第一篇：美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上的講話

2009年9月3日，在第64屆聯(lián)合國大會(huì)開始一般性辯論之際，美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬出席會(huì)議并發(fā)表講話。以下是講話全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上的講話 聯(lián)合國總部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘書長先生、各位代表，女士們、先生們：我榮幸地作為美國第44任總統(tǒng)首次在這里發(fā)表講話。（掌聲）站在各位面前，美國人民賦予我的重任令我不勝榮幸；我深知我們這個(gè)歷史時(shí)期所面臨的巨大挑戰(zhàn)；并決意為了國內(nèi)外的正義和繁榮而采取大膽的集體行動(dòng)。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任總統(tǒng)只有9個(gè)月——但在有些日子里這段時(shí)間卻顯得漫長。我深知全世界對(duì)我就任總統(tǒng)的矚望。在我看來，這些矚望并非針對(duì)我個(gè)人，而是植根于一種對(duì)現(xiàn)狀的不滿，因?yàn)槲覀冊絹碓奖环制缢笥遥Ｓ趹?yīng)付種種問題。但這些矚望亦植根于希望——希望真正的變革有可能實(shí)現(xiàn)，希望美國在推動(dòng)這種變革的過程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，全世界有很多人用懷疑和不信任的眼光看待美國，其中部分原因是對(duì)我國的誤解和信息失實(shí)，還有一部分原因是對(duì)具體政策的反對(duì)，認(rèn)為美國在某些關(guān)鍵問題上采取單邊行動(dòng)，不考慮他人的利益。這滋長了一種幾乎是反射性的反美主義，而這種情緒又往往成為我們不采取集體行動(dòng)的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一樣，我的職責(zé)是采取符合本國和本國人民利益的行動(dòng)，我絕不會(huì)為捍衛(wèi)這些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，與人類歷史上任何一個(gè)時(shí)期相比，在 2009年各個(gè)國家及其人民之間都更具有共同的利益。我們心中懷有的宗教信念能夠在人民之間締結(jié)新的紐帶，也能在我們之間制造隔閡。我們掌控的技術(shù)能夠照亮通向和平的道路，也能永遠(yuǎn)將其籠罩在黑暗之中。我們使用的能源能夠維持我們這個(gè)星球的生存，也能造成它的毀滅。如何對(duì)待每一個(gè)兒童心中的希望——無論在任何地方——能使我們的世界變得富饒，也能使之變得貧瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在這個(gè)大廳里，我們來自四面八方，卻擁有一個(gè)共同的未來。我們再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延誤我們必須共同從事的工作。從倫敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），從西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），從阿克拉（Accra）到開羅（Cairo），我到處傳播一個(gè)信息，并將在今天予以重申——因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在是全世界向一個(gè)新方向邁進(jìn)的時(shí)候了。我們必須迎接一個(gè)在共同利益和相互尊重的基礎(chǔ)上進(jìn)行接觸的新紀(jì)元，我們的工作必須現(xiàn)在開始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我們知道，開創(chuàng)未來不能僅憑言詞，還要有行動(dòng)。光靠演說不能解決我們的問題——必須要有堅(jiān)持不懈的行動(dòng)。因此，對(duì)那些質(zhì)疑我國的品格和事業(yè)的人，我請(qǐng)你們看一看我們在短短9個(gè)月中所采取的具體行動(dòng)。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任總統(tǒng)的第一天，我宣布美國毫無例外、堅(jiān)定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌聲）我下令關(guān)閉設(shè)在關(guān)塔那摩灣（Guantanamo Bay）的關(guān)押設(shè)施，我們正在從事在法治范圍內(nèi)制定一個(gè)打擊極端主義的框架的艱巨工作。每個(gè)國家都必須明白：美國將信守其價(jià)值觀，我們將發(fā)揮表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我們制定了堅(jiān)定不移的明確目標(biāo)：同聯(lián)合國所有成員共同努力，打擊、摧垮并擊潰基地組織（al Qaeda）及其極端主義同伙——這個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)殺害了持不同信仰、來自不同國家的成千上萬的民眾，并曾策劃炸毀這座大樓。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我們和在座的很多國家正在幫助這兩個(gè)國家的政府建設(shè)主導(dǎo)這項(xiàng)行動(dòng)的能力，同時(shí)努力為這兩個(gè)國家的人民增進(jìn)機(jī)會(huì)和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我們正在負(fù)責(zé)任地結(jié)束這場戰(zhàn)爭。我們已將美國作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離伊拉克各個(gè)城市，并確定了到明年8月將我國所有作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離伊拉克領(lǐng)土的期限。我還明確表示，我們將幫助伊拉克人為掌握他們的未來向全面行使權(quán)力過渡，并將履行到2011年年底將全部美國軍隊(duì)撤離的承諾。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一項(xiàng)綜合議程，尋求實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)沒有核武器的世界的目標(biāo)。在莫斯科，美國和俄羅斯共同宣布大幅度削減我們的戰(zhàn)略彈頭和發(fā)射器。在裁軍會(huì)議（Conference on Disarmament）上，我們贊同一項(xiàng)工作計(jì)劃，通過談判終止用于制造核武器的可裂變物質(zhì)的生產(chǎn)。這個(gè)星期，我國國務(wù)卿將成為出席年度性《全面禁止核試驗(yàn)條約》締約國會(huì)議（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高層美國代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中東和平事務(wù)特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美國一直在穩(wěn)步地、積極地推進(jìn)以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）兩國并存的方針——讓和平與安全扎下根基，讓以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的權(quán)利同時(shí)得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.為應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化，我們已投資800億美元發(fā)展清潔能源。我們大幅度提高了燃料效率標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。我們制定了新的鼓勵(lì)節(jié)能的措施，在美洲國家中發(fā)起了一項(xiàng)能源合作計(jì)劃，并在國際氣候談判中從一個(gè)旁觀者變成了一名領(lǐng)袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.為度過一場波及全世界各個(gè)角落的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，我們與G20成員國共同制定了相互協(xié)調(diào)的國際性舉措，以超過2萬億美元的刺激計(jì)劃挽救了瀕臨崩潰的全球經(jīng)濟(jì)。我們調(diào)動(dòng)資源，幫助阻止這場危機(jī)進(jìn)一步波及發(fā)展中國家。我們還與其他一些國家共同發(fā)起了一項(xiàng)200億美元的全球糧食保障計(jì)劃，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并幫助他們進(jìn)行能力建設(shè)。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我們還重新參與聯(lián)合國事務(wù)。我們支付了會(huì)費(fèi)。我們加入了理事會(huì)（Human Rights Council）。（掌聲）我們簽署了《殘疾利公約》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我們?nèi)娌杉{了千年發(fā)展目標(biāo)（Millennium Development Goals）。我們在這里，在這個(gè)機(jī)制內(nèi)提出我們的重點(diǎn)議題——例如通過我明天將主持的有關(guān)核不擴(kuò)散和裁軍問題的安理會(huì)（Security Council）會(huì)議，以及通過我今天要談到的一系列問題。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.這就是我們已經(jīng)做的。但只是一個(gè)開端。我們采取的一些行動(dòng)已經(jīng)取得進(jìn)展。另外一些行動(dòng)已為未來取得進(jìn)展奠定了基礎(chǔ)。但必須指出的是，這不僅僅是美國的事務(wù)。過去有人嚴(yán)厲抨擊美國在全球單獨(dú)行動(dòng)，如今他們也不能袖手旁觀，等待美國單獨(dú)解決世界面臨的問題。我們通過自己的言辭和行動(dòng)，希望開辟與全世界進(jìn)行接觸的新時(shí)代。現(xiàn)在我們需要共同承擔(dān)責(zé)任，做到全球一致努力應(yīng)對(duì)全球性挑戰(zhàn)。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.為此，我們?nèi)绻麑?shí)事求是，就必須承認(rèn)我們還沒有完全履行這項(xiàng)職責(zé)。如果我們不能扭轉(zhuǎn)目前的現(xiàn)狀，請(qǐng)?jiān)O(shè)想一下我們今后面對(duì)的局面：極端主義分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持續(xù)不斷的沖突永無休止；種族滅絕；大規(guī)模屠殺；越來越多的國家擁有核武器；冰峰融化，人類飽受災(zāi)難；貧困持續(xù)存在，疾病蔓延。我所說的并非聳人聽聞，而是說明一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們面臨巨大的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們的行動(dòng)尚未能與之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

聯(lián)合國的建立以世界各國能夠共同解決問題的信念為基礎(chǔ)。富蘭克林?羅斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他設(shè)想的這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)成為現(xiàn)實(shí)。羅斯福曾經(jīng)表示——以下是我引用他的話：“世界和平的大廈不可能是一個(gè)人、一個(gè)政黨或一個(gè)國家的產(chǎn)物??。不能只有大國的和平——或只有小國的和平。和平必須以全世界同心協(xié)力為基礎(chǔ)。”

