第一篇：馬丁路德金演講 中文翻譯

馬丁路德金演講-我們向何處去

南方基督教領(lǐng)袖會議 亞特蘭大，佐治亞 1967年8月16日

現(xiàn)在為了回答“我們向何處去”這一問題，也是我們的主題，我們必須首先明確我們的現(xiàn)狀。當(dāng)初擬定憲法時，一個不可思議的公式規(guī)定黑人在納稅和選舉權(quán)方面只是一個完整人的60﹪。如今又一個匪夷所思的公式規(guī)定黑人是一個完整人的50%。對于生活中的好事，黑人大約只享有白人所享受的一半；而生活中的不愉快，黑人卻要承受白人所面對的兩倍。因此，所有黑人中有一半人住著低標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的住房。而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。每當(dāng)我們審視生活中的負(fù)面經(jīng)歷時，黑人總是占著雙倍的分額。黑人失業(yè)者是白人的兩倍。黑人嬰兒的死亡率是白人的兩倍，從黑人所占的總?cè)丝诒嚷噬峡?，在越南死亡的黑人是白人的兩倍?/p>

其他領(lǐng)域也有同樣驚人的數(shù)字。在小學(xué)，黑人比白人落后一至三年，并且在他們種族隔離的學(xué)校，學(xué)生人均所得到的補(bǔ)貼比白人的學(xué)校少得多。20個上大學(xué)的學(xué)生中，只有一個是黑人。在職的黑人中，75﹪的人從事的是粗活。

這就是我們的現(xiàn)狀。我們的出路在哪里？首先，我們必須維護(hù)自己的尊嚴(yán)和價值。我們必須要在一個仍然壓迫著我們的體制中站起來，形成牢不可破且有威嚴(yán)的價值感。我們再不能因?yàn)樽约菏呛谌硕械叫邜u。要在幾百年來灌輸黑人是卑微的、無足輕重的人民心中喚起他們做人的尊嚴(yán)絕非易事。

黑色的描述和黑人的貢獻(xiàn)

甚至語義學(xué)似乎也合謀把黑色的說成是丑陋和卑劣的。羅杰特分類詞典中與黑色相關(guān)的同義詞有120個，其中至少60個微詞匿影藏行，例如，骯臟、煤煙、猙獰的、魔鬼的和令人作嘔的。而與白色相關(guān)的同義詞約有134個，他們卻毫無例外都褒獎洋溢，諸如純潔、潔凈、貞潔和純真此類詞等。白色的（善意的）謊言總比黑色的（惡意的）謊言要好。家庭中最為人所不齒的成員被稱為“黑羊”（既敗家子）。奧西。戴維斯曾建議或許應(yīng)重造英語語言，從而教師將不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60種方式蔑視自己使他們延續(xù)不斷懷有不應(yīng)有的自卑感，而教白人孩子134種方式寵愛自己而使他們繼續(xù)懷有一種錯誤的優(yōu)越感。

忽視黑人對美國生活的貢獻(xiàn)從而剝奪其做人的權(quán)利的傾向，早如美國最早的史書所記，近如每日晨報所載。為了打破這種文化扼殺，黑人必須奮起申明自己高貴的人格。任何忽略這一要點(diǎn)為黑人爭取自由的任何運(yùn)動都將徒勞無功。只要心靈被奴役，肉體就永遠(yuǎn)不會得到解放。心理上的自由，即強(qiáng)烈的自尊感，是戰(zhàn)勝肉體受奴役之漫漫長夜中最強(qiáng)有力的武器。無論是林肯的“解放宣言”還是約翰遜的“民權(quán)法案”都不能完全帶來這種自由。黑人惟有發(fā)自內(nèi)心并用堅(jiān)定的人格的筆墨簽下自己的解放宣言才會得到真正的自由。黑人必須大膽無慮地拋棄那自我否定的枷鎖，竭盡全力以自尊自重的精神，對自己、對世界說：“我非等閑之輩。我是人，我是一個有尊嚴(yán)，有榮譽(yù)的人。我有富有而高貴的歷史。那是一段多么痛苦的受剝削的歷史。是的，我從祖先那里繼承了我的奴隸身份，但我并不為此感到羞愧。讓我羞愧的是那些充滿罪惡的人迫使我成為奴隸。”是的，我們必須站起來說：“我是黑人，我是美麗的?！焙谌诵枰@種自我肯定，而白人對黑人所犯下的罪行使得這種自我肯定顯得更為必要。

