第一篇：馬丁路德 金演講

Martin Luther King, Jr.: “I Have a Dream”

delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification;one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith that I will go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning, “My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!” And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring--from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring--from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring--from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring--from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring--from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring--from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring--from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring--from every hill and molehill of Mississippi，from every mountainside, let freedom ring!And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual，“Free at last, free at last.Thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

我有一個夢想

馬丁·路德·金

今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。

100年前，一位偉大的美國人—簽署了《解放宣言》，今天我們就站在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴的宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結束了束縛黑人的漫長黑夜。

然而100年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到的自由這一悲慘的事實。100年后的今天，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。

從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。

然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機會寶庫會資金不足。

因此，我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進主義鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主諾言的時候。現在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關大道的時候。現在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。

忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結束，而是一個開端。

如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。

但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。

我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰斗精神，不應導致我們對所有白人的不信任——因為許多白人兄弟已經認識到：他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。

我們不能單獨行動。當我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問熱心民權運動的人：“你們什么時候會感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外，我們就決不會滿意。只要黑人的基本活動范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區到較大的黑人居住區，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性，損毀尊嚴，我們就決不會滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會滿意。不，不，我們不會滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。

我并非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區。你們飽經風霜，歷盡苦難。繼續努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救。

回到密西西比去吧；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。

朋友們，今天我要對你們說，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根于美國夢之中。

我夢想有一天，這個國家將會奮起，實現其立國信條的真諦：“我們認為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

我夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。

我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州——一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。

我夢想有一天，我的四個兒女將生活在一個不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優劣作為評判標準的國家里。

我今天懷有一個夢。

我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會有所改變——盡管該州州長現在仍滔滔不絕地說什么要對聯邦法令提出異議和拒絕執行——在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。

我今天懷有一個夢。

我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現，普天下生靈共謁。

這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變為充滿手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護自由，因為我們知道，我們終有一天會獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。

如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點必須實現。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！

當我們讓自由之聲轟響，當我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大村小莊，每一個州府城鎮，我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！”

第二篇：馬丁路德金演講

馬丁路德金演講

篇一：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個夢想》 馬丁·路德·金 簡介 馬丁·路德·金（英語：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權運動領袖。1948年大學畢業。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費城繼續深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統，要求通過新的民權法，給黑人以平等的權利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀念堂前發表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領導工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀念日。1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學到了果敢、堅強、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學的金以優異成績進入摩爾豪斯學院攻讀社會學，后獲得文學學士學位。盡管美國戰后經濟發展很快，強大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國內黑人卻在經濟和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現實，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學院和波士頓大學，于1955年獲神學博士學位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節警察當局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