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心協(xié)力。今天,這些話語尤其重要，不僅為了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平，而且為了我們共同的興旺與繁榮。然而，我們也了解，這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)由主權(quán)國家組成。令人感到遺憾但并不意外的是，這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)經(jīng)常成為相互紛爭的場所，而不是達(dá)成共識(shí)的場所；成為玩弄政治和利用不滿情緒發(fā)難的場所，而不是解決問題的場所。總而言之，走上這個(gè)講臺(tái)相互指責(zé)——相互指責(zé)，助長，并不困難。將自己的問題歸咎于他人，或者采取逃避責(zé)任的態(tài)度對(duì)待自己的選擇和自己的行動(dòng)，沒有什么比這更容易。誰都能這樣做。但是21世紀(jì)的責(zé)任和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用要求有更大的作為。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于這個(gè)時(shí)代，我們的命運(yùn)息息相關(guān)，權(quán)力不再依從你死我活的法則。沒有哪一個(gè)國家能夠或應(yīng)該試圖主宰另一個(gè)國家。任何將一個(gè)國家或一個(gè)群體置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能獲得成功。強(qiáng)權(quán)的均勢也不可能得到維持。在一個(gè)相互依存的世界上，傳統(tǒng)上以南北方劃分國家的方式已經(jīng)毫無意義；在冷戰(zhàn)早已結(jié)束的情況下，國家以陣營劃分的格局也不再有意義。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.現(xiàn)在，應(yīng)該認(rèn)識(shí)到舊的慣例、舊的觀點(diǎn)與各國人民面臨的挑戰(zhàn)已毫無關(guān)聯(lián)。這些陳規(guī)陋習(xí)引導(dǎo)各國采取的行動(dòng)往往與自身要求實(shí)現(xiàn)的目標(biāo)背道而馳——各國采取的投票行動(dòng)，包括經(jīng)常在這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行的投票，也往往違背了本國人民的利益。這些陳規(guī)陋習(xí)在我們與各國人民追求的未來之間筑起一道道墻，現(xiàn)在是拆除這些墻的時(shí)候了。我們必須同心協(xié)力建立有助于消除舊的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念組成的同盟；由南方與北方、東方與西方、黑人與白人和黃種人組成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我們必須做出選擇。我們這一代人可留給后人這樣的記憶：把20世紀(jì)的爭議帶入21世紀(jì)，推遲做出艱難的選擇，拒絕往前看，落后于時(shí)代，因?yàn)槲覀兠τ谠O(shè)置障礙，而無暇創(chuàng)造未來。我們這一代人亦可留給后人另一種記憶：讓我們的視野越過洶涌的波濤投向大洋彼岸，為了人類共同利益而走到一起，最終使聯(lián)合國名稱所蘊(yùn)涵的希望開始變成現(xiàn)實(shí)。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.這就是美國渴望的未來，一個(gè)和平與繁榮的未來，我們只有在承認(rèn)所有國家擁有權(quán)利但同時(shí)又承擔(dān)責(zé)任的時(shí)候才能如愿以償。這是成功的必要條件，也必須是國際合作的指導(dǎo)原則。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我謹(jǐn)在此提出四大要素，我認(rèn)為這些要素對(duì)我們希望為后代所創(chuàng)造的未來至關(guān)重要：不擴(kuò)散與裁軍；促進(jìn)和平與安全；保護(hù)我們的地球；以及為全體人民增進(jìn)機(jī)會(huì)的全球經(jīng)濟(jì)。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我們必須停止核武器的擴(kuò)散，尋求一個(gè)沒有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.聯(lián)合國成立于原子時(shí)代的初期，在一定程度上是為了遏制人類自相殘殺的能力。幾十年來，即使在超級(jí)大國對(duì)峙的陰影下，我們避免了災(zāi)難。然而，今天，擴(kuò)散的威脅正在蔓延，也變得復(fù)雜化。我們?nèi)绻徊扇⌒袆?dòng)，就意味著鼓勵(lì)各地區(qū)的核武器競賽，戰(zhàn)爭陰影和恐怖行動(dòng)蔓延的范圍將超出我們的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一個(gè)脆弱的共識(shí)防范著這一令人恐懼的結(jié)局，那就是構(gòu)成《核不擴(kuò)散條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本條件。條約指出，所有國家有權(quán)發(fā)展和平用途的核能；擁有核武器的國家有責(zé)任向銷毀武器邁進(jìn)；沒有核武器的國家有責(zé)任不發(fā)展核武器。該條約是得到加強(qiáng)還是被逐漸解除，今后十二個(gè)月可能至關(guān)重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美國愿意堅(jiān)持我們的承諾。我們將尋求與俄羅斯達(dá)成新協(xié)議，大幅度削減我們的戰(zhàn)略彈頭和發(fā)射器。我們將為爭取《禁止核試驗(yàn)條約》(Test Ban Treaty)的批準(zhǔn)而努力，并將與其他方面合作使條約生效，永遠(yuǎn)禁止核試驗(yàn)。我們將完成《核態(tài)勢審議》(Nuclear Posture Review)，從而為進(jìn)一步削減核武器和減少其作用打開大門。我們將呼吁各國從明年一月開始談判一項(xiàng)協(xié)議，以終止可用于武器的裂變材料的生產(chǎn)。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我還將在明年四月主持一次高峰會(huì)議，該會(huì)議將重申各國有責(zé)任在自己國土內(nèi)保障核材料安全，并為那些無法提供該保障的國家提供幫助——因?yàn)槲覀儽仨毚_保永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)有一個(gè)核裝置落在暴力極端分子的手中。我們將致力于加強(qiáng)那些打擊核走私與核盜竊活動(dòng)的機(jī)制和計(jì)劃。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有這一切都必須支持加強(qiáng)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》的努力。凡是拒絕履行自己義務(wù)的國家必須面對(duì)各種后果。我謹(jǐn)在此申明，這不是要向某些個(gè)別國家興師問罪–而是維護(hù)所有履行義務(wù)的國家的權(quán)利。因?yàn)橐粋€(gè)逃避國際原子能機(jī)構(gòu)（IAEA）核查、無視聯(lián)合國要求的世界將會(huì)使所有的人更不安全和所有的國家更沒有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韓和伊朗政府迄今為止采取的行動(dòng)構(gòu)成一種威脅，可能把我們推下這個(gè)危險(xiǎn)的斜坡。我們尊重他們作為國際社會(huì)成員的權(quán)利。我以前曾經(jīng)說過，¤í在還要再說一遍：如果他們履行自己的義務(wù)，我將努力通過外交為這兩個(gè)國家開辟一條通往更大繁榮和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韓政府決意無視國際準(zhǔn)則；如果他們把謀求核武器置于地區(qū)安全穩(wěn)定和本國人民的機(jī)遇之上；如果他們將東亞和中東地區(qū)核軍備競賽升級(jí)的危險(xiǎn)置之不顧–那么他們必須對(duì)此承擔(dān)責(zé)任。全世界必須站在一起，表明國際法不是空洞的許諾，各項(xiàng)條約必將執(zhí)行。未來不能屬于恐懼，我們必須堅(jiān)持這一立場。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我現(xiàn)在談一下我們的未來的第二項(xiàng)要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.聯(lián)合國的建立是基于這樣一種信念：全世界人民都能夠正常生活，養(yǎng)育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我們知道，這個(gè)理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一種抽象的概念–一種遙不可及的空想。我們面臨兩種選擇：要么接受這樣的結(jié)果，把它視為不可避免的現(xiàn)實(shí)，容忍造成嚴(yán)重?fù)p害的經(jīng)常性沖突；要么認(rèn)識(shí)到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下決心去結(jié)束世界各地的沖突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.這種努力必須始于一種不可動(dòng)搖的決心：絕不容忍對(duì)無辜的男女老少進(jìn)行屠殺。關(guān)于這一點(diǎn)，沒有人能–不可能有任何的爭辯。通過扭曲信仰來加劇沖突的暴力極端分子已經(jīng)敗壞了自己的名聲并孤立了自己。他們帶來的只是仇恨和破壞。在與他們作斗爭時(shí)，美國將打造持久的伙伴關(guān)系，以便把目標(biāo)對(duì)準(zhǔn)恐怖分子，分享情報(bào)，協(xié)調(diào)執(zhí)法行動(dòng)和保護(hù)人民。我們絕不允許“基地”組織有任何庇護(hù)所，并借此從阿富汗或任何其他國家發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊。我們將與我們的朋友共同站在第一線，正如明天我們和許多國家將要做的那樣，保證為巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我們將尋求具有積極意義的接觸，使這種接觸在各種信仰之間架起橋梁，并建立帶來機(jī)遇的新伙伴關(guān)系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我們促進(jìn)和平的努力不能局限于戰(zhàn)勝暴力極端分子，因?yàn)樵谖覀兊奈淦鲙靸?nèi)最有力的武器是人類的希望——相信未來屬于從事建設(shè)而不進(jìn)行破壞的人們；深信沖突能夠結(jié)束、新的一天能夠開始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我們將支持–我們將增強(qiáng)我們對(duì)有效維和活動(dòng)的支持；與此同時(shí)，在沖突形成之前竭力防止沖突發(fā)生。我們將通過支持達(dá)爾富爾地區(qū)的人民和《全面和平協(xié)議》的實(shí)施在蘇丹尋求持久和平，這樣我們將為蘇丹人民獲得應(yīng)有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躪的國家–從海地到剛果到東帝汶–我們將與聯(lián)合國及其他合作伙伴協(xié)作，支持實(shí)現(xiàn)持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我還將繼續(xù)尋求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之間建立公正和持久的和平。（掌聲）我們將繼續(xù)在這個(gè)問題上作出努力。昨天，我與內(nèi)塔尼亞胡(Netanyahu)總理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席舉行了一次建設(shè)性的會(huì)議。我們?nèi)〉昧艘恍┻M(jìn)展。巴勒斯坦人加強(qiáng)了他們在安全方面的努力。以色列方面則擴(kuò)大了巴勒斯坦人的行動(dòng)自由。在雙方作出這些努力后，約旦河西岸的經(jīng)濟(jì)已開始增長。但是，還需要取得更大的進(jìn)展。我們繼續(xù)呼吁巴勒斯坦人結(jié)束針對(duì)以色列的挑釁行為，我們也繼續(xù)強(qiáng)調(diào)美國不接受以色列繼續(xù)擴(kuò)大定居點(diǎn)這一做法的合法性。（掌聲）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

