生非暴力協調委員會的顧問，曾經擔任過南方基督教領袖會議副主管的埃拉·貝克（Ella Baker）向其他民權組織代表闡明，學生非暴力協調委員會將仍是一個學生領導的組織。1961年“自由乘車運動（”Freedom Rides）中，金由于拒絕參加活動而受到批評，加劇了他同青年激進分子的緊張關系。南方基督教領袖會議和學生非暴力協調委員會之間的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奧爾巴尼運動（Albany Movement）中繼續著。

1963 年春天，金和南方基督教領袖會議領導人在阿拉巴馬州的伯明翰（Birmingham）領導了群眾示威。此地以白人警方強烈反對種族融合而著稱。徒手的黑人示威者與裝備著警犬和消防水槍的警察之間的沖突，作為報紙頭條新聞遍及世界各地。總統肯尼迪（President Kennedy）對伯明翰的抗議做出了回應，他向國會提出放寬民權立法的要求，這促成了 1964 年民權法案（Civil Rights Act of 1964）的通過。稍后，在 1963年8月28日，群眾示威行動在“華盛頓工作與自由游行”（March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom）的運動過程中達到高潮，此次示威運動中有超過二十五萬的抗議者聚集在華盛頓特區。在林肯紀念館的臺階上，金發表了“我有一個夢想”（I Have a Dream）的著名演講。

金的聲望隨著1963 年成為時代周刊（Time magazine）的人物和 1964 年獲得諾貝爾和平獎（Nobel Peace Prize）而持續上升。然而，除了名氣和贊美，運動內部領導層也出現了矛盾。馬爾科姆·愛克斯（Malcolm X）的正當防衛和黑人民族主義理念引起了北方的共鳴，城市黑人的作用力超過了金為非暴力所作的號召。同時，金還要面對“黑力”運動（Black Power）發起人斯托克利·卡邁克爾（Stokely Carmichael）的公開批評。

不僅金的努力效果受到黑人領導層狀況的干擾，而且他也遭受到來自國家行政領導人日漸增強的阻撓。1967年城市種族間暴力升級，美國聯邦調查局（FBI）主管埃德加·胡佛（J.Edgar Hoover）則趁機加強了破壞金領導力的全面努力。加之金對美國介入越南戰爭的公開批評，使得他與林德·約翰遜（Lyndon Johnson）政府關系緊張。

1967年年底，金發起了意在對抗經濟問題的窮人運動（Poor People's Campaign），這項活動并沒有得到早期民權革新運動者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯（Memphis）清潔工人的罷工中，他發表了最后演講“我已到達頂峰”（I've Been to the Mountaintop）。第二天，1968年4月4日，金被刺殺。

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講稿

August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.'

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, 'When will you be satisfied?' We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification;one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講稿

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greapest demonstration for freedom in the `istory of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in wh/se symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon lIght of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the N%gro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!