“蒙哥馬利市政改進協會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進行長達1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續10余年的民權運動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權運動的領袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀念日。篇二：馬丁路德金_我有一個夢想(中英文)演講稿 今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。100年前，一位偉大的美國人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進主義鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主諾言的時候。現在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關大道的時候。現在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰斗精神，不應導致我們對所有白人的不信任--因為許多白人兄弟已經認識到：他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。我們不能單獨行動。當我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問熱心民權運動的人：“你們什么時候會感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外，我們就決不會滿意。只要黑人的基本活動范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區到較大的黑人居住區，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性，損毀尊嚴，我們就決不會滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會滿意。不，不，我們不會滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。我并非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區。你們飽經風霜，歷盡苦難。繼續努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。朋友們，今天我要對你們說，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根于美國夢之中。我夢想有一天，這個國家將會奮起，實現其立國信條的真諦：“我們認為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州--一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。我夢想有一天，我的四個小女兒將生活在一個不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優劣作為評判標準的國家里。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會有所改變--盡管該州州長現在仍滔滔不絕地說什么要對聯邦法令提出異議和拒絕執行--在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變為充滿手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護自由，因為我們知道，我們終有一天會獲得自由。到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌： 我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點必須實現。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨 高峰！讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！當我們讓自由之聲轟響，當我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大村小莊，每一個州府城鎮，我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：馬丁路德金簡介和我有一個夢想英漢互譯演講稿以及演講背景 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學到了果敢、堅強、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學的金以優異成績進入摩爾豪斯學院攻讀社會學，后獲得文學學士學位。盡管美國戰后經濟發展很快，強大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國內黑人卻在經濟和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現實，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學院和波士頓大學，于1955年獲神學博士學位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節警察當局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進協會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進行長達1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續10余年的民權運動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權運動的領袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀念日。關于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對種族隔離制度的斗爭。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭，而這種斗爭方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強調在爭取黑人自由平等權利的斗爭中，不應干違法的事，不能讓“創造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛”、“仁慈”來感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時的學習有直接關系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學院學習時，利用業余時間，閱讀了著名的神學著作——人們寫的關于信仰的書，還有哲學著作——關于生活方式的書。這些書的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學是印度人民對抗英帝國主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對外國政治的統治，無論這樣統治是否出于善意。也無論是否正確，他們要自己來做出決定。甘地說雖然他們必須準備好為取得獨立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對待。馬丁開始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國也可以。他用自己的行動領導了一場聲勢浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權運動。本次演講背景 50年代的美國南部，好像一座對付“解放了的”黑人的監獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個州，在這里，黑人的選舉權力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個教堂做禮拜，不準進入為白人開設的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂場所，連公共汽車站上也樹立了柵欄，規定白人黑人分別上車。年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領導了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運動，最終迫使美國最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭取自由平等權利的大規模游行示威，把黑人運動從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭達到高潮。25萬人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會方式舉行“自由進軍”的示威，就在林肯紀念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發表了這篇激動人心的演說。在演講中，表達了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對自由平等公正的追求與憧憬。馬丁路德金演講稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進主義鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主諾言的時候。現在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關大道的時候。現在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰斗精神，不應導致我們對所有白人的不信任——因為許多白人兄弟已經認識到：他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。We cannot walk alone.我們不能單獨行動。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.當我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我們不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天懷有一個夢。

我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變為充滿手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護自由，因為我們知道，我們終有一天會獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點必須實現。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講 中文翻譯

馬丁路德金演講-我們向何處去

南方基督教領袖會議 亞特蘭大，佐治亞 1967年8月16日

現在為了回答“我們向何處去”這一問題，也是我們的主題，我們必須首先明確我們的現狀。當初擬定憲法時，一個不可思議的公式規定黑人在納稅和選舉權方面只是一個完整人的60﹪。如今又一個匪夷所思的公式規定黑人是一個完整人的50%。對于生活中的好事，黑人大約只享有白人所享受的一半；而生活中的不愉快，黑人卻要承受白人所面對的兩倍。因此，所有黑人中有一半人住著低標準的住房。而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。每當我們審視生活中的負面經歷時，黑人總是占著雙倍的分額。黑人失業者是白人的兩倍。黑人嬰兒的死亡率是白人的兩倍，從黑人所占的總人口比率上看，在越南死亡的黑人是白人的兩倍。

其他領域也有同樣驚人的數字。在小學，黑人比白人落后一至三年，并且在他們種族隔離的學校，學生人均所得到的補貼比白人的學校少得多。20個上大學的學生中，只有一個是黑人。在職的黑人中，75﹪的人從事的是粗活。

這就是我們的現狀。我們的出路在哪里？首先，我們必須維護自己的尊嚴和價值。我們必須要在一個仍然壓迫著我們的體制中站起來，形成牢不可破且有威嚴的價值感。我們再不能因為自己是黑人而感到羞恥。要在幾百年來灌輸黑人是卑微的、無足輕重的人民心中喚起他們做人的尊嚴絕非易事。

黑色的描述和黑人的貢獻

甚至語義學似乎也合謀把黑色的說成是丑陋和卑劣的。羅杰特分類詞典中與黑色相關的同義詞有120個，其中至少60個微詞匿影藏行，例如，骯臟、煤煙、猙獰的、魔鬼的和令人作嘔的。而與白色相關的同義詞約有134個，他們卻毫無例外都褒獎洋溢，諸如純潔、潔凈、貞潔和純真此類詞等。白色的（善意的）謊言總比黑色的（惡意的）謊言要好。家庭中最為人所不齒的成員被稱為“黑羊”（既敗家子）。奧西。戴維斯曾建議或許應重造英語語言，從而教師將不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60種方式蔑視自己使他們延續不斷懷有不應有的自卑感，而教白人孩子134種方式寵愛自己而使他們繼續懷有一種錯誤的優越感。