這樣的時(shí)刻已經(jīng)來臨–不預(yù)設(shè)條件重啟談判解決以色列人與巴勒斯坦人的安全、邊界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位問題的時(shí)刻已經(jīng)來臨。目標(biāo)很明確：兩個(gè)國家在和平與安全中并存——一個(gè)是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列猶太國；另一個(gè)是獨(dú)立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦國，它將重獲從1967年開始被占領(lǐng)的大片領(lǐng)土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潛能得到發(fā)揮。（掌聲）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.當(dāng)我們尋求這項(xiàng)目標(biāo)時(shí)，我們還將尋求以色列與黎巴嫩、以色列與敘利亞、以色列與其許多鄰國之間的更廣泛的和平。在尋求這項(xiàng)目標(biāo)時(shí)，我們不僅要利用雙邊談判，還將制定多方參與的地區(qū)性行動(dòng)計(jì)劃。

Now, I am not na?ve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道這件事并非輕而易舉。但我們大家–不僅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我們大家–必須決定我們是否真正希望實(shí)現(xiàn)和平，還只是口惠而實(shí)不至。為了打破舊有的模式，打破不安全和絕望的循環(huán)，我們大家必須公開說出我們私下承認(rèn)的事實(shí)。美國如果不把對(duì)以色列的安全所作的堅(jiān)定承諾與堅(jiān)持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法訴求與權(quán)利這兩者結(jié)合在一起，就等于沒有向以色列提供任何幫助。（掌聲）如果聯(lián)合國的成員國只是對(duì)以色列猛烈抨擊，而不是本著建設(shè)性的態(tài)度承認(rèn)以色列的合法性及其在和平與安全中生存的權(quán)利，這些國家也就沒有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何幫助。（掌聲）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我們必須記住，為這場沖突付出最大代價(jià)的并不是我們，也不是政客們，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她驚恐萬分，閉上自己的眼睛，害怕會(huì)被半夜襲來的火箭彈奪走生命。付出代價(jià)的還有加沙（Gaza）地帶的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干凈的水，也沒有自己的祖國。他們都是上帝的子民。在種種政治較量和種種姿態(tài)背后，最根本的是每個(gè)人都有權(quán)過有尊嚴(yán)和安全無虞的生活。這是將地球上這一小塊地方稱為圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教誨。正因?yàn)槿绱耍M管會(huì)面臨挫折、出師不利的局面和艱難的時(shí)期，我都會(huì)毫不動(dòng)搖地尋求和平。（掌聲）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到，在21世紀(jì)，除非我們承擔(dān)起保護(hù)我們的星球的責(zé)任，否則就不會(huì)有和平。為此，我感謝秘書長昨天主持氣候變化問題會(huì)議。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.氣候變化構(gòu)成的威脅不可否認(rèn)。我們絕不能推諉應(yīng)對(duì)這一威脅的責(zé)任。如果我們繼續(xù)走現(xiàn)在這條道路，聯(lián)大每一個(gè)會(huì)員國都將在本國境內(nèi)看到無可補(bǔ)救的變化。我們制止沖突的努力將被因難民和爭奪資源引發(fā)的戰(zhàn)火耗盡。干旱和饑荒將斷送促進(jìn)發(fā)展的事業(yè)。人類世世代代生活的土地將會(huì)消失。子孫后代將回顧歷史，責(zé)問我們?yōu)槭裁床徊扇⌒袆?dòng)；我們?yōu)槭裁礇]有留下——我們?yōu)槭裁礇]有留下一個(gè)值得為之驕傲的環(huán)境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美國在這個(gè)問題上步履遲緩的時(shí)期結(jié)束了。我們將向前邁進(jìn)，投資于我國能源經(jīng)濟(jì)的轉(zhuǎn)型，同時(shí)通過鼓勵(lì)措施使清潔能源變成有益的能源。我們將積極推行大幅度減排，實(shí)現(xiàn)我們到2020年要實(shí)現(xiàn)的目標(biāo)，并最終實(shí)現(xiàn)2050年的既定目標(biāo)。我們將繼續(xù)提倡可再生能源和節(jié)能，并同世界各國分享新技術(shù)。我們將抓住一切尋求進(jìn)展的機(jī)會(huì)，同全世界同心協(xié)力應(yīng)對(duì)這一威脅。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.對(duì)于所有在20世紀(jì)給環(huán)境造成了如此嚴(yán)重破壞的富裕國家，我們必須盡自己的義務(wù)，率先采取行動(dòng)。但責(zé)任不限于此。盡管我們必須承認(rèn)，應(yīng)對(duì)行動(dòng)應(yīng)該區(qū)別對(duì)待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必須將碳排放量增長迅速的國家包括在內(nèi)，這些國家能在不阻礙發(fā)展的情況下為降低空氣污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面幫助最貧困的國家應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化已經(jīng)造成問題，另一方面幫助它們走上清潔發(fā)展的道路。如果無法兩者兼顧，則根本無法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改變我們使用能源的方式是一個(gè)基本問題，做到這一點(diǎn)并不容易。我知道這一點(diǎn)。在全球陷入衰退的時(shí)期這樣做，甚至更加困難。當(dāng)然，難免會(huì)有坐等他人首先采取行動(dòng)的想法。但除非我們所有的人共同行動(dòng)，否則就無法踏上這一征程。在我們準(zhǔn)備出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）會(huì)議之際，讓我們痛下決心，集中精力去做我們每個(gè)人能為我們共同的未來所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.現(xiàn)在，我將談到支撐我們的未來的最后一個(gè)要素：為所有的人增進(jìn)機(jī)會(huì)的全球經(jīng)濟(jì)。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界經(jīng)歷了自大蕭條（Great Depression）以來最嚴(yán)重的一場經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，目前還在復(fù)蘇之中。在美國，我們看到增長的引擎開始轉(zhuǎn)動(dòng)，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我們看到了可喜的跡象，但前景仍無定數(shù)。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑戰(zhàn)人生的艱辛之中——饑腸轆轆，頓生絕望；供水短缺，干渴難熬；疾病可治，但患病兒童卻死于不公正；或者出現(xiàn)產(chǎn)婦在生育過程中死亡的慘劇。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹茲堡（Pittsburgh），我們將同全世界最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體共同開辟一條均衡的、可持續(xù)增長的道路。這意味著高度負(fù)責(zé)，毫不松懈，直到我們的人民獲得重新就業(yè)。意味著采取措施重新促進(jìn)需求，保證全球復(fù)蘇持續(xù)進(jìn)行。這還意味著確立新的行為準(zhǔn)則，并增強(qiáng)對(duì)所有金融中心的監(jiān)管，以便鏟除將我們帶進(jìn)這場災(zāi)難的貪婪、無節(jié)制和瀆職行為，杜絕這樣的危機(jī)再度發(fā)生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在這個(gè)如此相互依存的時(shí)代，我們在更寬泛的發(fā)展問題上有著道義上和實(shí)際的利益——有關(guān)發(fā)展的種種問題在這場危機(jī)爆發(fā)前就已經(jīng)存在。因此，美國將繼續(xù)發(fā)揚(yáng)歷史傳統(tǒng)，幫助人民吃飽穿暖。我們已撥款630億美元繼續(xù)進(jìn)行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋病（HIV/AIDS）的工作，挽救結(jié)核病和瘧疾患者的生命，根治小兒麻痹癥，并增強(qiáng)公共醫(yī)療體制。我們同其他國家共同向世界衛(wèi)生組織（World Health Organization）捐贈(zèng)H1N1疫苗。我們將幫助更多的經(jīng)濟(jì)體加入全球貿(mào)易體系。我們將支持千年發(fā)展目標(biāo)，并將在明年的峰會(huì)上提出一項(xiàng)實(shí)現(xiàn)這些目標(biāo)的全球計(jì)劃。我們還將力爭在我們這個(gè)時(shí)代根除極端貧困的現(xiàn)象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.現(xiàn)在是我們所有的人盡力而為的時(shí)候了。只有所有國家都承擔(dān)起責(zé)任，才能實(shí)現(xiàn)可持續(xù)增長或共同增長。這意味著富裕國家必須向更多的商品開放市場，并向不太富裕的國家伸出援手，同時(shí)改革國際機(jī)制，使更多的國家擁有更大的發(fā)言權(quán)。發(fā)展中國家必須根除阻礙進(jìn)步的腐敗現(xiàn)象——因?yàn)樵谌嗣裨馐軌浩取⒐ど唐髽I(yè)不得不行賄的地方不會(huì)出現(xiàn)機(jī)遇。這因?yàn)槿绱耍覀冎С至木旌酮?dú)立的法官；支持公民社會(huì)和一個(gè)欣欣向榮的民營部門。我們的目標(biāo)簡單明了：全球經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)現(xiàn)可持續(xù)增長，讓所有的人都享有機(jī)會(huì)。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，實(shí)現(xiàn)我今天談到的種種變革不可能一蹴而就。這些變革也不可能僅僅因?yàn)槲覀冞@些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人在這里舉行會(huì)議就能實(shí)現(xiàn)，盡管這些會(huì)議能發(fā)揮有益的作用。因?yàn)椴徽撌裁唇M織舉行什么樣的會(huì)議，真正的變革只能通過我們代表的人民才能得到實(shí)現(xiàn)。這也是為什么我們必須艱苦努力，在我們各國首都為取得進(jìn)展奠定基礎(chǔ)。這就構(gòu)成了我們達(dá)成共識(shí)的基礎(chǔ)，從而可以結(jié)束沖突，從而可以為和平的目的利用技術(shù)，從而可以改變我們使用能源的方式，從而可以促進(jìn)可持續(xù)的共同增長。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望為自己的孩子爭取這樣的未來。這也是我們必須捍衛(wèi)上述原則的原因，因?yàn)檫@些原則要求各國政府必須體現(xiàn)人民的意志。這些原則并非可有可無—民主和對(duì)于實(shí)現(xiàn)我今天談到的各項(xiàng)目標(biāo)必不可少，因?yàn)槊裼泻兔裰蔚恼锌赡芨鶕?jù)本國人民更廣泛的利益采取行動(dòng)，不必屈從于當(dāng)權(quán)者狹隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.對(duì)我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力的檢驗(yàn)不表現(xiàn)于助長人民的恐懼感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力的尺度不是壓制異己或恫嚇騷擾國內(nèi)政治反對(duì)派的力量。世界人民希望變革。他們不會(huì)長期忍耐與歷史背道而馳的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大會(huì)憲章責(zé)成我們每個(gè)成員——我在此引述——“重申他們對(duì)基本、人格尊嚴(yán)和價(jià)值以及男女平等權(quán)利的信念”。這些權(quán)利包括，表達(dá)自己觀點(diǎn)的自由和信仰自由；種族平等的保證；婦女和女童發(fā)展?jié)摿Φ臋C(jī)會(huì)；公民對(duì)自身管理的發(fā)言權(quán)以及對(duì)司法公正的信心。正如任何國家都不應(yīng)被迫接受另一國家的專制一樣，任何人都不應(yīng)被迫接受對(duì)本國人民的專制。（掌聲）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作為一個(gè)非洲裔美國人，我決不會(huì)忘記，若不是我的國家對(duì)一個(gè)更加完美的聯(lián)邦的堅(jiān)定追求，我今天不會(huì)站在這里。它使我相信，無論眼前看似多么黑暗，選擇站在正義一邊的人們是能夠促成變革的。我保證，美國將永遠(yuǎn)同捍衛(wèi)自身尊嚴(yán)與權(quán)利的人們在一起——同努力求學(xué)的學(xué)生；同要求發(fā)出聲音的選民；同渴望自由的無辜者；同期盼平等的受壓迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能從外部強(qiáng)加給任何國家。每個(gè)社會(huì)必須尋求自身的道路，而沒有一條路會(huì)盡善盡美。每個(gè)國家都將謀求一條基于自身民族文化和歷史傳統(tǒng)的道路。我承認(rèn)，美國在推動(dòng)民主時(shí)曾過于經(jīng)常地帶有選擇性。但這并不減少我們的承諾，而是使之更加堅(jiān)定。一些基本原則是舉世皆準(zhǔn)的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利堅(jiān)合眾國將永遠(yuǎn)毫不動(dòng)搖地支持各地人民決定自己命運(yùn)的權(quán)利。（掌聲）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，憂心忡忡的富蘭克林?羅斯福向美國人民發(fā)表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就職演說。他對(duì)多年戰(zhàn)爭造成的可怕苦難和人們作出的巨大犧牲所能帶來的教訓(xùn)作了如此概括：“我們學(xué)會(huì)了做世界公民，做人類社會(huì)的成員。”

