第一篇：富蘭克林演講稿

SecondInauguralAddress(1937)WeWillCarryOn!

持久進(jìn)步之路

Franklin D.Roosevelt富蘭克林-羅斯福（1882---1945）

32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , governmentwithin the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes1

of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interestwas bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ？Shall we call this the promised land ？Or ,shall we continue on our way ？For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”

True ,we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the good of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today , however , is more difficult.Dulled conscience , irresponsibility , and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again : Have we reach the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933 ? Have we found our happy valley ?

I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living

can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy : In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens---a substantial part of its whole population---who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education , recreation , and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-clad , ill-housed , ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope---because the Nation , seeing and understanding the injustice in it , proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation , we will not listen to Comfort , Opportunism , and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly , we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people , they wil demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and , therefore , strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation , we all go up , or else we all go down , as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods , a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals , and aid in their realizatioin.In talking again the oath of office as President of the United States , I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this dutty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do theit will , seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

第二篇：富蘭克林演講稿

Second Inaugural Address(1937)We Will Carry On!持久進(jìn)步之路

Franklin D.Roosevelt富蘭克林-羅斯福（1882---1945）

32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , government within the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes

of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ？Shall we call this the promised land ？Or ,shall we continue on our way ？For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”

True ,we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the good of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today , however , is more difficult.Dulled conscience , irresponsibility , and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again : Have we reach the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933 ? Have we found our happy valley ? I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living

can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy : In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens---a substantial part of its whole population---who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education , recreation , and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-clad , ill-housed , ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope---because the Nation , seeing and understanding the injustice in it , proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation , we will not listen to Comfort , Opportunism , and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly , we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people , they wil demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and , therefore , strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation , we all go up , or else we all go down , as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods , a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals , and aid in their realizatioin.In talking again the oath of office as President of the United States , I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this dutty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do theit will , seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

第三篇：富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必須永遠(yuǎn)記住這個(gè)恥辱的日子.美利堅(jiān)合眾國受到了日本帝國海空軍突然的蓄意的攻擊。美國和日本是和平相處的，根據(jù)日本的請(qǐng)求仍在同它的政府和天皇進(jìn)行會(huì)談，以期維護(hù)太平洋地區(qū)的和平。實(shí)際上，就在日本空軍部隊(duì)已經(jīng)著手開始轟炸美國瓦湖島之后的一小時(shí)，日本駐美國大使和同僚還向我們的國務(wù)卿提交了對(duì)美國最近致日方 消息的正式答復(fù)。雖然復(fù)函聲稱繼續(xù)現(xiàn)行外交談判似已無用，但卻并未包含有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭或武裝 攻擊的威脅或暗示歷史將會(huì)作證，由于夏威夷離日本的距離如此之遙，顯然表明這次進(jìn)攻是經(jīng)過許多天甚至許多星期精心策劃的。在調(diào)停期間，日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)維持和平的愿望來欺騙美國。

昨天對(duì)夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海陸軍部隊(duì)造成了嚴(yán)重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位，許多美國人喪失了生命，此外，根據(jù)報(bào)告，美國船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯之間的公海上也遭到了魚雷襲擊。

昨天，日本政府已發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來亞的進(jìn)攻。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了關(guān)島。

昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了菲律賓群島。昨晚，日本人進(jìn)攻了威克島。

今早，日本人進(jìn)攻了中途島。因此，日本在整個(gè)太平洋區(qū)域采取了突然的攻勢(shì)。昨天和今天的事實(shí)不言自明。美國的人民已經(jīng)形成了自己的見解，并且非常清楚這關(guān)系到我們國家的安全和生存的本身。作為陸、海軍總司令，我已指示，為了我們的防務(wù)采取一切措施。但是，我們整個(gè)國家將永遠(yuǎn)記住這次對(duì)我們突襲的性質(zhì)。不論要用多長時(shí)間才能戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的入侵，美國人民將一定要以自己的正義力量贏得絕對(duì)的勝利。我們現(xiàn)在預(yù)言，我們不僅要做出最大的努力來保衛(wèi)我們自己，我們還將確保這種背信棄義的形式永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)再次危及到我們。我這樣說，相信是表達(dá)了國會(huì)和人民的意志。