忽視黑人對美國生活的貢獻從而剝奪其做人的權利的傾向，早如美國最早的史書所記，近如每日晨報所載。為了打破這種文化扼殺，黑人必須奮起申明自己高貴的人格。任何忽略這一要點為黑人爭取自由的任何運動都將徒勞無功。只要心靈被奴役，肉體就永遠不會得到解放。心理上的自由，即強烈的自尊感，是戰勝肉體受奴役之漫漫長夜中最強有力的武器。無論是林肯的“解放宣言”還是約翰遜的“民權法案”都不能完全帶來這種自由。黑人惟有發自內心并用堅定的人格的筆墨簽下自己的解放宣言才會得到真正的自由。黑人必須大膽無慮地拋棄那自我否定的枷鎖，竭盡全力以自尊自重的精神，對自己、對世界說：“我非等閑之輩。我是人，我是一個有尊嚴，有榮譽的人。我有富有而高貴的歷史。那是一段多么痛苦的受剝削的歷史。是的，我從祖先那里繼承了我的奴隸身份，但我并不為此感到羞愧。讓我羞愧的是那些充滿罪惡的人迫使我成為奴隸。”是的，我們必須站起來說：“我是黑人，我是美麗的。”黑人需要這種自我肯定，而白人對黑人所犯下的罪行使得這種自我肯定顯得更為必要。

主要的挑戰

另一個主要的挑戰是在經濟和政治上如何增強我們的勢力。無庸質疑，黑人極其需要這種合法的權力。事實上，黑人所面臨的一個嚴峻的問題就是權力匱乏。從南方陳舊的種植園到北方較新的貧民區，黑人一直被迫過者一種無聲無息且無權無勢的生活。由于被剝奪了決定自己生活和命運的權力，他們只能對這個白人權力機構所做出的專斷的、有時是反復無常的決策聽之任之。那些種植園和貧民區是由掌權的人開辟的，既可限制那些無權的人，又可使他們的無權狀況延續下去。因此，改變貧民區的問題就是權力的問題---要求改變的權力和致力于維持社會現狀的權力這兩種力量之間的沖突。對于權力正確的理解應該是實現目的的能力。它意指能引發社會、政治、經濟變化所需的力量。沃爾特魯瑟曾為權力下過定義。他說：“權力就是像U.A.W（汽車工人聯合會）這樣的工會能使像通用汽車這樣世界上最強大的公司想說‘不’時說‘是’的能力。這就是權力。”

我們中有許多人是傳道士，而且我們所有的人都有自己的道德信念和所關心的事，也因此經常與權力有沖突。如果使用得當，權力并沒有什么問題。問題是我們有些哲學家曲解了它。歷史上的一大問題就是常把愛和權力的概念對立起來---把它們看作兩極化的對立面---結果愛被認為須放棄權力，而權利則意味著對愛的屏棄。

正是這種曲解使得研究權力意志的哲學家尼采拒絕基督教的愛的概念。也是這種曲解誘使基督教的神學家們，以基督的愛的思想的名義拒絕尼采的權力意志的哲學。現在我們必須得把這一曲解改正過來。我們需要認識到沒有愛的權力是毫無節制的、易被濫用的，而沒有權力的愛則是多愁善感的、蒼白無力的。最理想的權力是實現公正所需的愛，最理想的公正是改正任何阻撓愛的權力。這就是我們走向未來時必須要理解的。事實表明，我們在自己的國家對此有過誤解及混淆，并因此導致了美國黑人曾試圖用沒有愛和良知的權力實現他們的目標。

這是導致一些極端分子今天倡導黑人應從白人手中謀求奪取他們曾深惡痛絕的毀滅性的、無良知的權力。正是這種邪惡的權力和沒有權勢的道義的沖突構成了我們時代的主要危機。

制定一個計劃？

我們必須制定計劃推動我們國家實現有保障的年收入。倘若是在本世紀初，這個提議或許會因其缺乏主動性和責任感而受到嘲笑和譴責。當時社會，經濟地位被看作是衡量一個人的能力和才能的標準。并且以那時的衡量標準，財物的匱乏表明個人缺乏勤勞的習慣和道德觀念。對于人類動機和我們經濟體制的盲目運作的理解上，我們已取得了很大的進步。現在我們懂得，是我們混亂的經濟市場操作和歧視盛行才使得人們無所事事，從而使他們違背自己的意愿長期或不斷失業。今天，我希望窮人將不再像從前那樣，因在我們的意識中被標榜為劣等或無能而常常被解雇。我們還必須懂得，無論經濟如何快速發展都無法消除一切貧困。