主要的挑戰(zhàn)

另一個主要的挑戰(zhàn)是在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上如何增強(qiáng)我們的勢力。無庸質(zhì)疑，黑人極其需要這種合法的權(quán)力。事實(shí)上，黑人所面臨的一個嚴(yán)峻的問題就是權(quán)力匱乏。從南方陳舊的種植園到北方較新的貧民區(qū)，黑人一直被迫過者一種無聲無息且無權(quán)無勢的生活。由于被剝奪了決定自己生活和命運(yùn)的權(quán)力，他們只能對這個白人權(quán)力機(jī)構(gòu)所做出的專斷的、有時是反復(fù)無常的決策聽之任之。那些種植園和貧民區(qū)是由掌權(quán)的人開辟的，既可限制那些無權(quán)的人，又可使他們的無權(quán)狀況延續(xù)下去。因此，改變貧民區(qū)的問題就是權(quán)力的問題---要求改變的權(quán)力和致力于維持社會現(xiàn)狀的權(quán)力這兩種力量之間的沖突。對于權(quán)力正確的理解應(yīng)該是實(shí)現(xiàn)目的的能力。它意指能引發(fā)社會、政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)變化所需的力量。沃爾特魯瑟曾為權(quán)力下過定義。他說：“權(quán)力就是像U.A.W（汽車工人聯(lián)合會）這樣的工會能使像通用汽車這樣世界上最強(qiáng)大的公司想說‘不’時說‘是’的能力。這就是權(quán)力?！?/p>

我們中有許多人是傳道士，而且我們所有的人都有自己的道德信念和所關(guān)心的事，也因此經(jīng)常與權(quán)力有沖突。如果使用得當(dāng)，權(quán)力并沒有什么問題。問題是我們有些哲學(xué)家曲解了它。歷史上的一大問題就是常把愛和權(quán)力的概念對立起來---把它們看作兩極化的對立面---結(jié)果愛被認(rèn)為須放棄權(quán)力，而權(quán)利則意味著對愛的屏棄。

正是這種曲解使得研究權(quán)力意志的哲學(xué)家尼采拒絕基督教的愛的概念。也是這種曲解誘使基督教的神學(xué)家們，以基督的愛的思想的名義拒絕尼采的權(quán)力意志的哲學(xué)?，F(xiàn)在我們必須得把這一曲解改正過來。我們需要認(rèn)識到?jīng)]有愛的權(quán)力是毫無節(jié)制的、易被濫用的，而沒有權(quán)力的愛則是多愁善感的、蒼白無力的。最理想的權(quán)力是實(shí)現(xiàn)公正所需的愛，最理想的公正是改正任何阻撓愛的權(quán)力。這就是我們走向未來時必須要理解的。事實(shí)表明，我們在自己的國家對此有過誤解及混淆，并因此導(dǎo)致了美國黑人曾試圖用沒有愛和良知的權(quán)力實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的目標(biāo)。

這是導(dǎo)致一些極端分子今天倡導(dǎo)黑人應(yīng)從白人手中謀求奪取他們曾深惡痛絕的毀滅性的、無良知的權(quán)力。正是這種邪惡的權(quán)力和沒有權(quán)勢的道義的沖突構(gòu)成了我們時代的主要危機(jī)。

制定一個計劃？

我們必須制定計劃推動我們國家實(shí)現(xiàn)有保障的年收入。倘若是在本世紀(jì)初，這個提議或許會因其缺乏主動性和責(zé)任感而受到嘲笑和譴責(zé)。當(dāng)時社會，經(jīng)濟(jì)地位被看作是衡量一個人的能力和才能的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。并且以那時的衡量標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，財物的匱乏表明個人缺乏勤勞的習(xí)慣和道德觀念。對于人類動機(jī)和我們經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的盲目運(yùn)作的理解上，我們已取得了很大的進(jìn)步。現(xiàn)在我們懂得，是我們混亂的經(jīng)濟(jì)市場操作和歧視盛行才使得人們無所事事，從而使他們違背自己的意愿長期或不斷失業(yè)。今天，我希望窮人將不再像從前那樣，因在我們的意識中被標(biāo)榜為劣等或無能而常常被解雇。我們還必須懂得，無論經(jīng)濟(jì)如何快速發(fā)展都無法消除一切貧困。