敵對(duì)行動(dòng)已經(jīng)存在。無庸諱言，我國人民、我國領(lǐng)土和我國利益都處于嚴(yán)重危險(xiǎn)之中。相信我們的武裝部隊(duì)，依靠我國人民的堅(jiān)定決心,我們將取得必然的勝利,愿上帝幫助我們！

我要求國會(huì)宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本發(fā)動(dòng)無端的、卑鄙的進(jìn)攻時(shí)起，美國和日本帝國之間已處于戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was

deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false

statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------

formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with

the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they

believed

and were not afraid, we

have so

much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with

her bounty, and human

efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple

to the

ancient truths.A

measure of that restoration lies

in the extent

to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they

teach suthat our

true

destiny is not

to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and

selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on

honor, on the sacredness of our

obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and

action now.Our greatest primary

task is to put

people to work.This

is no unsolvable

problem if

we take

it

wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in

part

by direct

recruiting by the

government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through

this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be

helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local

government act

forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be

helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there

must

be an end

to speculation with other people’s

mo ney;

and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special

session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making

income balance outflow.Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world

trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait

on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these

specific means of national

recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United

States of America

–

a

recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American

spirit of the pioneer.It

is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The

neighbor who resolutely

respects himself,and because

he does

so，respects

the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready

and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume

unhesitatingly, the

leadership

of this great

army

of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central

form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And

it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But

it

may be that an

unprecedented demand and need

for undelay

action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with

the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential

democracy.The people of the United

States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They

have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made

me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in

this dedication of

th a

nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===

第四篇：富蘭克林名人名言

富蘭克林名人名言

1、我不讓工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全統(tǒng)馭工作，而不做工作的奴隸。人大凡具有完全統(tǒng)馭工作的信心，精神就必然振奮。——富蘭克林（美國）

2、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因，是對(duì)自己的能力缺乏充分的信心，甚至以為自己必將失敗無疑。——富蘭克林

3、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間構(gòu)成生命的`材料。——富蘭克林

4、擇友宜慎，棄之更宜慎。富蘭克林

5、兄弟可能不是朋友，但朋友常常如兄弟。——富蘭克林

6、閑暇就是為了做一些有益事情的時(shí)間。——富蘭克林

7、你熱愛生命嗎？那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料。——富蘭克林

8、沒有任何動(dòng)物比螞蟻更勤奮，然而它卻最沉默寡言——富蘭克林

9、懶鬼起來吧！別再浪費(fèi)生命，將來地墳?zāi)箖?nèi)有足夠的時(shí)間讓你睡的。————（美國）富蘭克林

10、失足，你可能馬上復(fù)站立，失信，你也許永難挽回——富蘭克林

11、七十一懶惰象生銹一樣，比操勞更能消耗身體經(jīng)常用的鑰匙，總是亮閃閃的。——富蘭克林

12、我不讓工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全統(tǒng)御工作，而不做工作的奴隸。人如果能具有完全統(tǒng)御工作的信心，精神就必然振奮。——富蘭克林

13、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料。——富蘭克林

14、失足，你可以馬上恢復(fù)站立;失信，你也許永難挽回。——(美)富蘭克林

15、閑暇是為了做出某種有益的事而有的時(shí)間。——富蘭克林（美國）

16、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大的利益，我們也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù)；而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿的和慷慨地去。——富蘭克林

17、命運(yùn)的變化猶如月之圓缺，對(duì)智者毫無妨害。——富蘭克林

18、你熱愛生命嗎？那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是構(gòu)成生命的材料。——富蘭克林

