第一篇：馬丁路德金《I have a dream》演講賞析

《I have a dream》演講賞析

每一場(chǎng)感人肺腑的演講，其實(shí)都是演講稿和演講口才的完美融合。演講稿是演講的支撐，演講口才是演講吸睛的法寶。對(duì)一場(chǎng)演講的賞析，自然要從演講稿和演講口才兩方面談起。

一、演講稿賞析

俗話說(shuō)：“巧婦難為無(wú)米之炊”，一次動(dòng)人心弦、氣貫長(zhǎng)虹的演講絕對(duì)離不開(kāi)一篇妙筆生花、超凡脫俗的演講稿，演講稿寫(xiě)好了，演講就成功了一半。好的演講稿必定會(huì)閃現(xiàn)出思想的光芒，迸發(fā)出智慧的火花，而馬丁?路德?金的《I have a dream》就是這些好的演講稿中的代表作，在人類歷史的長(zhǎng)河中熠熠生輝。

《I have a dream》是一篇政治類演講稿，強(qiáng)烈反映了黑人對(duì)于種族歧視政策的反抗和對(duì)自由平等的追尋。無(wú)論是話題、內(nèi)容還是層次，都具有很大的特點(diǎn)。首先，話題的政治性強(qiáng)烈，馬丁?路德?金在其中表明了他的非暴力抗議與聯(lián)合有良知的白人的主張，鮮明地表達(dá)他的政治傾向，理性地把握住歷史的發(fā)展方向；其次，內(nèi)容的鼓動(dòng)性強(qiáng)烈，語(yǔ)言表達(dá)富有感染力，思想深刻，發(fā)人深省；最后，層次的邏輯性嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)，環(huán)環(huán)相扣、層層深入、一氣呵成、滔滔不絕。

下面展開(kāi)內(nèi)容進(jìn)行分析。馬丁?路德?金開(kāi)門(mén)見(jiàn)山，揭示主題，表明自己演講的目的：鼓勵(lì)黑人追求真正的自由與平等。雖然只是一句話，但是包含了問(wèn)候語(yǔ)和對(duì)自由的渴望與信心，霎時(shí)令全場(chǎng)肅穆。

隨后，引用美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)林肯簽署的《解放黑人奴隸宣言》這一充滿人性光輝和契約精神的法令，從根本上詮釋了黑人追求自由的正義性與正當(dāng)性，給種族歧視者當(dāng)頭一棒。接著反觀現(xiàn)實(shí)，用四個(gè)“One hundred years later ?”的排比句將理想與現(xiàn)實(shí)的巨大落差描繪得淋漓盡致，令黑人憤怒，令懷揣良心的白人倍感同情，極大地諷刺了種族歧視者與當(dāng)權(quán)者背信棄義的行為。短短兩段話就已經(jīng)收獲了人心，達(dá)到了萬(wàn)眾矚目的效果，使演講得以順利進(jìn)行。

然后，用一張“未兌現(xiàn)的支票”比喻《解放黑人奴隸宣言》，眾所周知，支票當(dāng)然是換取現(xiàn)金的了，其象征意義不言而喻。然而馬丁?路德?金絕不相信“正義的銀行”會(huì)破產(chǎn)，絕不相信“機(jī)會(huì)寶庫(kù)”會(huì)資金不足，表明他對(duì)正義的堅(jiān)守和對(duì)美國(guó)的信賴，這也在無(wú)形中引導(dǎo)著聽(tīng)眾的政治傾向。

緊接著發(fā)出黑人的聲音，表達(dá)出改革的緊迫性，隨著美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、文化等綜合實(shí)力的提高，種族不平等積弊的影響日漸突出，忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對(duì)于美國(guó)將是致命的。同時(shí)，表達(dá)出了黑人抗?fàn)幍降椎臎Q心。這些都起到了振聾發(fā)聵的作用，使處于昏睡中的美國(guó)蘇醒。