這一問題表明我們的工作重點(diǎn)必須是雙重的。我們要不提供全面就業(yè)，要不就要創(chuàng)收。無論如何，要想盡一切辦法使人們成為消費(fèi)者。一旦他們處于這樣的位置，我們就必須關(guān)注個人的潛力不被浪費(fèi)。我們應(yīng)為那些找不到傳統(tǒng)工作的人開拓新的對社會有益的工作形式。1879年，亨利 喬治在他所著的“進(jìn)步與貧窮“一書中就預(yù)見到了這樣的形態(tài)：

事實(shí)上，人們從事改善人類處境的工作，從事傳播知識、增強(qiáng)實(shí)力、豐富文學(xué)財富，以及升華思想的工作并不是為了謀生。這不同于奴隸被迫做工，奴隸做工是由于任務(wù)本身或工頭所迫，或就是處于動物本能。而這種新的人類的工作，它本身能為生活帶來保障，并創(chuàng)造一種消除了匱乏的社會形態(tài)。

倘使能大規(guī)模地增加這種工作，我們可能會發(fā)現(xiàn)，如果把住房和教育問題放在消除貧困之后，那么隨著貧窮的消除，它們也會有所改善。被改造成購買者的窮人會依靠自己的力量大舉改善其惡劣的住房狀況。當(dāng)有了額外的金錢這一武器，承受雙重痛苦的黑人在他們反歧視的斗爭中將會有更大的收效。

此外，廣泛的經(jīng)濟(jì)保障必然會帶來許多積極的心理上的改變。當(dāng)命運(yùn)掌握在自己手中，并有渠道尋求自我提高時，人的尊嚴(yán)就會達(dá)到顛峰。當(dāng)不再用金錢的天平不公正地衡量一個人的價值時，夫妻子女間的沖突就會減少。

我們的國家有能力做到這些。約翰?肯尼斯?加爾布萊斯說每年大約200億美元就可以實(shí)現(xiàn)有保障的年收入。今天我想對你們說，如果我們國家一年能花350億美元在越南發(fā)動一場不公正的邪惡的戰(zhàn)爭，花200億美元把人送上月球，那么她就能花費(fèi)幾十億美元幫助上帝的孩子自立于這個世界。

致力于非暴力

現(xiàn)在，讓我簡單地說，我們必須重申對非暴力的承諾。我想強(qiáng)調(diào)這一點(diǎn)。近期所有的黑人騷亂都可悲地表明，暴力在爭取種族平等的斗爭中是徒勞無益的。昨天我試圖分析這些騷亂及其緣由。今天我想揭示其另一面。誠然，騷亂總是令人悲傷痛苦。人們可以看到尖叫的年輕人和憤怒的成年人絕望而盲目地與不可能戰(zhàn)勝的困難作戰(zhàn)。然而，在他們內(nèi)心深處，可以看見自我毀滅的欲望，一種自絕于世的渴望。

時有黑人爭辯說，1965年的瓦特騷亂和其他城市的騷亂代表著有效的人權(quán)行動。但當(dāng)問到這些騷亂最終取得了什么具體的收益時，那些持此觀點(diǎn)者則支支吾吾、無以應(yīng)答。那些騷亂頂多從被嚇壞了的政府官員那里得到少量額外的扶貧金，和幾處給貧民區(qū)的孩子們降溫的噴水設(shè)施。這就好像給仍關(guān)在鐵窗后的人改善監(jiān)獄的伙食一樣。沒有任何騷亂能像有組織的抗議示威那樣贏得實(shí)實(shí)在在的改進(jìn)。而當(dāng)試圖請?zhí)岢┝φ哒f明，什么樣的做法是最行之有效的時候，回答總是明顯地不合邏輯。有時他們談?wù)擃嵏卜N族歧視的政府和地方政府，又談?wù)撚螕魬?zhàn)爭。他們不懂得，除非政府已失去武裝部隊(duì)的支持和對其有效的控制，沒有任何內(nèi)部革命能夠通過暴力成功地推翻政府。任何有理性的人都明白這在美國是絕不會發(fā)生的。當(dāng)面臨種族暴力的局勢時，權(quán)利機(jī)構(gòu)可以支配地方警察，州警察，國民警衛(wèi)隊(duì)，直至軍隊(duì)---所有這些武裝大部分是由白人組成的。此外，除非那些主張暴力的少數(shù)人得到大多數(shù)不抵抗主義者的同情與支持，否則暴力革命很少或者說幾乎沒有成功的。盡管卡斯特羅可能有為數(shù)不多的古巴人在山上與他并肩作戰(zhàn)，但是倘若他沒有得到絕大多數(shù)的古巴人民的同情，他就絕不可能成功地推翻巴蒂斯塔政權(quán)。