這一問題表明我們的工作重點必須是雙重的。我們要不提供全面就業，要不就要創收。無論如何，要想盡一切辦法使人們成為消費者。一旦他們處于這樣的位置，我們就必須關注個人的潛力不被浪費。我們應為那些找不到傳統工作的人開拓新的對社會有益的工作形式。1879年，亨利 喬治在他所著的“進步與貧窮“一書中就預見到了這樣的形態：

事實上，人們從事改善人類處境的工作，從事傳播知識、增強實力、豐富文學財富，以及升華思想的工作并不是為了謀生。這不同于奴隸被迫做工，奴隸做工是由于任務本身或工頭所迫，或就是處于動物本能。而這種新的人類的工作，它本身能為生活帶來保障，并創造一種消除了匱乏的社會形態。

倘使能大規模地增加這種工作，我們可能會發現，如果把住房和教育問題放在消除貧困之后，那么隨著貧窮的消除，它們也會有所改善。被改造成購買者的窮人會依靠自己的力量大舉改善其惡劣的住房狀況。當有了額外的金錢這一武器，承受雙重痛苦的黑人在他們反歧視的斗爭中將會有更大的收效。

此外，廣泛的經濟保障必然會帶來許多積極的心理上的改變。當命運掌握在自己手中，并有渠道尋求自我提高時，人的尊嚴就會達到顛峰。當不再用金錢的天平不公正地衡量一個人的價值時，夫妻子女間的沖突就會減少。

我們的國家有能力做到這些。約翰?肯尼斯?加爾布萊斯說每年大約200億美元就可以實現有保障的年收入。今天我想對你們說，如果我們國家一年能花350億美元在越南發動一場不公正的邪惡的戰爭，花200億美元把人送上月球，那么她就能花費幾十億美元幫助上帝的孩子自立于這個世界。

致力于非暴力

現在，讓我簡單地說，我們必須重申對非暴力的承諾。我想強調這一點。近期所有的黑人騷亂都可悲地表明，暴力在爭取種族平等的斗爭中是徒勞無益的。昨天我試圖分析這些騷亂及其緣由。今天我想揭示其另一面。誠然，騷亂總是令人悲傷痛苦。人們可以看到尖叫的年輕人和憤怒的成年人絕望而盲目地與不可能戰勝的困難作戰。然而，在他們內心深處，可以看見自我毀滅的欲望，一種自絕于世的渴望。

時有黑人爭辯說，1965年的瓦特騷亂和其他城市的騷亂代表著有效的人權行動。但當問到這些騷亂最終取得了什么具體的收益時，那些持此觀點者則支支吾吾、無以應答。那些騷亂頂多從被嚇壞了的政府官員那里得到少量額外的扶貧金，和幾處給貧民區的孩子們降溫的噴水設施。這就好像給仍關在鐵窗后的人改善監獄的伙食一樣。沒有任何騷亂能像有組織的抗議示威那樣贏得實實在在的改進。而當試圖請提倡暴力者說明，什么樣的做法是最行之有效的時候，回答總是明顯地不合邏輯。有時他們談論顛覆種族歧視的政府和地方政府，又談論游擊戰爭。他們不懂得，除非政府已失去武裝部隊的支持和對其有效的控制，沒有任何內部革命能夠通過暴力成功地推翻政府。任何有理性的人都明白這在美國是絕不會發生的。當面臨種族暴力的局勢時，權利機構可以支配地方警察，州警察，國民警衛隊，直至軍隊---所有這些武裝大部分是由白人組成的。此外，除非那些主張暴力的少數人得到大多數不抵抗主義者的同情與支持，否則暴力革命很少或者說幾乎沒有成功的。盡管卡斯特羅可能有為數不多的古巴人在山上與他并肩作戰，但是倘若他沒有得到絕大多數的古巴人民的同情，他就絕不可能成功地推翻巴蒂斯塔政權。