在成功呼喚起黑人斗志的同時(shí)，馬丁?路德?金向黑人明確指明了自己的政治傾向――非暴力抗?fàn)幹鲝垺２灰竭^(guò)法律的底線，要用合法的方式奪取自己的利益，不要飲鴆止渴，防止矯枉過(guò)正。同時(shí)聯(lián)合有良知的白人兄弟共同組成反種族歧視者聯(lián)盟，逼迫統(tǒng)治者給予黑人與白人真正平等的權(quán)利。馬丁?路德?金這一主張旨在壓制黑人的暴力情緒，維護(hù)美國(guó)的安定，同時(shí)增強(qiáng)團(tuán)隊(duì)力量，助力政治愿望的實(shí)現(xiàn)。當(dāng)然，馬丁?路德?金對(duì)于“政治消極者”也給與了很大的鼓勵(lì)，激勵(lì)他們不要沉淪，要對(duì)未來(lái)充滿信心。

接著，馬丁?路德?金鄭重地提出自己的夢(mèng)想，演講進(jìn)入高潮部分。他連用“I have a dream that one day?”六個(gè)排比段，分別從國(guó)家方面、生活方面、精神方面刻畫(huà)著夢(mèng)想中的唯美畫(huà)面，用文學(xué)的魅力感染著每一個(gè)人，令人神往。

最后，馬丁?路德?金用“Let freedom ring from?”八個(gè)氣勢(shì)恢宏的排比句讓自由之聲響徹美利堅(jiān)的每一篇土地，表達(dá)了他對(duì)自由無(wú)限的熱愛(ài)。尤其結(jié)尾引用黑人的古老頌歌再將自由之聲唱起，可謂是余音繞梁，令在場(chǎng)每一個(gè)人都難以忘懷。馬丁?路德?金對(duì)于演講效果的掌控令人欽佩不已。

總之，馬丁?路德?金的《I have a dream》內(nèi)容充實(shí)、激情飽滿、莊嚴(yán)鄭重、文體流暢、語(yǔ)言優(yōu)雅并富有無(wú)窮的韻味，恰似行云流水，又如江河奔瀉，既飄逸輕靈，又肅穆凝重，氣勢(shì)非凡，可謂情文并茂，雄辯有力。

二、演講口才賞析

作為一代著名的演說(shuō)家，馬丁?路德?金的演講口才不容置疑，下面著重從口語(yǔ)表達(dá)技巧方面對(duì)《I have a dream》進(jìn)行分析。

在重音運(yùn)用方面，馬丁?路德?金對(duì)感情重音的運(yùn)用堪稱絕妙。比如說(shuō)當(dāng)提到“One hundred years later”時(shí)重音越來(lái)越重，表達(dá)了他的憤怒之情的加重；“Now is the time?”和“We can never be satisfied?”每次都是重音，表達(dá)了他的激昂慷慨之情。而“For white only”、“vote”、“No.No.”、“ I have a dream today！”“Free at last”等多處簡(jiǎn)短重音的運(yùn)用，更是有力地表現(xiàn)出他的情感的強(qiáng)烈，令人動(dòng)容。詩(shī)人賀拉斯曾說(shuō)：“只有一條路可以打動(dòng)人們的心，就是向他們顯示你自己首先已經(jīng)被打動(dòng)了。” 馬丁?路德?金的感情帶動(dòng)著聽(tīng)眾的感情，他高亢，聽(tīng)眾就高亢；他沉郁，聽(tīng)眾就沉郁；他飽含深情，聽(tīng)眾就自然觸目生情。

在停連運(yùn)用方面，邏輯停頓、感情停頓、特殊停頓都有運(yùn)用。比如說(shuō)開(kāi)頭的長(zhǎng)單句有幾處邏輯停頓，介紹集會(huì)的目的和意義，使語(yǔ)言表達(dá)變模糊為清晰；“One hundred years later”三次感情停頓，使語(yǔ)言變平淡為波瀾；而“Let freedom ring from?”特殊停頓的運(yùn)用，則使語(yǔ)言變松散為整齊。連接的作用是渲染氣氛，增強(qiáng)氣勢(shì)，表達(dá)激情，推進(jìn)內(nèi)容，例如幾次“Go back to?”的運(yùn)用氣貫長(zhǎng)虹，具有非凡的感染力。