顯而易見，美國黑人的暴力革命不會得到白人甚至大多數(shù)黑人的同情和支持?，F(xiàn)在不是進(jìn)行浪漫的幻想，和對自由進(jìn)行空洞的哲學(xué)論辯的時候?，F(xiàn)在是行動的時候。我們需要的是尋求改變的策略，一個能使黑人盡快地融入到美國主流生活的高明方案。迄今為止，只有非暴力運(yùn)動為此提供了可能。如果不能領(lǐng)悟到這一點(diǎn)，我們所有的只是不能解決、回答、解釋問題的方案、答案和解釋。

因此，今天我想告訴你們，我仍堅(jiān)持非暴力這一原則。而且我仍然堅(jiān)信，它是黑人在這個國家爭取公正的斗爭的最有效的武器。另外，我企盼一個更美好的世界。我企盼公正。我企盼兄弟情誼。我企盼真理。當(dāng)一個人有此企盼時，他絕不會倡導(dǎo)暴力。因?yàn)楸┝赡艹粢粋€兇手，但卻不能消除謀殺。暴力可能除掉一個騙子，但卻不能締造真理。暴力可能除掉一個仇人，但卻不能消除仇恨。黑暗不能驅(qū)除黑暗，只有光明才驅(qū)除黑暗。

我還想告訴你們，我已決意繼續(xù)以愛為本。因?yàn)槲抑缾凼亲罱K解決人類問題的唯一答案。因此，無論走到哪里我都會談及此話題。我知道今天在某些圈子里這是一個不受歡迎的話題。我所談及的愛不是情感糾葛。我所談及的愛是一種強(qiáng)烈的、高要求的愛。因?yàn)槲铱吹搅颂嗟某鸷蕖Ｔ谀喜靠h治安官的臉上看到了太多的恨。在太多的三k黨成員和南方白人公民議員的臉上看到仇恨，以至于我開始厭惡自己。因?yàn)槊看挝铱吹剿?，我知道這對他們的臉和他們的人格都有影響，我會對自己說，仇恨是一個令人難以承受的負(fù)擔(dān)。因此我已決定以愛為本。倘若你在尋求最高層次的德行，我想你可以在愛中找到。美妙的是，當(dāng)我們這樣做的時候，我們在遠(yuǎn)離邪惡，因?yàn)榧s翰是正確的，神就是愛。心存怨恨的人不認(rèn)識神，倒是心中有愛的人掌握了能夠開啟通向現(xiàn)實(shí)大門的鑰匙。

在我結(jié)束這篇講話前，我想告訴你們，當(dāng)我們談?wù)摗拔覀兿蚝翁幦ァ睍r，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)真誠地面對這一事實(shí)：這一運(yùn)動必須解決重建整個美國社會的問題。我們現(xiàn)有4000萬窮人?？傆幸惶煳覀儽仨毺岢鲞@一問題：“美國為什么會有4000萬窮人？”當(dāng)你開始問這個問題時，你在質(zhì)疑經(jīng)濟(jì)體制和更大范圍的財富分配。當(dāng)你問及這一問題時，你開始質(zhì)疑資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì)。我的意思是，越問越會問及整個社會。我們有責(zé)任幫助那些在人生市場上淪為乞丐的失意的人。但我們終將會意識到一個制造乞丐的社會需要重建。這意味著必須質(zhì)疑。我的朋友們，當(dāng)你這樣做時，你開始質(zhì)疑“誰擁有石油？”你開始質(zhì)疑“誰擁有鐵礦？”你開始質(zhì)疑“為什么在一個2/3被水覆蓋的世界上人們還得交付水費(fèi)？”這些就是必須要質(zhì)疑的問題。

關(guān)于共產(chǎn)主義

不要以為今天你們抓住了我的把柄。我不是在談?wù)摴伯a(chǎn)主義。

今天早上我要對你們說的是，共產(chǎn)主義忘記了生活是個人的。資本主義忘記了生活是社群的，而兄弟的王國既不是建立在共產(chǎn)主義的論點(diǎn)上，也不會建立在資本主義的對立面上，而是建立在一種更高的合成體上。它是建立在一種更高的兩者真理結(jié)合的合成體上。當(dāng)我說要質(zhì)疑整個社會時，我指的是最終能懂得種族歧視、經(jīng)濟(jì)剝削和戰(zhàn)爭這些問題是密不可分的。它們是相互關(guān)聯(lián)的三重罪惡。