19、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因，就是對(duì)于自己的能力永遠(yuǎn)不敢充分的信任甚至自己認(rèn)為必將失敗無疑。——富蘭克林

20、今天乃是我們惟一可以生存時(shí)間。我們不要庸人自擾-或?yàn)槲磥淼穆o目的而苦悶，或?yàn)樽蛱斓倪^去而傷懷-而使它成了我們身體上和精神上的地獄。——富蘭克林（美國）

21、懶惰像生銹一樣，比操勞更能消耗身體經(jīng)常用的鑰匙，總是亮閃閃的。——富蘭克林

22、你熱愛生命嗎？那幺別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，由于時(shí)間是組成生命的材料。——富蘭克林

23、早眠早起，使人健康富有明智。——富蘭克林

24、誠實(shí)和勤勉應(yīng)該成為你永久的伴侶。——富蘭克林

25、讀書是易事，思索是難事，但兩者缺一，便全無用處。——（美國）富蘭克林

26、你熱愛生命嗎？那么別揮霍時(shí)刻，由于時(shí)刻是構(gòu)成生命的原料。——富蘭克林

27、對(duì)于所受的傷害，寬恕比復(fù)仇更高尚，鄙視比雪恥更有氣度。——富蘭克林

28、成功與失敗的分水嶺，可以用這五個(gè)字來表達(dá)我沒有時(shí)間。（美國）富蘭克林

29、忽視當(dāng)前一剎那的人，等于虛擲了他所有的一切。——富蘭克林

30、讀書使人充實(shí)，思考使人深邃，交談使人清醒。——富蘭克林

31、你熱愛生命嗎？那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料——富蘭克林

32、失足，你可能馬上復(fù)站立，失信，你也許永難挽回。——富蘭克林

33、我們常聽說由水變成酒是個(gè)奇跡。這個(gè)由上帝恩典造成的奇跡每日都發(fā)生天堂將下雨水到葡萄園，由樹根進(jìn)入葡萄，變成酒。這是上帝愛我們，并樂見我們快樂的明證。——富蘭克林

34、浪費(fèi)時(shí)刻是所有支出中最奢侈及最昂貴的。——富蘭克林

第五篇：富蘭克林名言

富蘭克林名言

1、要成大事，就得既有理想，又講實(shí)際，不能走極端。

2、與其說人類的幸福來自偶爾發(fā)生的鴻運(yùn)，不如說來自每天都有的小實(shí)惠。

3、早熟的人凋枯得也早。

4、把別人對(duì)你的詆毀放在塵土中；而把別人對(duì)你的恩惠刻在大理石上。

5、如果自己家的窗戶是玻璃的，就不要向鄰居扔石頭。

6、惡習(xí)知道自己委實(shí)很丑陋，所以往往戴了假面具。

7、不謙虛的話只能有這個(gè)辯解，即缺少謙虛就是缺少見識(shí)。

8、早睡早起會(huì)使人健康、富有和聰明。

9、讓你的不滿成為你心中的秘密---如果你的不滿一旦被世人知道，只會(huì)遭到鄙視，從而使你更添不滿。

10、我們各種習(xí)氣中再?zèng)]有一種象克服驕傲那麼難的了。雖極力藏匿它，克服它，消滅它，但無論如何，它在不知不覺之間，仍舊顯露。

11、忠誠老實(shí)：不要說有害于人的謊話，要表里一致。

12、Fish and visitors smell three days.（Franklin Benjamin,American president）魚放三天發(fā)臭，客住三天討嫌。

13、不謙虛的話只能這樣辯解，即缺少謙虛就是缺少見解。

14、我的大部分知識(shí)都是這樣獲得的：在尋找某個(gè)資料時(shí)意外的發(fā)現(xiàn)了另上的資料。

15、如果你很有天賦，勤勉會(huì)使天賦更加完善；如果你的才能平平，勤勉會(huì)補(bǔ)足缺陷。

16、揮霍無度的人，等于將自己的前途抵押了出去。

17、驕傲道德導(dǎo)致豐盈，然后導(dǎo)致貧困，最后導(dǎo)致聲譽(yù)掃地。

18、有耐心的人會(huì)得到他所希望的一切。

19、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大利益，我閃也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù)；而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿地和慷慨地去作。