在節(jié)奏變化技巧方面，既有慢節(jié)奏的，如開(kāi)頭一句，娓娓道來(lái)，平靜安詳，為高潮蓄勢(shì)；也有快節(jié)奏的，如“Go back to?”，令人心潮澎湃；也有節(jié)奏由慢到快的，如“One hundred years later”、“Now is the time?”，感情也隨之加深。本場(chǎng)演講的一個(gè)突出特點(diǎn)就是排比、層遞等藝術(shù)手法的運(yùn)用，這使得節(jié)奏變化多樣，演講更加引人入勝。

總之，馬丁?路德?金的《I have a dream》在演講口才方面確實(shí)令人嘆服。

作者：張?jiān)扑?/p>

第二篇：馬丁路德金演講賞析

馬丁·路德·金--《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》賞析

最近，我在受老師上課的影響下細(xì)讀了一篇演說(shuō)稿，題目是《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》，讓我感觸非常深。《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》是1963年8月8日在美國(guó)第16屆總統(tǒng)林肯紀(jì)念堂前舉行《黑人解放宣言》100周年紀(jì)念活動(dòng)時(shí)基督教牧師馬丁路德金作的長(zhǎng)篇演說(shuō)，主要揭露了白人對(duì)黑人的殘酷迫害，表達(dá)了對(duì)自由和幸福的渴望以及正義奮斗到底的決心。而這篇演講也影響了一代有理想的年輕人。

《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》是一篇演講稿，文中運(yùn)用了許多的排比句，主要講了黑人以及作者對(duì)自由的渴望，也揭示了黑人在白人心中的地位，讀了這篇演講稿我覺(jué)得，我們不應(yīng)該因?yàn)閯e人的膚色、地位、家境就改變對(duì)他們的態(tài)度、看法，因?yàn)槿巳松降龋瑳](méi)有高低貴賤之分，即使你出生再一個(gè)富裕的家庭也不代表你比人家高，因?yàn)槟悻F(xiàn)在的富裕不是你的，而是他人努力的成果，只有通過(guò)自己的努力得來(lái)的，才是自己的，而出生的窮困人，也不用為了自己的身世而自卑，雖然你的家庭是窮困的，但是你可以通過(guò)自己的努力來(lái)改變現(xiàn)狀。我希望以后我們可以生活在一個(gè)不是以人們的膚色、身份、地位，而是以我們的品格優(yōu)劣來(lái)評(píng)價(jià)我們的國(guó)度里生活。

人人生而平等。

這樣震撼人心，激勵(lì)斗志，充分論理，洋溢熱情，堅(jiān)定信念，邏輯嚴(yán)密的演講很少見(jiàn)。不論從思想性和藝術(shù)性上都可稱得上極品。他的演講，揭露問(wèn)題一針見(jiàn)血，毫不隱晦，明明白白。這篇演講稿里，每一個(gè)字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對(duì)黑人自由的渴望；每一個(gè)字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對(duì)奴隸主與奴隸能在同一片藍(lán)天下生活的期望；每一個(gè)字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對(duì)黑人與白人情同骨肉攜手并進(jìn)的希望。

馬丁·路德·金的演講稿《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》讓我體會(huì)到了當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)政府對(duì)黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演講震撼了一個(gè)又一個(gè)的白人與黑人；那鏗鏘有力的聲音喚醒了人們那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌聲給人們留下了永不磨滅的回憶。

馬丁·路德·金的《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》這個(gè)演講，不但給了人們永不磨滅的回憶，還讓人們發(fā)現(xiàn)了自己對(duì)黑人的不公。現(xiàn)在，在去美國(guó)，再也不會(huì)看見(jiàn)白人對(duì)黑人投去蔑視的眼神了，真正地達(dá)到了馬丁·路德·金所希望的那樣“昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。”世界又變成了和平的時(shí)期。