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but na?ve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.從非洲到亞洲、從歐洲到美洲——聯(lián)合國是由世界各地像羅斯福這樣的男女志士創(chuàng)建起來的。這些國際合作建筑師們的理想絕非天真，而是基于來之不易的戰(zhàn)爭教訓(xùn)和這樣一個(gè)智慧，即各國可以通過一道行動(dòng)而不是來促進(jìn)自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降臨于我們——這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的作用將取決于我們。聯(lián)合國在全球功績卓著——解饑救病，修復(fù)創(chuàng)傷。但是，聯(lián)合國也在貫徹自身意愿和實(shí)踐奠基理念的過程中步履艱難。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，這些缺憾不能構(gòu)成背棄這個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的理由，而是一個(gè)要求我們加倍努力的呼喚。聯(lián)合國這個(gè)地方，既能夠使我們?yōu)樗拊範(fàn)幊巢恍荩部梢宰屛覀兊於ü餐A(chǔ)；既能夠使我們盯住分歧不放，也可以讓我們攜手共進(jìn)；既能夠使人縱容專制，也可以產(chǎn)生道義權(quán)威。總之，聯(lián)合國既可以與事關(guān)我們公民性命的事務(wù)不相干，也可以成為推動(dòng)我們?yōu)橹?wù)的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我們已到達(dá)一個(gè)關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻。美國為打開國際合作的新篇章作好了準(zhǔn)備——這種合作認(rèn)識(shí)到所有國家的權(quán)利與責(zé)任。因此，滿懷對(duì)我們事業(yè)的信心和對(duì)我們價(jià)值觀的信念，我們呼呼所有國家與我們一道建設(shè)一個(gè)我們的人民應(yīng)充分享有的未來。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感謝你們，所有各位。（掌聲）

第二篇：美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在哥本哈根聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)上的講話

企業(yè)兼并的質(zhì)疑

1、The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed.The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries withunsurpassed might.Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: “Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?”