20、希望是生命的源泉，失去它生命就會(huì)枯萎。

21、最難抑制的情感是驕傲，盡管你設(shè)法掩飾，竭力與之斗爭，它仍然存在。即使我敢相信已將它完全克服，我很可能又因自己的謙遜而感到驕傲。

22、不惜犧牲自由以圖茍安的人，既不配享受自由，也不配獲得安全。

23、你熱愛生命嗎？那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料。

24、圖書館使我得以有恒地研習(xí)而增進(jìn)我的知識(shí)，每天我停留在里面一兩個(gè)鐘頭，用這個(gè)辦法相當(dāng)?shù)难a(bǔ)足了我失掉的高深教育。

25、傻瓜的心在嘴里，聰明人的嘴在心里。

26、信奉真理的人，必受天佑。

27、如果災(zāi)難沒有出現(xiàn)，那恐懼是徒勞的；如果災(zāi)難已經(jīng)發(fā)生，那恐懼只會(huì)增加痛苦。

28、不惜犧牲自由以圖茍安的人，既不配享受自由，也不配獲得安全。

29、對(duì)于不知足的人，沒有一把椅子是舒服的。

30、誰為富？知足者。誰知足？無名小輩。

31、國民的感情中最難克服的要數(shù)驕傲了，隨你如何把它改頭換面，與之斗爭，使之?dāng)￡嚕瑩涠鴾缰叨柚€會(huì)探出頭來，顯示自己

32、失足可以很快彌補(bǔ)，失言卻可能永遠(yuǎn)無法補(bǔ)救。

33、不走極端，別人有損于你，也要善于克制。

34、我們各種習(xí)氣中再?zèng)]有一種象克服驕傲那么難的了。雖極力藏匿它，克服它，消滅它，但無論如何，它在不知不覺之間，仍舊顯露。

35、懶鬼起來吧！別再浪費(fèi)生命，將來地墳?zāi)箖?nèi)有足夠的時(shí)間讓你睡的。

36、對(duì)酒肉、女色和惰性都要有自制，否則病痛和瘟疫就會(huì)抓住你。

37、站著的農(nóng)夫比跪著的紳士高貴。

38、眠早起，使人健康、富有、明智。

39、時(shí)間就是生命。

40、把錢用在對(duì)自己對(duì)別人都有益的事情上，不要錯(cuò)花一分錢。

41、錢財(cái)并不屬于擁有它的人，而只屬于享用它的人。

42、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大的利益，我們也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù)；而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿的和慷慨地去作。

43、二十歲時(shí)支配作用的是意志，三十歲時(shí)是機(jī)智，四十歲時(shí)是判斷。

44、閑暇是為了做出某種有益的事而有的時(shí)間。

45、平庸的人最大缺點(diǎn)是常常覺得自己比別人高明。

46、有兩條路可以得到幸福，即消除欲望或增加財(cái)富。

47、Do you love life?Then do not squander time;for thats the stuff5 life is made of.（Benjamin Franklin,American president）你熱愛生命嗎？那么，別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間，因?yàn)樯怯蓵r(shí)間組成的。