首先本文擬將從文學(xué)體的角度，對(duì)于馬丁·路德·金所作的演講進(jìn)行分析。通過(guò)這種分析來(lái)描寫(xiě)馬丁·路德·金在演講中的語(yǔ)言特點(diǎn)，以便更深刻得理解該演講文體及其深層含義。

1.語(yǔ)域分析

任何語(yǔ)言使用都受到語(yǔ)域因素的影響，不同語(yǔ)域的語(yǔ)言使用也呈現(xiàn)著不用的規(guī)律和特點(diǎn)，馬丁·路德·金的演講也是。著名語(yǔ)言學(xué)家韓禮德（Halliday）把語(yǔ)域理論分為：語(yǔ)場(chǎng)，語(yǔ)旨和語(yǔ)式。語(yǔ)場(chǎng)是指語(yǔ)篇所涉及的社會(huì)活動(dòng)或?qū)嶋H發(fā)生的事；語(yǔ)旨是指交際活動(dòng)所涉及的人和他們之間的關(guān)系；語(yǔ)式是指語(yǔ)篇的載體形式即語(yǔ)言交際的渠道或媒介。

從整個(gè)語(yǔ)篇來(lái)看，該篇演講沒(méi)有很生僻，也沒(méi)有特別長(zhǎng)的單詞，基本上都是日常生活中人們常見(jiàn)常用常聽(tīng)到的詞匯。從語(yǔ)旨上來(lái)分析，馬丁·路德·金面對(duì)的聽(tīng)眾是黑人群體和一些民眾，他們文化程度、知識(shí)背景不一，首先就要使所有的聽(tīng)眾都聽(tīng)得懂他的演講，因此，金用民眾易于理解的詞匯能夠傳遞更多的信息。

從語(yǔ)場(chǎng)上來(lái)講，該演講的主題是有關(guān)黑人爭(zhēng)取平等權(quán)利，取得真正的自由。因此，馬丁·路德·金的演講圍繞這一主題展，那么出現(xiàn)在語(yǔ)篇當(dāng)中的高頻詞匯就得與上述主題有明顯的關(guān)聯(lián)。我做了一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單統(tǒng)計(jì)，發(fā)現(xiàn)其中Freedom（自由）出現(xiàn)20次，Justice（公平）出現(xiàn)11次，Right（權(quán)利）出現(xiàn)7次。由此看來(lái)，馬丁·路德·金緊扣主題，一方面突出重點(diǎn)的目的，起到強(qiáng)調(diào)的作用；另一方面，表現(xiàn)了實(shí)現(xiàn)愿望的感情之強(qiáng)烈。

2.情態(tài)動(dòng)詞分析

語(yǔ)旨的變化主要表現(xiàn)在對(duì)人際意義的不同選擇上。在詞匯層面上，主要體現(xiàn)在語(yǔ)氣，情態(tài)動(dòng)詞詞匯的不用選擇上。情態(tài)系統(tǒng)是表達(dá)說(shuō)話者對(duì)事物的判斷和評(píng)價(jià)的系統(tǒng)。金運(yùn)用了不同的情態(tài)動(dòng)詞來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)他的不同人際意義。比如，原文中Will出現(xiàn)26次，Can和Must都出現(xiàn)8次。通過(guò)預(yù)測(cè)推斷，有了這些信念，我們可以改變現(xiàn)狀。Will表示將會(huì)，Can表示可以，能夠，Must表達(dá)必須，義務(wù)的意思，從內(nèi)容上看，無(wú)一不是一再的激起聽(tīng)眾的熱血，像他們傳達(dá)著自由終會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)，大家終會(huì)解放的涵義。從語(yǔ)氣上來(lái)看，也是遞進(jìn)的關(guān)系，這些情態(tài)動(dòng)詞的穿插使用更加堅(jiān)定了廣大黑人聽(tīng)眾的信念，振奮精神。