顯而易見，美國黑人的暴力革命不會得到白人甚至大多數黑人的同情和支持。現在不是進行浪漫的幻想，和對自由進行空洞的哲學論辯的時候。現在是行動的時候。我們需要的是尋求改變的策略，一個能使黑人盡快地融入到美國主流生活的高明方案。迄今為止，只有非暴力運動為此提供了可能。如果不能領悟到這一點，我們所有的只是不能解決、回答、解釋問題的方案、答案和解釋。

因此，今天我想告訴你們，我仍堅持非暴力這一原則。而且我仍然堅信，它是黑人在這個國家爭取公正的斗爭的最有效的武器。另外，我企盼一個更美好的世界。我企盼公正。我企盼兄弟情誼。我企盼真理。當一個人有此企盼時，他絕不會倡導暴力。因為暴力可能除掉一個兇手，但卻不能消除謀殺。暴力可能除掉一個騙子，但卻不能締造真理。暴力可能除掉一個仇人，但卻不能消除仇恨。黑暗不能驅除黑暗，只有光明才驅除黑暗。

我還想告訴你們，我已決意繼續以愛為本。因為我知道愛是最終解決人類問題的唯一答案。因此，無論走到哪里我都會談及此話題。我知道今天在某些圈子里這是一個不受歡迎的話題。我所談及的愛不是情感糾葛。我所談及的愛是一種強烈的、高要求的愛。因為我看到了太多的仇恨。在南部縣治安官的臉上看到了太多的恨。在太多的三k黨成員和南方白人公民議員的臉上看到仇恨，以至于我開始厭惡自己。因為每次我看到它，我知道這對他們的臉和他們的人格都有影響，我會對自己說，仇恨是一個令人難以承受的負擔。因此我已決定以愛為本。倘若你在尋求最高層次的德行，我想你可以在愛中找到。美妙的是，當我們這樣做的時候，我們在遠離邪惡，因為約翰是正確的，神就是愛。心存怨恨的人不認識神，倒是心中有愛的人掌握了能夠開啟通向現實大門的鑰匙。

在我結束這篇講話前，我想告訴你們，當我們談論“我們向何處去”時，我們應當真誠地面對這一事實：這一運動必須解決重建整個美國社會的問題。我們現有4000萬窮人。總有一天我們必須提出這一問題：“美國為什么會有4000萬窮人？”當你開始問這個問題時，你在質疑經濟體制和更大范圍的財富分配。當你問及這一問題時，你開始質疑資本主義經濟。我的意思是，越問越會問及整個社會。我們有責任幫助那些在人生市場上淪為乞丐的失意的人。但我們終將會意識到一個制造乞丐的社會需要重建。這意味著必須質疑。我的朋友們，當你這樣做時，你開始質疑“誰擁有石油？”你開始質疑“誰擁有鐵礦？”你開始質疑“為什么在一個2/3被水覆蓋的世界上人們還得交付水費？”這些就是必須要質疑的問題。

關于共產主義

不要以為今天你們抓住了我的把柄。我不是在談論共產主義。

今天早上我要對你們說的是，共產主義忘記了生活是個人的。資本主義忘記了生活是社群的，而兄弟的王國既不是建立在共產主義的論點上，也不會建立在資本主義的對立面上，而是建立在一種更高的合成體上。它是建立在一種更高的兩者真理結合的合成體上。當我說要質疑整個社會時，我指的是最終能懂得種族歧視、經濟剝削和戰爭這些問題是密不可分的。它們是相互關聯的三重罪惡。

請允許我在這里做一回傳道人---一天晚上，一個陪審員來見耶穌，他想知道他該做什么才能得救。耶穌沒有以孤立的方式建議他不要做什么事。耶穌沒有說，“尼哥底母，你必須停止撒謊。”他沒有說，“尼哥底母，如果你在偷竊，你必須馬上改正。” 他沒有說，“尼哥底母，你不能犯奸淫的罪。” 他沒有說，“尼哥底母，如果你酗酒，你必須馬上停止。”他的回答迥然不同，因為耶穌知道事情的本質---如果一個人撒謊，他就會偷竊。如果他偷竊，他就會殺人。因此，耶穌沒有局限在一件事上，而是看著他說，“尼哥底母，你必須重生。”