請?jiān)试S我在這里做一回傳道人---一天晚上，一個陪審員來見耶穌，他想知道他該做什么才能得救。耶穌沒有以孤立的方式建議他不要做什么事。耶穌沒有說，“尼哥底母，你必須停止撒謊?！彼麤]有說，“尼哥底母，如果你在偷竊，你必須馬上改正?！?他沒有說，“尼哥底母，你不能犯奸淫的罪。” 他沒有說，“尼哥底母，如果你酗酒，你必須馬上停止?！彼幕卮疱娜徊煌?yàn)橐d知道事情的本質(zhì)---如果一個人撒謊，他就會偷竊。如果他偷竊，他就會殺人。因此，耶穌沒有局限在一件事上，而是看著他說，“尼哥底母，你必須重生。”

換言之，他說，“你們對整個構(gòu)架必須徹底改變。”一個奴役國民達(dá)244年之久的國家會把人“物化”---把他們當(dāng)成東西看待。因此，他們以及所有的窮人會在經(jīng)濟(jì)上受到剝削。一個在經(jīng)濟(jì)上進(jìn)行剝削的國家不得不向外國投資，并干一些別的什么巧取躲豪的勾當(dāng)，因此需要軍事力量來保護(hù)其利益。所有這些問題都是密不可分的。我今天要說的是當(dāng)我們離開這個集會時，我們必須說，“美國，你必須重生！”

結(jié)尾

因此，我今天最后重申我們的任務(wù)，讓我們帶著“神圣的期待”開始抗?fàn)?。讓我們期待著美國不再患有信念上的高血壓和行動上的貧血癥。讓我們期待著把城外富裕舒適的人與城內(nèi)貧困絕望的人分隔開來的悲劇的墻被正義的攻城槌的力量摧毀。讓我們期待著那些住在希望的郊野的人被帶回到每日有保障的大都市中來。讓我們期待著貧民窟都被丟進(jìn)歷史的垃圾堆，而每個家庭都能擁有體面的有衛(wèi)生設(shè)施的家。讓我們期待著遭受種族隔離的學(xué)校的黑暗的昨天會被取消種族隔離的素質(zhì)教育的光明的明天所取代。讓我們期待著種族融合將不再被看作是問題，而是參與創(chuàng)造多樣化生活的魅力的機(jī)會。讓我們期待著衡量黑人男女的尺度是他們的人格才識，而不是他們的膚色。讓我們期待著。讓我們期待著每一個州府都有一個行公義，好憐憫，存謙卑的心，與神同行的州長。讓我們期待著在所有的市府里看到公平如大水滾滾，公義如江河滔滔。讓我們期待著有一天獅子與羊羔同臥一處，所有的人都坐在自家的葡萄樹和無花果樹下，不再恐懼。讓我們期待著。人類會明白上帝用同一個血脈創(chuàng)造了所有人，使之生活在地球表面上。讓我們期待著，有一天不再有人叫囂“黑人權(quán)力！”---而所有的人都會談?wù)撋系鄣臋?quán)柄和人類的權(quán)力。

我必須承認(rèn)，我的朋友們，前面的路不會總是平坦的。巖石遍布之處會帶來挫敗，蜿蜒曲折之處會令人迷惘。到處都會有不可避免的障礙。有時我們會從希望之巔跌入絕望之谷。我們的夢想有時會被打破；渺茫的希望有時會破滅。我們可能會淚眼模糊地再一次站在某位勇敢的人權(quán)志士的靈柩前，悲悼嗜血成性的暴民兇殘地奪去他的生命。無論多么艱難，無論多么痛苦，我們必須以毫無畏懼的信念在未來的日子里勇往直前。當(dāng)我們繼續(xù)我們既定的征途時，我們能從昔日偉大的自由戰(zhàn)士，黑人詩人詹姆斯·韋爾登·約翰遜的詩中得到慰籍：