《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》的作者馬丁·路德·金生于1929年，是美國(guó)著名的黑人民權(quán)領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1963年晉見(jiàn)了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過(guò)新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》的演說(shuō)。1946年獲得諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工時(shí)被人謀殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國(guó)政府將每年1月的第三個(gè)星期一定為馬丁·路德·金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。

馬丁·路德·金用他犀利的言辭和有針對(duì)性的話語(yǔ)擲地有聲地指出一百年前的偉大的林肯總統(tǒng)簽署了解放黑奴宣言，那莊嚴(yán)的宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬(wàn)在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來(lái)希望。

但在一百多年后的今天，黑人依然沒(méi)有得到自由，在種族隔離的腳銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活依然受壓迫，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中的一個(gè)窮困的“小島”，黑人仍然萎縮在美國(guó)社會(huì)的角落。

美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的締造者在草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言時(shí)曾向每一個(gè)美國(guó)人許下諾言，承諾給予所有人以生存、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)力。可如今，美國(guó)顯然沒(méi)有實(shí)踐她的諾言，只是給黑人一張說(shuō)是可以給予黑人寶貴的自由和正義的保障的空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子便退了回來(lái)。沒(méi)錯(cuò)，如今黑人的生活雖已普遍改善，但黑人遭受極不公正，不公正待遇的事件仍層出不窮。黑人雖已迎來(lái)了新生活，但舊思想，舊觀念還是在少數(shù)白人的腦海里揮之不去，深入骨髓。

演講還提醒如果美國(guó)忽視時(shí)間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么這對(duì)美國(guó)將是致命傷。自由和平等的涼爽秋天如不到來(lái)，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會(huì)過(guò)去。一九六三年并不意味著斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，而是開(kāi)始。黑人得不到公民的權(quán)利，美國(guó)就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來(lái)，叛亂旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動(dòng)搖這個(gè)國(guó)家的基礎(chǔ)。

最后他還提到希望：我們讓自由之聲響起來(lái)，讓自由之聲從每一個(gè)大小村莊、每一個(gè)州和每一個(gè)城市響起來(lái)時(shí)，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來(lái)。那時(shí)，上帝的所有兒女：黑人和白人、猶太教徒和非猶太教徒、耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手牽手合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由啦！終于自由啦！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由啦！”

馬丁·路德·金用他的夢(mèng)想給黑人勾畫(huà)出美麗的藍(lán)圖，也給他們一個(gè)等待的理由。他的演講獲得熱烈的擁護(hù)，也給他帶來(lái)崇高聲譽(yù)。全文思路明晰，富有邏輯性，不僅體現(xiàn)了作者的才情，更展現(xiàn)了作者高尚的追求和不屈的奮斗精神。馬丁·路德·金通過(guò)他的努力，終于在他逝世40年后的今天實(shí)現(xiàn)了他的夢(mèng)想：美國(guó)歷史上有了第一位黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬。而當(dāng)年對(duì)黑人歧視很嚴(yán)重的密西西比州，亞拉巴馬州，南卡羅來(lái)納州，佐治亞州，路易斯安那州，如今也得到了很大的改善。

馬丁·路德·金通過(guò)努力，使他的夢(mèng)想已經(jīng)不只是個(gè)夢(mèng)想，而是實(shí)現(xiàn)。

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能從絕望之山開(kāi)采出希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能把這個(gè)國(guó)家的嘈雜刺耳的爭(zhēng)吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭(zhēng)，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎溃覀兘K有一天會(huì)獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國(guó)，可愛(ài)的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國(guó)要成為偉大的國(guó)家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個(gè)個(gè)土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)山崗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講