世界正在經(jīng)歷一場前所未有的巨大的并購浪潮。這個(gè)浪潮從異常活躍的美國席卷到歐洲，并以不可比擬的威力影響到正在崛起的國家0.3。這些國家的許多人面對(duì)這個(gè)浪潮開始憂慮：“企業(yè)合并的浪潮會(huì)不會(huì)變成一股不可控制的反競爭的力量？”

2、There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful.Multinationalcorporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982.Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly.International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment.In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms.This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.無疑，大企業(yè)正在變得更大、更強(qiáng)。跨國公司在1982年只占有國際貿(mào)易不到20％的份額。而現(xiàn)在，這個(gè)數(shù)字上升到25％強(qiáng)，并且還在迅速上升。在那些對(duì)外開放并鼓勵(lì)外資的國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)中國際分公司在國民生產(chǎn)中成為一個(gè)快速增長的部門。比如，在阿根廷，經(jīng)過90年代初的改革之后，跨國公司在200家大型企業(yè)的工業(yè)生產(chǎn)中從43％增加到幾乎70％。這個(gè)現(xiàn)象造成了人們對(duì)小型企業(yè)和民族資本的作用 以及世界經(jīng)濟(jì)的最終穩(wěn)定的嚴(yán)重憂慮。

3、I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customers' demands.All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers.As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.我認(rèn)為，推動(dòng)這股巨大的并購浪潮的最主要的力量，也是推動(dòng)全球化進(jìn)程的力量，包括日趨下降的運(yùn)輸與通訊費(fèi)用，較低的貿(mào)易與投資壁壘，以及市場的擴(kuò)大和為滿足市場需求而進(jìn)行的擴(kuò)大生產(chǎn)。所有這些對(duì)消費(fèi)者來說都有益而無害的。隨著生產(chǎn)力的提高，世界的財(cái)富也在增長。

4、Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty.Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the US, when the Standard Oil trust was broken up.The mergers of telecom companies, such as World Com, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress.On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast.In cars, too, concentration is increasing — witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan — but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.目前證明這股合并浪潮是帶來利還是弊的實(shí)例并不多。但是很難想像當(dāng)今的幾個(gè)石油公司的合并是否會(huì)重新造成約100年前美國標(biāo)準(zhǔn)石油公司對(duì)競爭造成的同樣的威脅，那時(shí)由于人們對(duì)該公司的這種擔(dān)心而導(dǎo)致了它最終的解散。像世界通訊這樣的通訊公司合并似乎沒有給消費(fèi)者帶來更高的價(jià)格，或者降低技術(shù)進(jìn)步的速度。相反，通信的價(jià)格在迅速下降。在汽車行業(yè)，合并也同樣在增加——比如戴姆勒與克萊斯勒，雷諾與尼桑的合并——但消費(fèi)者看起來并未受到傷害。

5、Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched.A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry.Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict aboutinfringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of “defending competition” on issues that affect many other nations, as in the US vs.Microsoft case?

但是合并運(yùn)動(dòng)必須受到嚴(yán)密監(jiān)視這個(gè)事實(shí)仍然存在。事實(shí)依然未變。就在幾星期以前，格林斯潘對(duì)銀行業(yè)的巨大合并發(fā)出了警告。如果合并后如此巨大的銀行出現(xiàn)，誰來充當(dāng)最終的借貸者，發(fā)揮監(jiān)督、規(guī)范和運(yùn)作的作用呢？當(dāng)一個(gè)國家對(duì)破壞公平競爭的行為的處理過于嚴(yán)厲時(shí)，跨國公司會(huì)不會(huì)把它們的生產(chǎn)從一地轉(zhuǎn)到另一地呢？在那些將會(huì)影響許多其他國家的事情中，如美國政府與微軟公司的訴訟案，一個(gè)國家是否應(yīng)該擔(dān)負(fù)起“保護(hù)競爭”的責(zé)任呢

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在哥本哈根聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)上的講話

2009年12月18日，在哥本哈根聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)（United Nations Climate Change Conference）發(fā)表講話，闡述美國在氣候變化問題上的立場和采取的行動(dòng)。以下是講話全文:

Remarks by President Obama at the Morning Plenary Session of the United Nations Climate Change Conference

Bella Center, Copenhagen, Denmark

December 18, 2009 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)當(dāng)天上午的全體會(huì)議上發(fā)表講話

貝拉中心，丹麥，哥本哈根

2009年12月18日

Good morning.It is an honor for me to join this distinguished group of leaders from nations around the world.We come here in Copenhagen because climate change poses a grave and growing danger to our people.All of you would not be here unless you — like me — were convinced that this danger is real.This is not fiction, it is science.Unchecked, climate change will pose unacceptable risks to our security, our economies, and our planet.This much we know.早上好。十分榮幸能與世界各國尊貴的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人匯聚一堂。我們來到哥本哈根，是因?yàn)闅夂蜃兓瘜?duì)各國人民構(gòu)成的嚴(yán)重威脅與日俱增。諸位如果不相信這一危險(xiǎn)確實(shí)存在，你們──同我一樣──都不會(huì)來到這里。這不是憑空虛構(gòu)，這是科學(xué)。如果不加以制止，氣候變化就將對(duì)我們的安全、我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和我們的地球構(gòu)成不可接受的危險(xiǎn)。對(duì)此我們都了然于胸。The question, then, before us is no longer the nature of the challenge--the question is our capacity to meet it.For while the reality of climate change is not in doubt, I have to be honest, as the world watches us today, I think our ability to take collective action is in doubt right now, and it hangs in the balance.因此，我們面臨的問題不再是這一挑戰(zhàn)的性質(zhì)，而是我們應(yīng)對(duì)這一挑戰(zhàn)的能力。因?yàn)楸M管氣候變化的現(xiàn)實(shí)已無庸置疑，但恕我直言，在今天全世界都注視著我們的時(shí)候，我認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在我們共同采取行動(dòng)的能力還難以確定。這個(gè)問題事關(guān)生死存亡。I believe we can act boldly, and decisively, in the face of a common threat.That's why I come here today — not to talk, but to act.(Applause)

我相信面對(duì)這一共同威脅，我們能夠采取勇敢、果斷的行動(dòng)。這就是我為什么來到這里的原因──不是為了高談闊論，而是為了付諸行動(dòng)。（掌聲）

Now, as the world's largest economy and as the world's second largest emitter, America bears our responsibility to address climate change, and we intend to meet that responsibility.That's why we've renewed our leadership within international climate change negotiations.That's why we've worked with other nations to phase out fossil fuel subsidies.That's why we've taken bold action at home — by making historic investments in renewable energy;by putting our people to work increasing efficiency in our homes and buildings;and by pursuing comprehensive legislation to transform to a clean energy economy.作為全世界最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體和排放量名列第二的國家，美國在應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化方面有自己的一份責(zé)任，我們準(zhǔn)備盡這份責(zé)任。這就是為什么我們重新在國際氣候變化談判中發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用的原因。這就是為什么我們與其他國家共同努力，逐步取消化石燃料補(bǔ)貼的原因。這就是為什么我們在國內(nèi)采取果敢行動(dòng)的原因──對(duì)可再生能源進(jìn)行前所未有的投資；要求我國相關(guān)人員努力提高住宅和建筑物的能效；并爭取通過綜合立法 向 清潔能源經(jīng)濟(jì) 轉(zhuǎn)化。

These mitigation actions are ambitious, and we are taking them not simply to meet global responsibilities.We are convinced, as some of you may be convinced, that changing the way we produce and use energy is essential to America's economic future — that it will create millions of new jobs, power new industries, keep us competitive, and spark new innovation.We're convinced, for our own self-interest, that the way we use energy, changing it to a more efficient fashion, is essential to our national security, because it helps to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and helps us deal with some of the dangers posed by climate change.這些減排行動(dòng)意義深遠(yuǎn)。我們采取這些行動(dòng)不僅是為了履行全球責(zé)任。我們相信──或許你們有些人也相信──改變我們生產(chǎn)和使用能源的方式對(duì)美國經(jīng)濟(jì)的未來必不可少。這樣做將創(chuàng)造數(shù)以百萬計(jì)新的就業(yè)崗位，為新興行業(yè)提供動(dòng)力，保持我們的競爭能力并激發(fā)新的創(chuàng)新。我們深信，為了我們的自身利益，我們使用能源的方式，使之向提高效率的方向轉(zhuǎn)換，對(duì)我們的國家安全必不可少，因?yàn)檫@樣做有助于減少我們對(duì)外來石油的依賴，也有助于應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化構(gòu)成的某些危險(xiǎn)。So I want this plenary session to understand, America is going to continue on this course of action to mitigate our emissions and to move towards a clean energy economy, no matter what happens here in Copenhagen.We think it is good for us, as well as good for the world.But we also believe that we will all be stronger, all be safer, all be more secure if we act together.That's why it is in our mutual interest to achieve a global accord in which we agree to certain steps, and to hold each other accountable to certain commitments.因此，我希望本次全會(huì)的與會(huì)者知道，無論哥本哈根大會(huì)的結(jié)果如何，美國將繼續(xù)采取這一行動(dòng)方針，減少我們的排放，向清潔能源經(jīng)濟(jì)的目標(biāo)前進(jìn)。我們認(rèn)為，這對(duì)我們本身有利，也對(duì)全世界有利。然而，我們也認(rèn)為，如果我們能共同采取行動(dòng)，我們大家都會(huì)更強(qiáng)大，更安全，更有保障。正因?yàn)槿绱耍_(dá)成一項(xiàng)各方都同意采取某些步驟 并相互要求對(duì)某些承諾負(fù)責(zé)的 全球性協(xié)議，符合我們的共同利益。