踏過布滿荊棘的道路 忍受過棍棒的鞭笞之苦 在孕育的希望破滅之時 依舊前進(jìn)、摸索。

伴著堅(jiān)定的步伐 即使雙腳疲憊 也依舊來到了

我們祖先為之嘆息的地方？ 我們一路走過 浸滿淚水的道路。我們已艱難踏上

流淌著烈士鮮血的小徑。

走出陰暗的過去，迄今我們終于站在 自我們明亮的星辰 灑下的光明的維曦中。

讓這一信念成為我們的戰(zhàn)斗口號。它將給我們勇氣以面對無法預(yù)見的未來。它將給我們疲憊的雙腳以新的力量，向著自由之城大踏步繼續(xù)我們的征程。當(dāng)絕望的陰云密布，我們的日子變得陰郁無望時，當(dāng)我們的夜晚變得比1000個深夜還黑暗時，讓我們記住宇宙間有一種創(chuàng)造力，能把巨大的邪惡的山脈折斷，一種力量能在絕境之處開辟新徑，把黑暗的昨天變成光輝燦爛的明天。讓我們銘記道德的蒼穹長又長，但它終將落向正義。

讓我們銘記威廉·卡倫·布萊恩特的至理名言：“被壓倒的真理，終必站起來?！?讓我們記得《圣經(jīng)》里的真理，“不要自欺，神是輕慢不得的；人種的是什么，收的也是什么。” 這就是我們對未來的希望，帶著這個信念，我們就會在不遠(yuǎn)的明天用宇宙的過去時來歌唱 “我們已經(jīng)勝利，我們已經(jīng)勝利。在我心靈的深處，我曾堅(jiān)信我們會勝利?！?/p>

第二篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天懷有一個夢。

我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講

馬丁路德金演講

篇一：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個夢想》 馬丁·路德·金 簡介 馬丁·路德·金（英語：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權(quán)運(yùn)動領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費(fèi)城繼續(xù)深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀(jì)念日。1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。篇二：馬丁路德金_我有一個夢想(中英文)演講稿 今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。100年前，一位偉大的美國人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機(jī)會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時刻?，F(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時候。現(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候?，F(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結(jié)束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對所有白人的不信任--因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。我們不能單獨(dú)行動。當(dāng)我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動的人：“你們什么時候會感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外，我們就決不會滿意。只要黑人的基本活動范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區(qū)到較大的黑人居住區(qū)，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性，損毀尊嚴(yán)，我們就決不會滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認(rèn)為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會滿意。不，不，我們不會滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。我并非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風(fēng)暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區(qū)。你們飽經(jīng)風(fēng)霜，歷盡苦難。繼續(xù)努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救?；氐矫芪魑鞅热グ?；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區(qū)去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。朋友們，今天我要對你們說，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根于美國夢之中。我夢想有一天，這個國家將會奮起，實(shí)現(xiàn)其立國信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等?！?我夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州--一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。我夢想有一天，我的四個小女兒將生活在一個不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優(yōu)劣作為評判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的國家里。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會有所改變--盡管該州州長現(xiàn)在仍滔滔不絕地說什么要對聯(lián)邦法令提出異議和拒絕執(zhí)行--在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會獲得自由。到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌： 我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨 高峰！讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲轟響，當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大村小莊，每一個州府城鎮(zhèn)，我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：馬丁路德金簡介和我有一個夢想英漢互譯演講稿以及演講背景 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅?？蓢鴥?nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。關(guān)于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對種族隔離制度的斗爭。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭，而這種斗爭方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強(qiáng)調(diào)在爭取黑人自由平等權(quán)利的斗爭中，不應(yīng)干違法的事，不能讓“創(chuàng)造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛”、“仁慈”來感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時的學(xué)習(xí)有直接關(guān)系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)時，利用業(yè)余時間，閱讀了著名的神學(xué)著作——人們寫的關(guān)于信仰的書，還有哲學(xué)著作——關(guān)于生活方式的書。這些書的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實(shí)踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學(xué)是印度人民對抗英帝國主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對外國政治的統(tǒng)治，無論這樣統(tǒng)治是否出于善意。也無論是否正確，他們要自己來做出決定。甘地說雖然他們必須準(zhǔn)備好為取得獨(dú)立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進(jìn)行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對待。馬丁開始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國也可以。他用自己的行動領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場聲勢浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權(quán)運(yùn)動。本次演講背景 50年代的美國南部，好像一座對付“解放了的”黑人的監(jiān)獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個州，在這里，黑人的選舉權(quán)力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發(fā)生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個教堂做禮拜，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入為白人開設(shè)的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂場所，連公共汽車站上也樹立了柵欄，規(guī)定白人黑人分別上車。年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運(yùn)動，最終迫使美國最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭取自由平等權(quán)利的大規(guī)模游行示威，把黑人運(yùn)動從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭達(dá)到高潮。25萬人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會方式舉行“自由進(jìn)軍”的示威，就在林肯紀(jì)念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發(fā)表了這篇激動人心的演說。在演講中，表達(dá)了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對自由平等公正的追求與憧憬。馬丁路德金演講稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機(jī)會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時刻?，F(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時候?，F(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候?，F(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結(jié)束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。We cannot walk alone.我們不能單獨(dú)行動。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.當(dāng)我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我們不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講賞析