馬丁路德金演講

篇一：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》 馬丁·路德·金 簡(jiǎn)介 馬丁·路德·金（英語(yǔ)：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國(guó)民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1948年到1951年間，在美國(guó)東海岸的費(fèi)城繼續(xù)深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見(jiàn)了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過(guò)新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》的演說(shuō)。1964諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國(guó)政府將每年1月的第三個(gè)星期一定為馬丁路德金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國(guó)亞特蘭大市奧本街501號(hào)，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣去愛(ài)、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠(chéng)。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時(shí)，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績(jī)進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會(huì)學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國(guó)戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國(guó)內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對(duì)丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭(zhēng)取社會(huì)平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會(huì)教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會(huì)”，號(hào)召全市近5萬(wàn)名黑人對(duì)公共法與公司進(jìn)行長(zhǎng)達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國(guó)南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭(zhēng)勝利，從而揭開(kāi)了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國(guó)政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。篇二：馬丁路德金_我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想(中英文)演講稿 今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國(guó)歷史上為了爭(zhēng)取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì)。100年前，一位偉大的美國(guó)人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對(duì)于千百萬(wàn)灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來(lái)希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長(zhǎng)夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然沒(méi)有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國(guó)社會(huì)中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國(guó)土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來(lái)到這里，要把這駭人聽(tīng)聞的情況公諸于眾。從某種意義上說(shuō)，我們來(lái)到國(guó)家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國(guó)的締造者在擬寫(xiě)憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時(shí)，就簽署了一張每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國(guó)顯然對(duì)她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國(guó)沒(méi)有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開(kāi)始給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會(huì)破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個(gè)國(guó)家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)寶庫(kù)會(huì)資金不足。因此，我們來(lái)兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。我們來(lái)到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國(guó)：現(xiàn)在正是萬(wàn)分緊急的時(shí)刻。現(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽(yáng)關(guān)大道的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是使我們國(guó)家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時(shí)候。忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對(duì)于國(guó)家將會(huì)是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來(lái)，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會(huì)過(guò)去。1963年不是一個(gè)結(jié)束，而是一個(gè)開(kāi)端。如果國(guó)家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國(guó)既不會(huì)安寧，也不會(huì)平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國(guó)家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來(lái)臨。但是，對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門(mén)檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說(shuō)。在我們爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過(guò)程中，切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來(lái)解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任--因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來(lái)到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問(wèn)熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的人：“你們什么時(shí)候會(huì)感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要我們?cè)诼猛緞陬D后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門(mén)外，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區(qū)到較大的黑人居住區(qū)，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個(gè)性，損毀尊嚴(yán)，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認(rèn)為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。不，不，我們不會(huì)滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。我并非沒(méi)有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來(lái)到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來(lái)自因追求自由而遭受迫害風(fēng)暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區(qū)。你們飽經(jīng)風(fēng)霜，歷盡苦難。繼續(xù)努力吧，要相信：無(wú)辜受苦終得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來(lái)納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區(qū)去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會(huì)改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。朋友們，今天我要對(duì)你們說(shuō)，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。這個(gè)夢(mèng)深深植根于美國(guó)夢(mèng)之中。我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國(guó)家將會(huì)奮起，實(shí)現(xiàn)其立國(guó)信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州--一個(gè)非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會(huì)改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。我夢(mèng)想有一天，我的四個(gè)小女兒將生活在一個(gè)不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優(yōu)劣作為評(píng)判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的國(guó)家里。我今天懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會(huì)有所改變--盡管該州州長(zhǎng)現(xiàn)在仍滔滔不絕地說(shuō)什么要對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令提出異議和拒絕執(zhí)行--在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地?cái)y手并行。我今天懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。我夢(mèng)想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能從絕望之山開(kāi)采出希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能把這個(gè)國(guó)家的嘈雜刺耳的爭(zhēng)吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭(zhēng)，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎溃覀兘K有一天會(huì)獲得自由。到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌： 我的祖國(guó)，可愛(ài)的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國(guó)要成為偉大的國(guó)家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨 高峰！讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個(gè)個(gè)土丘！讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)山崗！當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲轟響，當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)大村小莊，每一個(gè)州府城鎮(zhèn)，我們就能加速這一天的到來(lái)。那時(shí)，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：馬丁路德金簡(jiǎn)介和我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想英漢互譯演講稿以及演講背景 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國(guó)亞特蘭大市奧本街501號(hào)，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣去愛(ài)、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠(chéng)。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時(shí)，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績(jī)進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會(huì)學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國(guó)戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國(guó)內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對(duì)丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭(zhēng)取社會(huì)平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會(huì)教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會(huì)”，號(hào)召全市近5萬(wàn)名黑人對(duì)公共法與公司進(jìn)行長(zhǎng)達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國(guó)南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭(zhēng)勝利，從而揭開(kāi)了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國(guó)政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。關(guān)于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長(zhǎng)大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對(duì)種族隔離制度的斗爭(zhēng)。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭(zhēng)，而這種斗爭(zhēng)方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強(qiáng)調(diào)在爭(zhēng)取黑人自由平等權(quán)利的斗爭(zhēng)中，不應(yīng)干違法的事，不能讓“創(chuàng)造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對(duì)付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來(lái)，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛(ài)”、“仁慈”來(lái)感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時(shí)的學(xué)習(xí)有直接關(guān)系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)，利用業(yè)余時(shí)間，閱讀了著名的神學(xué)著作——人們寫(xiě)的關(guān)于信仰的書(shū)，還有哲學(xué)著作——關(guān)于生活方式的書(shū)。這些書(shū)的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實(shí)踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動(dòng)的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學(xué)是印度人民對(duì)抗英帝國(guó)主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對(duì)外國(guó)政治的統(tǒng)治，無(wú)論這樣統(tǒng)治是否出于善意。也無(wú)論是否正確，他們要自己來(lái)做出決定。甘地說(shuō)雖然他們必須準(zhǔn)備好為取得獨(dú)立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進(jìn)行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對(duì)待。馬丁開(kāi)始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國(guó)也可以。他用自己的行動(dòng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場(chǎng)聲勢(shì)浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。本次演講背景 50年代的美國(guó)南部，好像一座對(duì)付“解放了的”黑人的監(jiān)獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個(gè)州，在這里，黑人的選舉權(quán)力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽(tīng)聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發(fā)生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個(gè)教堂做禮拜，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入為白人開(kāi)設(shè)的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂(lè)場(chǎng)所，連公共汽車站上也樹(shù)立了柵欄，規(guī)定白人黑人分別上車。年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長(zhǎng)大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運(yùn)動(dòng)，最終迫使美國(guó)最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭(zhēng)取自由平等權(quán)利的大規(guī)模游行示威，把黑人運(yùn)動(dòng)從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭(zhēng)達(dá)到高潮。25萬(wàn)人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會(huì)方式舉行“自由進(jìn)軍”的示威，就在林肯紀(jì)念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發(fā)表了這篇激動(dòng)人心的演說(shuō)。在演講中，表達(dá)了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對(duì)自由平等公正的追求與憧憬。馬丁路德金演講稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國(guó)歷史上為了爭(zhēng)取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì)。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位偉大的美國(guó)人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對(duì)于千百萬(wàn)灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來(lái)希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長(zhǎng)夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然沒(méi)有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國(guó)社會(huì)中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國(guó)土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來(lái)到這里，要把這駭人聽(tīng)聞的情況公諸于眾。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 從某種意義上說(shuō)，我們來(lái)到國(guó)家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國(guó)的締造者在擬寫(xiě)憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時(shí)，就簽署了一張每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國(guó)顯然對(duì)她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國(guó)沒(méi)有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開(kāi)始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會(huì)破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個(gè)國(guó)家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)寶庫(kù)會(huì)資金不足。因此，我們來(lái)兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我們來(lái)到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國(guó)：現(xiàn)在正是萬(wàn)分緊急的時(shí)刻。現(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽(yáng)關(guān)大道的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是使我們國(guó)家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時(shí)候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對(duì)于國(guó)家將會(huì)是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來(lái)，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會(huì)過(guò)去。1963年不是一個(gè)結(jié)束，而是一個(gè)開(kāi)端。如果國(guó)家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國(guó)既不會(huì)安寧，也不會(huì)平靜。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國(guó)家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來(lái)臨。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門(mén)檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說(shuō)。在我們爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過(guò)程中，切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來(lái)解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來(lái)到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。We cannot walk alone.我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我們不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5