After months of talk, after two weeks of negotiations, after innumerable side meetings, bilateral meetings, endless hours of discussion among negotiators, I believe that the pieces of that accord should now be clear.經(jīng)過幾個(gè)月的討論，經(jīng)過兩個(gè)星期的談判，經(jīng)過大量會(huì)外的會(huì)談、雙邊會(huì)晤和談判人員日以繼夜的磋商，我相信這項(xiàng)協(xié)議各個(gè)方面的內(nèi)容應(yīng)該已經(jīng)很明確。

First, all major economies must put forward decisive national actions that will reduce their emissions, and begin to turn the corner on climate change.I'm pleased that many of us have already done so.Almost all the major economies have put forward legitimate targets, significant targets, ambitious targets.And I'm confident that America will fulfill the commitments that we have made: cutting our emissions in the range of 17 percent by 2020, and by more than 80 percent by 2050 in line with final legislation.首先，所有的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體必須提出明確的國家行動(dòng)減少各自的排放量，著手在氣候變化問題上開創(chuàng)新局面。令我高興的是，我們已經(jīng)有很多國家這樣做了。幾乎所有的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體都已提出合理的目標(biāo)，重大的目標(biāo)，意義深遠(yuǎn)的目標(biāo)。我堅(jiān)信，美國將履行已經(jīng)做出的承諾：到2020年減排17%，到2050年減排80%以上，使之符合最后通過的法案。

Second, we must have a mechanism to review whether we are keeping our commitments, and exchange this information in a transparent manner.These measures need not be intrusive, or infringe upon sovereignty.They must, however, ensure that an accord is credible, and that we're living up to our obligations.Without such accountability, any agreement would be empty words on a page.第二，我們必須建立一種機(jī)制審查我們是否信守自己的承諾，并以透明的方式交流這方面的信息。這些措施不必具有干預(yù)性，無需涉及主權(quán)。但這些措施必須確保達(dá)成的協(xié)議言而有信，確保我們都在履行自己的義務(wù)。沒有這種問責(zé)制度，任何協(xié)議都只是一紙空文。I don't know how you have an international agreement where we all are not sharing information and ensuring that we are meeting our commitments.That doesn't make sense.It would be a hollow victory.令我無法想象的是，對(duì)于達(dá)成的國際協(xié)議，各方可以不共享信息，也不保證履行各自的承諾。這種協(xié)議簡直毫無意義，只能是徒有虛名。

Number three, we must have financing that helps developing countries adapt, particularly the least developed and most vulnerable countries to climate change.America will be a part of fast-start funding that will ramp up to $10 billion by 2012.And yesterday, Secretary Hillary Clinton, my Secretary of State, made it clear that we will engage in a global effort to mobilize $100 billion in financing by 2020, if — and only if — it is part of a broader accord that I have just described.第三，我們必須籌集資金，幫助發(fā)展中國家適應(yīng)氣候變化，特別是那些最不發(fā)達(dá)和最容易受氣候變化影響的國家。美國將參與一項(xiàng)快速啟動(dòng)融資項(xiàng)目。到2012年，該項(xiàng)目將籌集100億美元。昨天，國務(wù)卿希拉里·克林頓（Hillary Clinton）明確表示，我們將參與全球行動(dòng)，到2020年籌集1,000億美元資金，前提是──只有在這個(gè)前提下──這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃必須納入我剛才談到的更全面的協(xié)議。

Mitigation，Transparency，F(xiàn)inancing.It's a clear formula — one that embraces the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective capabilities.And it adds up to a significant accord--one that takes us farther than we have ever gone before as an international community.減排。透明。融資。這是一個(gè)明確的方案──其原則是，共同應(yīng)對(duì)，措施有別，各盡其能。所有這些構(gòu)筑了一個(gè)重要的協(xié)議──可以讓我們的國際社會(huì)取得前所未有的進(jìn)展。I just want to say to this plenary session that we are running short on time.And at this point, the question is whether we will move forward together or split apart, whether we prefer posturing to action.I'm sure that many consider this an imperfect framework that I just described.No country will get everything that it wants.There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and no obligations with respect to transparency.They think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price;I understand that.There are those advanced nations who think that developing countries either cannot absorb this assistance, or that will not be held accountable effectively, and that the world's fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.在這次全會(huì)上，我只想說，我們的時(shí)間所剩無幾。在這個(gè)關(guān)頭，問題在于我們是共同奮進(jìn)，還是分道揚(yáng)鑣；我們是故作姿態(tài)，還是身體力行。我相信，許多人認(rèn)為我剛才講述的框架并不完美。任何國家都不可能得到自己希望的一切。有些發(fā)展中國家想得到援助，又不想滿足任何條件，不想承擔(dān)保持透明的義務(wù)。他們認(rèn)為最發(fā)達(dá)的國家應(yīng)該付出更高的代價(jià)；我理解這一點(diǎn)。有些發(fā)達(dá)國家則認(rèn)為發(fā)展中國家或者沒有能力利用這些援助，或者無法有效地承擔(dān)責(zé)任，因此世界上增長最快的排放國應(yīng)該承擔(dān)更大的責(zé)任。We know the fault lines because we've been imprisoned by them for years.These international discussions have essentially taken place now for almost two decades, and we have very little to show for it other than an increased acceleration of the climate change phenomenon.The time for talk is over.This is the bottom line: We can embrace this accord, take a substantial step forward, continue to refine it and build upon its foundation.We can do that, and everyone who is in this room will be part of a historic endeavor — one that makes life better for our children and our grandchildren.我們知道存在這些分歧，因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)多年受這些分歧的制約。這樣的國際討論到現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了幾乎20年，除了氣候變化現(xiàn)象的加速，我們沒有取得什么結(jié)果。空談該結(jié)束了。我們的底線是：我們接受這個(gè)協(xié)議，向前邁出實(shí)質(zhì)性的一步，繼續(xù)使之完善，在這個(gè)基礎(chǔ)上再接再勵(lì)。我們能夠這樣做。在座的每一位都能親身參與這項(xiàng)前所未有的事業(yè)──為了改善我們子孫萬代的生活。

Or we can choose delay, falling back into the same divisions that have stood in the way of action for years.And we will be back having the same stale arguments month after month, year after year, perhaps decade after decade, all while the danger of climate change grows until it is irreversible.否則，我們只能繼續(xù)拖延，保持多年來阻礙我們采取行動(dòng)的分裂狀態(tài)。月復(fù)一月，年復(fù)一年，或許再經(jīng)過十幾二十年，我們又將進(jìn)行同樣的老生常談。與此同時(shí)氣候變化的危險(xiǎn)將發(fā)展到不可收拾的地步。Ladies and gentlemen, 女士們，先生們，There is no time to waste.America has made our choice.We have charted our course.We have made our commitments.We will do what we say.Now I believe it's the time for the nations and the people of the world to come together behind a common purpose.時(shí)不我待。美國已經(jīng)做出了我們的選擇。我們已經(jīng)規(guī)劃了我們的路線。我們已經(jīng)表達(dá)了我們的承諾。我們言出必行。我們認(rèn)為，現(xiàn)在全世界各國和人民應(yīng)該為了一個(gè)共同的目標(biāo)齊心協(xié)力。

We are ready to get this done today — but there has to be movement on all sides to recognize that it is better for us to act than to talk;it’s better for us to choose action over inaction;the future over the past — and with courage and faith, I believe that we can meet our responsibility to our people, and the future of our planet.Thank you very much.(Applause)我們準(zhǔn)備今天完成這個(gè)工作──但所有各方必須行動(dòng)起來，認(rèn)識(shí)到言辭不如行動(dòng)；無所作為不如有所行動(dòng)；拘囿于過去不如著眼于未來──只要有勇氣，只要有信心，我相信我們能夠肩負(fù)起對(duì)人民，對(duì)我們星球未來的責(zé)任。非常感謝。（掌聲）

第三篇：奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上的講話

奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上的講話

驅(qū)動(dòng)不容忍和暴力或許一開始是針對(duì)西方，但它會(huì)逐漸變得無法控制。對(duì)極端主義的同樣驅(qū)動(dòng)引發(fā)遜尼派教徒（Sunni）和什葉派教徒（Shia）、部落與宗族間的交戰(zhàn)。它所帶來的不是富強(qiáng)繁榮，而是動(dòng)蕩混亂。在不到兩年時(shí)間里，我們看到大體和平的示威行動(dòng)給穆斯林占主體的國家?guī)淼淖兓^了十年暴力的效果。極端主義者明白這一點(diǎn)。由于他們拿不出任何方式改善人民生活，暴力是他們維持自身存在價(jià)值的唯一手段。他們沒有建樹，只有破壞。。