馬丁·路德·金--《我有一個夢想》賞析

最近，我在受老師上課的影響下細(xì)讀了一篇演說稿，題目是《我有一個夢想》，讓我感觸非常深。《我有一個夢想》是1963年8月8日在美國第16屆總統(tǒng)林肯紀(jì)念堂前舉行《黑人解放宣言》100周年紀(jì)念活動時基督教牧師馬丁路德金作的長篇演說，主要揭露了白人對黑人的殘酷迫害，表達(dá)了對自由和幸福的渴望以及正義奮斗到底的決心。而這篇演講也影響了一代有理想的年輕人。

《我有一個夢想》是一篇演講稿，文中運(yùn)用了許多的排比句，主要講了黑人以及作者對自由的渴望，也揭示了黑人在白人心中的地位，讀了這篇演講稿我覺得，我們不應(yīng)該因?yàn)閯e人的膚色、地位、家境就改變對他們的態(tài)度、看法，因?yàn)槿巳松降?，沒有高低貴賤之分，即使你出生再一個富裕的家庭也不代表你比人家高，因?yàn)槟悻F(xiàn)在的富裕不是你的，而是他人努力的成果，只有通過自己的努力得來的，才是自己的，而出生的窮困人，也不用為了自己的身世而自卑，雖然你的家庭是窮困的，但是你可以通過自己的努力來改變現(xiàn)狀。我希望以后我們可以生活在一個不是以人們的膚色、身份、地位，而是以我們的品格優(yōu)劣來評價我們的國度里生活。

人人生而平等。

這樣震撼人心，激勵斗志，充分論理，洋溢熱情，堅(jiān)定信念，邏輯嚴(yán)密的演講很少見。不論從思想性和藝術(shù)性上都可稱得上極品。他的演講，揭露問題一針見血，毫不隱晦，明明白白。這篇演講稿里，每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對黑人自由的渴望；每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對奴隸主與奴隸能在同一片藍(lán)天下生活的期望；每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對黑人與白人情同骨肉攜手并進(jìn)的希望。

馬丁·路德·金的演講稿《我有一個夢想》讓我體會到了當(dāng)時美國政府對黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演講震撼了一個又一個的白人與黑人；那鏗鏘有力的聲音喚醒了人們那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌聲給人們留下了永不磨滅的回憶。

馬丁·路德·金的《我有一個夢想》這個演講，不但給了人們永不磨滅的回憶，還讓人們發(fā)現(xiàn)了自己對黑人的不公?，F(xiàn)在，在去美國，再也不會看見白人對黑人投去蔑視的眼神了，真正地達(dá)到了馬丁·路德·金所希望的那樣“昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼?！笔澜缬肿兂闪撕推降臅r期。

首先本文擬將從文學(xué)體的角度，對于馬丁·路德·金所作的演講進(jìn)行分析。通過這種分析來描寫馬丁·路德·金在演講中的語言特點(diǎn)，以便更深刻得理解該演講文體及其深層含義。

1.語域分析

任何語言使用都受到語域因素的影響，不同語域的語言使用也呈現(xiàn)著不用的規(guī)律和特點(diǎn)，馬丁·路德·金的演講也是。著名語言學(xué)家韓禮德（Halliday）把語域理論分為：語場，語旨和語式。語場是指語篇所涉及的社會活動或?qū)嶋H發(fā)生的事；語旨是指交際活動所涉及的人和他們之間的關(guān)系；語式是指語篇的載體形式即語言交際的渠道或媒介。

從整個語篇來看，該篇演講沒有很生僻，也沒有特別長的單詞，基本上都是日常生活中人們常見常用常聽到的詞匯。從語旨上來分析，馬丁·路德·金面對的聽眾是黑人群體和一些民眾，他們文化程度、知識背景不一，首先就要使所有的聽眾都聽得懂他的演講，因此，金用民眾易于理解的詞匯能夠傳遞更多的信息。