換言之，他說，“你們對整個構架必須徹底改變。”一個奴役國民達244年之久的國家會把人“物化”---把他們當成東西看待。因此，他們以及所有的窮人會在經濟上受到剝削。一個在經濟上進行剝削的國家不得不向外國投資，并干一些別的什么巧取躲豪的勾當，因此需要軍事力量來保護其利益。所有這些問題都是密不可分的。我今天要說的是當我們離開這個集會時，我們必須說，“美國，你必須重生！”

結尾

因此，我今天最后重申我們的任務，讓我們帶著“神圣的期待”開始抗爭。讓我們期待著美國不再患有信念上的高血壓和行動上的貧血癥。讓我們期待著把城外富裕舒適的人與城內貧困絕望的人分隔開來的悲劇的墻被正義的攻城槌的力量摧毀。讓我們期待著那些住在希望的郊野的人被帶回到每日有保障的大都市中來。讓我們期待著貧民窟都被丟進歷史的垃圾堆，而每個家庭都能擁有體面的有衛生設施的家。讓我們期待著遭受種族隔離的學校的黑暗的昨天會被取消種族隔離的素質教育的光明的明天所取代。讓我們期待著種族融合將不再被看作是問題，而是參與創造多樣化生活的魅力的機會。讓我們期待著衡量黑人男女的尺度是他們的人格才識，而不是他們的膚色。讓我們期待著。讓我們期待著每一個州府都有一個行公義，好憐憫，存謙卑的心，與神同行的州長。讓我們期待著在所有的市府里看到公平如大水滾滾，公義如江河滔滔。讓我們期待著有一天獅子與羊羔同臥一處，所有的人都坐在自家的葡萄樹和無花果樹下，不再恐懼。讓我們期待著。人類會明白上帝用同一個血脈創造了所有人，使之生活在地球表面上。讓我們期待著，有一天不再有人叫囂“黑人權力！”---而所有的人都會談論上帝的權柄和人類的權力。

我必須承認，我的朋友們，前面的路不會總是平坦的。巖石遍布之處會帶來挫敗，蜿蜒曲折之處會令人迷惘。到處都會有不可避免的障礙。有時我們會從希望之巔跌入絕望之谷。我們的夢想有時會被打破；渺茫的希望有時會破滅。我們可能會淚眼模糊地再一次站在某位勇敢的人權志士的靈柩前，悲悼嗜血成性的暴民兇殘地奪去他的生命。無論多么艱難，無論多么痛苦，我們必須以毫無畏懼的信念在未來的日子里勇往直前。當我們繼續我們既定的征途時，我們能從昔日偉大的自由戰士，黑人詩人詹姆斯·韋爾登·約翰遜的詩中得到慰籍：

踏過布滿荊棘的道路 忍受過棍棒的鞭笞之苦 在孕育的希望破滅之時 依舊前進、摸索。

伴著堅定的步伐 即使雙腳疲憊 也依舊來到了

我們祖先為之嘆息的地方？ 我們一路走過 浸滿淚水的道路。我們已艱難踏上

流淌著烈士鮮血的小徑。

走出陰暗的過去，迄今我們終于站在 自我們明亮的星辰 灑下的光明的維曦中。

讓這一信念成為我們的戰斗口號。它將給我們勇氣以面對無法預見的未來。它將給我們疲憊的雙腳以新的力量，向著自由之城大踏步繼續我們的征程。當絕望的陰云密布，我們的日子變得陰郁無望時，當我們的夜晚變得比1000個深夜還黑暗時，讓我們記住宇宙間有一種創造力，能把巨大的邪惡的山脈折斷，一種力量能在絕境之處開辟新徑，把黑暗的昨天變成光輝燦爛的明天。讓我們銘記道德的蒼穹長又長，但它終將落向正義。

讓我們銘記威廉·卡倫·布萊恩特的至理名言：“被壓倒的真理，終必站起來。” 讓我們記得《圣經》里的真理，“不要自欺，神是輕慢不得的；人種的是什么，收的也是什么。” 這就是我們對未來的希望，帶著這個信念，我們就會在不遠的明天用宇宙的過去時來歌唱 “我們已經勝利，我們已經勝利。在我心靈的深處，我曾堅信我們會勝利。”