第四篇：美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)的講話 中英文

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)的講話

時(shí)間:2009-12-19 15:01來源:口譯網(wǎng) 作者:口譯網(wǎng) 點(diǎn)擊:972次

2009年12月18日，奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在哥本哈根聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)發(fā)表講話，闡述美國在氣候變化問題上的立場和采取的行動(dòng)。以下是講話的全文：

Remarks at Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change by the U.S.President Barack Obama Copenhagen, Denmark December 18, 2009

美國總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國氣候變化大會(huì)的講話 丹麥，哥本哈根 2009年12月18日

Good morning.It is an honor for me to join this distinguished group of leaders from nations around the world.We come here in Copenhagen because climate change poses a grave and growing danger to our people.All of you would not be here unless you — like me — were convinced that this danger is real.This is not fiction, it is science.Unchecked, climate change will pose unacceptable risks to our security, our economies, and our planet.This much we know.早上好。十分榮幸能與世界各國尊貴的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人匯聚一堂。我們來到哥本哈根，是因?yàn)闅夂蜃兓瘜?duì)各國人民構(gòu)成的嚴(yán)重威脅與日俱增。諸位如果不相信這一危險(xiǎn)確實(shí)存在，你們──同我一樣──都不會(huì)來到這里。這不是憑空虛構(gòu)，這是科學(xué)。如果不加以制止，氣候變化就將對(duì)我們的安全、我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和我們的地球構(gòu)成不可接受的危險(xiǎn)。對(duì)此我們都了然于胸。

The question, then, before us is no longer the nature of the challenge--the question is our capacity to meet it.For while the reality of climate change is not in doubt, I have to be honest, as the world watches us today, I think our ability to take collective action is in doubt right now, and it hangs in the balance.因此，我們面臨的問題不再是這一挑戰(zhàn)的性質(zhì)，而是我們應(yīng)對(duì)這一挑戰(zhàn)的能力。因?yàn)楸M管氣候變化的現(xiàn)實(shí)已無庸置疑，但恕我直言，在今天全世界都注視著我們的時(shí)候，我認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在我們共同采取行動(dòng)的能力還難以確定。這個(gè)問題事關(guān)生死存亡。

I believe we can act boldly, and decisively, in the face of a common threat.That's why I come here today — not to talk, but to act.(Applause.)

我相信面對(duì)這一共同威脅，我們能夠采取勇敢、果斷的行動(dòng)。這就是我為什么來到這里的原因──不是為了高談闊論，而是為了付諸行動(dòng)。（掌聲）

Now, as the world's largest economy and as the world's second largest emitter, America bears our responsibility to address climate change, and we intend to meet that responsibility.That's why we've renewed our leadership within international climate change negotiations.That's why we've worked with other nations to phase out fossil fuel subsidies.That's why we've taken bold action at home — by making historic investments in renewable energy;by putting our people to work increasing efficiency in our homes and buildings;and by pursuing comprehensive legislation to transform to a clean energy economy.作為全世界最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體和排放量名列第二的國家，美國在應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化方面有自己的一份責(zé)任，我們準(zhǔn)備盡這份責(zé)任。這就是為什么我們重新在國際氣候變化談判中發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用的原因。這就是為什么我們與其他國家共同努力，逐步取消化石燃料補(bǔ)貼的原因。這就是為什么我們在國內(nèi)采取果敢行動(dòng)的原因──對(duì)可再生能源進(jìn)行前所未有的投資；要求我國相關(guān)人員努力提高住宅和建筑物的能效；并爭取通過綜合立法向清潔能源經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)化。

These mitigation actions are ambitious, and we are taking them not simply to meet global responsibilities.We are convinced, as some of you may be convinced, that changing the way we produce and use energy is essential to America's economic future — that it will create millions of new jobs, power new industries, keep us competitive, and spark new innovation.We're convinced, for our own self-interest, that the way we use energy, changing it to a more efficient fashion, is essential to our national security, because it helps to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and helps us deal with some of the dangers posed by climate change.這些減排行動(dòng)意義深遠(yuǎn)。我們采取這些行動(dòng)不僅是為了履行全球責(zé)任。我們相信──或許你們有些人也相信──改變我們生產(chǎn)和使用能源的方式對(duì)美國經(jīng)濟(jì)的未來必不可少。這樣做將創(chuàng)造數(shù)以百萬計(jì)新的就業(yè)崗位，為新興行業(yè)提供動(dòng)力，保持我們的競爭能力并激發(fā)新的創(chuàng)新。我們深信，為了我們的自身利益，我們使用能源的方式，使之向提高效率的方向轉(zhuǎn)換，對(duì)我們的國家安全必不可少，因?yàn)檫@樣做有助于減少我們對(duì)外來石油的依賴，也有助于應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化構(gòu)成的某些危險(xiǎn)。

So I want this plenary session to understand, America is going to continue on this course of action to mitigate our emissions and to move towards a clean energy economy, no matter what happens here in Copenhagen.We think it is good for us, as well as good for the world.But we also believe that we will all be stronger, all be safer, all be more secure if we act together.That's why it is in our mutual interest to achieve a global accord in which we agree to certain steps, and to hold each other accountable to certain commitments.因此，我希望本次全會(huì)的與會(huì)者知道，無論哥本哈根大會(huì)的結(jié)果如何，美國將繼續(xù)采取這一行動(dòng)方針，減少我們的排放，向清潔能源經(jīng)濟(jì)的目標(biāo)前進(jìn)。我們認(rèn)為，這對(duì)我們本身有利，也對(duì)全世界有利。然而，我們也認(rèn)為，如果我們能共同采取行動(dòng)，我們大家都會(huì)更強(qiáng)大，更安全，更有保障。正因?yàn)槿绱耍_(dá)成一項(xiàng)各方都同意采取某些步驟并相互要求對(duì)某些承諾負(fù)責(zé)的全球性協(xié)議，符合我們的共同利益。

After months of talk, after two weeks of negotiations, after innumerable side meetings, bilateral meetings, endless hours of discussion among negotiators, I believe that the pieces of that accord should now be clear.經(jīng)過幾個(gè)月的討論，經(jīng)過兩個(gè)星期的談判，經(jīng)過大量會(huì)外的會(huì)談、雙邊會(huì)晤和談判人員日以繼夜的磋商，我相信這項(xiàng)協(xié)議各個(gè)方面的內(nèi)容應(yīng)該已經(jīng)很明確。

First, all major economies must put forward decisive national actions that will reduce their emissions, and begin to turn the corner on climate change.I'm pleased that many of us have already done so.Almost all the major economies have put forward legitimate targets, significant targets, ambitious targets.And I'm confident that America will fulfill the commitments that we have made: cutting our emissions in the range of 17 percent by 2020, and by more than 80 percent by 2050 in line with final legislation.首先，所有的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體必須提出明確的國家行動(dòng)減少各自的排放量，著手在氣候變化問題上開創(chuàng)新局面。令我高興的是，我們已經(jīng)有很多國家這樣做了。幾乎所有的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體都已提出合理的目標(biāo)，重大的目標(biāo)，意義深遠(yuǎn)的目標(biāo)。我堅(jiān)信，美國將履行已經(jīng)做出的承諾：到2020年減排17%，到2050年減排80%以上，使之符合最后通過的法案。

Second, we must have a mechanism to review whether we are keeping our commitments, and exchange this information in a transparent manner.These measures need not be intrusive, or infringe upon sovereignty.They must, however, ensure that an accord is credible, and that we're living up to our obligations.Without such accountability, any agreement would be empty words on a page.第二，我們必須建立一種機(jī)制審查我們是否信守自己的承諾，并以透明的方式交流這方面的信息。這些措施不必具有干預(yù)性，無需涉及主權(quán)。但這些措施必須確保達(dá)成的協(xié)議言而有信，確保我們都在履行自己的義務(wù)。沒有這種問責(zé)制度，任何協(xié)議都只是一紙空文。

I don't know how you have an international agreement where we all are not sharing information and ensuring that we are meeting our commitments.That doesn't make sense.It would be a hollow victory.令我無法想象的是，對(duì)于達(dá)成的國際協(xié)議，各方可以不共享信息，也不保證履行各自的承諾。這種協(xié)議簡直毫無意義，只能是徒有虛名。

Number three, we must have financing that helps developing countries adapt, particularly the least developed and most vulnerable countries to climate change.America will be a part of fast-start funding that will ramp up to $10 billion by 2012.And yesterday, Secretary Hillary Clinton, my Secretary of State, made it clear that we will engage in a global effort to mobilize $100 billion in financing by 2020, if — and only if — it is part of a broader accord that I have just described.第三，我們必須籌集資金，幫助發(fā)展中國家適應(yīng)氣候變化，特別是那些最不發(fā)達(dá)和最容易受氣候變化影響的國家。美國將參與一項(xiàng)快速啟動(dòng)融資項(xiàng)目。到2012年，該項(xiàng)目將籌集100億美元。昨天，國務(wù)卿希拉里·克林頓明確表示，我們將參與全球行動(dòng)，到2020年籌集1,000億美元資金，前提是──只有在這個(gè)前提下──這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃必須納入我剛才談到的更全面的協(xié)議。