從語場上來講，該演講的主題是有關(guān)黑人爭取平等權(quán)利，取得真正的自由。因此，馬丁·路德·金的演講圍繞這一主題展，那么出現(xiàn)在語篇當(dāng)中的高頻詞匯就得與上述主題有明顯的關(guān)聯(lián)。我做了一個簡單統(tǒng)計，發(fā)現(xiàn)其中Freedom（自由）出現(xiàn)20次，Justice（公平）出現(xiàn)11次，Right（權(quán)利）出現(xiàn)7次。由此看來，馬丁·路德·金緊扣主題，一方面突出重點(diǎn)的目的，起到強(qiáng)調(diào)的作用；另一方面，表現(xiàn)了實(shí)現(xiàn)愿望的感情之強(qiáng)烈。

2.情態(tài)動詞分析

語旨的變化主要表現(xiàn)在對人際意義的不同選擇上。在詞匯層面上，主要體現(xiàn)在語氣，情態(tài)動詞詞匯的不用選擇上。情態(tài)系統(tǒng)是表達(dá)說話者對事物的判斷和評價的系統(tǒng)。金運(yùn)用了不同的情態(tài)動詞來實(shí)現(xiàn)他的不同人際意義。比如，原文中Will出現(xiàn)26次，Can和Must都出現(xiàn)8次。通過預(yù)測推斷，有了這些信念，我們可以改變現(xiàn)狀。Will表示將會，Can表示可以，能夠，Must表達(dá)必須，義務(wù)的意思，從內(nèi)容上看，無一不是一再的激起聽眾的熱血，像他們傳達(dá)著自由終會實(shí)現(xiàn)，大家終會解放的涵義。從語氣上來看，也是遞進(jìn)的關(guān)系，這些情態(tài)動詞的穿插使用更加堅(jiān)定了廣大黑人聽眾的信念，振奮精神。

《我有一個夢想》的作者馬丁·路德·金生于1929年，是美國著名的黑人民權(quán)領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1963年晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1946年獲得諾貝爾和平獎。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工時被人謀殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。

馬丁·路德·金用他犀利的言辭和有針對性的話語擲地有聲地指出一百年前的偉大的林肯總統(tǒng)簽署了解放黑奴宣言，那莊嚴(yán)的宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來希望。

但在一百多年后的今天，黑人依然沒有得到自由，在種族隔離的腳銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活依然受壓迫，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中的一個窮困的“小島”，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落。

美利堅(jiān)合眾國的締造者在草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言時曾向每一個美國人許下諾言，承諾給予所有人以生存、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)力?？扇缃?，美國顯然沒有實(shí)踐她的諾言，只是給黑人一張說是可以給予黑人寶貴的自由和正義的保障的空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子便退了回來。沒錯，如今黑人的生活雖已普遍改善，但黑人遭受極不公正，不公正待遇的事件仍層出不窮。黑人雖已迎來了新生活，但舊思想，舊觀念還是在少數(shù)白人的腦海里揮之不去，深入骨髓。

演講還提醒如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么這對美國將是致命傷。自由和平等的涼爽秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年并不意味著斗爭的結(jié)束，而是開始。黑人得不到公民的權(quán)利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動搖這個國家的基礎(chǔ)。

最后他還提到希望：我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有兒女：黑人和白人、猶太教徒和非猶太教徒、耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手牽手合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由啦！終于自由啦！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由啦！”

馬丁·路德·金用他的夢想給黑人勾畫出美麗的藍(lán)圖，也給他們一個等待的理由。他的演講獲得熱烈的擁護(hù)，也給他帶來崇高聲譽(yù)。全文思路明晰，富有邏輯性，不僅體現(xiàn)了作者的才情，更展現(xiàn)了作者高尚的追求和不屈的奮斗精神。馬丁·路德·金通過他的努力，終于在他逝世40年后的今天實(shí)現(xiàn)了他的夢想：美國歷史上有了第一位黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬。而當(dāng)年對黑人歧視很嚴(yán)重的密西西比州，亞拉巴馬州，南卡羅來納州，佐治亞州，路易斯安那州，如今也得到了很大的改善。

馬丁·路德·金通過努力，使他的夢想已經(jīng)不只是個夢想，而是實(shí)現(xiàn)。