48、心胸開闊：不要為令人不快的區(qū)區(qū)瑣事而心煩意亂，悲觀失望。

49、人生應(yīng)為生存而食，不應(yīng)為食而生存。

50、自己多次受傷害，總比給他人一次傷害好。

51、國民的感情中最難克服的要數(shù)驕傲了，隨你如何把它改頭換面，與之斗爭，使之?dāng)￡嚕瑩涠鴾缰叨柚€會(huì)探出頭來，顯示自己。

52、我從不到酒館、賭場(chǎng)或任何其他娛樂場(chǎng)所去消磨時(shí)光。

53、你要追求工作，別讓工作追求你。

54、虛榮是驕傲的食物，輕蔑是它的飲料。

55、對(duì)上司謙遜，是一種責(zé)任；對(duì)同事謙遜，是一種素養(yǎng)；對(duì)部屬謙遜，是一種尊榮。

56、悠閑的生活與懶惰是兩回事。

57、不勞則無獲。

58、沒有任何動(dòng)物比螞蟻更勤奮，然而它卻最沉默寡言。

59、在你勝利之際，千萬不要露出任何興高采烈傲慢無禮的表情，而應(yīng)該真心誠意地用禮貌的方式來寬慰你的對(duì)手，使他不要太苛求自己。

60、如果你懂得量入為出，那你就可以致富了。

61、懶惰象生銹一樣，比操勞更能消耗身體；經(jīng)常用的鑰匙，總是亮閃閃的。

62、勤勞的家庭，饑餓過其門而不入。

63、兄弟可能不是朋友，但朋友常常如兄弟。

64、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因，就是對(duì)于自己的能力永遠(yuǎn)不敢充分的信任；甚至自己認(rèn)為必將失敗無疑。

65、今日能做的事，勿延至明日。

66、真話說一半常是彌天大謊。

67、需要面前不能討價(jià)還價(jià)。

68、美的欣賞是可以意會(huì)而不可以言傳的；這隨各人的心境志趣嗜好而不同。

69、命運(yùn)的變化如月亮的陰晴圓缺，無損智者大雅。

70、愛情的視覺不是眼睛，而是心靈。

71、正如種種魅力皆屬于胡言亂語，胡言亂語本身也是種魅力。

72、誠實(shí)是最好的政策。

73、健康是對(duì)于自己的義務(wù)，也是對(duì)于社會(huì)的義務(wù)。

74、傾已所有追求知識(shí)，沒有人能奪走它；向知識(shí)投資，收益最佳。

75、青年時(shí)魯莽，老年時(shí)悔恨。

76、我們?cè)谙硎苤说陌l(fā)明給我們帶來的巨大益處，我們也必須樂于用自己的發(fā)明去為他人服務(wù)。

77、At twenty years of age,the will reigns;at thirty,the wit;and at forty,the judgment.（Benjamin Franklin,American president）二十歲時(shí)起支配作用的是意志，三十歲時(shí)是機(jī)智，四十歲時(shí)是判斷。

78、懶惰，像生銹一樣，比操勞更能消耗身體，經(jīng)常用的鑰匙總是亮閃閃的。

79、惜時(shí)如金（智商）如果有什么需要明天做的事，最好現(xiàn)在就開始。

80、倘若人能夠完成他所希望的一半，那么，他的麻煩也將加倍。

81、失足，你可能馬上復(fù)站立；失信，你也許永難挽回。

82、能忍耐的人才能達(dá)到他所希望達(dá)到的目的。

83、驕傲者憎恨他人驕傲。

84、知足是窮人富有；貪婪是富人貧窮。

85、懿行美德遠(yuǎn)勝貌美。

86、實(shí)現(xiàn)明天理想的唯一障礙是今天的疑慮。

87、命運(yùn)的變化猶如月之圓缺，對(duì)智者無妨害。

88、貧窮本身并不可怕，可怕的是自己以為命中注定貧窮或一定老死于貧窮的思想。

89、爭吵是一種人玩的游戲。然而它是一種奇怪的游戲，沒有任何一方曾經(jīng)贏過。

90、誠實(shí)和勤勉，應(yīng)該成為你永久的伴侶。

91、須要注意小額費(fèi)用。一艘大船的沉沒，有時(shí)是微的裂口所致。

92、閑暇就是為了作一些有益事情的時(shí)間。

93、讀書是易事，思索是難事，但兩者缺一，便全無用處。