Mitigation.Transparency.Financing.It's a clear formula — one that embraces the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective capabilities.And it adds up to a significant accord--one that takes us farther than we have ever gone before as an international community.減排。透明。融資。這是一個(gè)明確的方案──其原則是，共同應(yīng)對(duì)，措施有別，各盡其能。所有這些構(gòu)筑了一個(gè)重要的協(xié)議──可以讓我們的國際社會(huì)取得前所未有的進(jìn)展。

I just want to say to this plenary session that we are running short on time.And at this point, the question is whether we will move forward together or split apart, whether we prefer posturing to action.I'm sure that many consider this an imperfect framework that I just described.No country will get everything that it wants.There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and no obligations with respect to transparency.They think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price;I understand that.There are those advanced nations who think that developing countries either cannot absorb this assistance, or that will not be held accountable effectively, and that the world's fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.在這次全會(huì)上，我只想說，我們的時(shí)間所剩無幾。在這個(gè)關(guān)頭，問題在于我們是共同奮進(jìn)，還是分道揚(yáng)鑣；我們是故作姿態(tài)，還是身體力行。我相信，許多人認(rèn)為我剛才講述的框架并不完美。任何國家都不可能得到自己希望的一切。有些發(fā)展中國家想得到援助，又不想滿足任何條件，不想承擔(dān)保持透明的義務(wù)。他們認(rèn)為最發(fā)達(dá)的國家應(yīng)該付出更高的代價(jià)；我理解這一點(diǎn)。有些發(fā)達(dá)國家則認(rèn)為發(fā)展中國家或者沒有能力利用這些援助，或者無法有效地承擔(dān)責(zé)任，因此世界上增長最快的排放國應(yīng)該承擔(dān)更大的責(zé)任。

We know the fault lines because we've been imprisoned by them for years.These international discussions have essentially taken place now for almost two decades, and we have very little to show for it other than an increased acceleration of the climate change phenomenon.The time for talk is over.This is the bottom line: We can embrace this accord, take a substantial step forward, continue to refine it and build upon its foundation.We can do that, and everyone who is in this room will be part of a historic endeavor — one that makes life better for our children and our grandchildren.我們知道存在這些分歧，因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)多年受這些分歧的制約。這樣的國際討論到現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了幾乎20年，除了氣候變化現(xiàn)象的加速，我們沒有取得什么結(jié)果。空談該結(jié)束了。我們的底線是：我們接受這個(gè)協(xié)議，向前邁出實(shí)質(zhì)性的一步，繼續(xù)使之完善，在這個(gè)基礎(chǔ)上再接再勵(lì)。我們能夠這樣做。在座的每一位都能親身參與這項(xiàng)前所未有的事業(yè)──為了改善我們子孫萬代的生活。

Or we can choose delay, falling back into the same divisions that have stood in the way of action for years.And we will be back having the same stale arguments month after month, year after year, perhaps decade after decade, all while the danger of climate change grows until it is irreversible.否則，我們只能繼續(xù)拖延，保持多年來阻礙我們采取行動(dòng)的分裂狀態(tài)。月復(fù)一月，年復(fù)一年，或許再經(jīng)過十幾二十年，我們又將進(jìn)行同樣的老生常談。與此同時(shí)氣候變化的危險(xiǎn)將發(fā)展到不可收拾的地步。

Ladies and gentlemen, there is no time to waste.America has made our choice.We have charted our course.We have made our commitments.We will do what we say.Now I believe it's the time for the nations and the people of the world to come together behind a common purpose.女士們先生們，時(shí)不我待。美國已經(jīng)做出了我們的選擇。我們已經(jīng)規(guī)劃了我們的路線。我們已經(jīng)表達(dá)了我們的承諾。我們言出必行。我們認(rèn)為，現(xiàn)在全世界各國和人民應(yīng)該為了一個(gè)共同的目標(biāo)齊心協(xié)力。

We are ready to get this done today — but there has to be movement on all sides to recognize that it is better for us to act than to talk;it’s better for us to choose action over inaction;the future over the past — and with courage and faith, I believe that we can meet our responsibility to our people, and the future of our planet.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

我們準(zhǔn)備今天完成這個(gè)工作──但所有各方必須行動(dòng)起來，認(rèn)識(shí)到言辭不如行動(dòng)；無所作為不如有所行動(dòng)；拘囿于過去不如著眼于未來──只要有勇氣，只要有信心，我相信我們能夠肩負(fù)起對(duì)人民，對(duì)我們星球未來的責(zé)任。非常感謝。（掌聲）

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第五篇：2012年9月25日奧巴馬在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上的講話

Remarks by the President to the UN General Assembly

United Nations Headquarters

New York, New York

10:22 A.M.EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician.As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco.And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East.He would carry that commitment throughout his life.As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya.He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked--tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile.Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship.As America’s representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected.And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.Chris Stevens loved his work.He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met.And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital.That’s when America’s compound came under attack.Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save.He was 52 years old.I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America.Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents.He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles--a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America.We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people.There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice.And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region--including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen--have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm.And so have religious authorities around the globe.But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America.They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded--the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully;that diplomacy can take the place of war;that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass.If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis--because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens--and not by his killers.Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring.And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that’s taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture.These are not simply American values or Western values--they are universal values.And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.So let us remember that this is a season of progress.For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair.This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world.Over the past year, we’ve seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia.In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform.Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot.Nelson Mandela once said: “To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.”(Applause.)

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe.It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.In other words, true democracy--real freedom--is hard work.Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents.In hard economic times, countries must be tempted--may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress--dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division.From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we’ve witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order.At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe.And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world.In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening;in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they’re willing to tolerate freedom for others.That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world.Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well--for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith.We are home to Muslims who worship across our country.We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe.We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video.And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense.Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs.As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day--(laughter)--and I will always defend their right to do so.(Applause.)

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with.We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened.We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression;it is more speech--the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech.We recognize that.But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete.The question, then, is how do we respond?

And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence.(Applause.)There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents.There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy.There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan.In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world.We empower the worst of us if that’s how we respond.More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy.Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad.We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans.However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism.(Applause.)

It is time to marginalize those who--even when not directly resorting to violence--use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics.For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.That brand of politics--one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews--can’t deliver on the promise of freedom.To the youth, it offers only false hope.Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education.Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach.Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job.That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve;protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.Understand America will never retreat from the world.We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies.We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development--all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change.But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect.No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered.For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.A politics based only on anger--one based on dividing the world between “us” and “them”--not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it.All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces.Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism.On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding;more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a;several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained.The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans.It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos.In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence.And extremists understand this.Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant.They don’t build;they only destroy.It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind.On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past.And we cannot afford to get it wrong.We must seize this moment.And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt--it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” The future must not belong to those who bully women--it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons.(Applause.)

The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country’s resources--it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people.Those are the women and men that America stands with;theirs is the vision we will support.The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam.But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied.(Applause.)

Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims.It’s time to heed the words of Gandhi: “Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit.”(Applause.)Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them.That is what America embodies, that’s the vision we will support.Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace.Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist.The road is hard, but the destination is clear--a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine.(Applause.)Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people.If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings.And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence.Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision--a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don’t need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed--Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians.That’s what America stands for.That is the outcome that we will work for--with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good.Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads.The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors.But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad.Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.So let me be clear.America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so.But that time is not unlimited.We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace.And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained.It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy.It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty.That’s why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable.And that’s why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights.That’s why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict.That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War.And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well.History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices.Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path.Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace.From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.And it is because of the progress that I’ve witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I’ve witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in.The war in Iraq is over.American troops have come home.We’ve begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014.Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more.Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals.We have seen hard choices made--from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan--to put more power in the hands of citizens.At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity.Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery.America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations.New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity.And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.All these things give me hope.But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders--it is the people that I’ve seen.The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away;the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind;the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations;the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise.These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams.They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.So much attention in our world turns to what divides us.That’s what we see on the news.That's what consumes our political debates.But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny;the dignity that comes with work;the comfort that comes with faith;and the justice that exists when governments serve their people--and not the other way around.The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world.That was our founding purpose.That is what our history shows.That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives that he touched--in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi;in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris;in the signs that read, simply, “Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans.”

They should give us hope.They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

END

10:16 A.M.EDT