第一篇：埃利諾羅斯福在聯合國大會上的講話

Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

埃利諾·羅斯福在聯合國大會上的講話：關于《世界人權宣言》

Eleanor Roosevelt

Mr.President, fellow delegates,The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation.Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind.There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied.I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years.Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document--even a great document--and we propose to give it our full support.The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee.I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here.I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation.The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion.Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission.We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions.But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority.In doing that, we do not give up our convictions.We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful.But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress.So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate.I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate.The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission.As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states “group,” and not “individual,” rights.The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article.It introduces the terms “democratic view,” “democratic systems,” “democratic state,” and “fascism,” which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations.The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this.The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to “discrimination.” As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2

of the Declaration, so that its restatement elsewhere is completely unnecessary and also has the effect of weakening the comprehensive principles stated in article 2.The new article proposed by the Soviet delegation is but a restatement of State obligation, which the Soviet delegation attempted to introduce into practically every article in the Declaration.It would convert the Declaration into a document stating obligations on states, thereby changing completely its character as a statement of principles to serve as a common standard of achievement for the members of the United Nations.The Soviet proposal for deferring consideration of the Declaration to the 4th session of the Assembly requires no comment.An identical text was rejected in committee 3 by a vote of 6 in favor and 26 against.We are all agreed, I am sure, that the Declaration, which has been worked on with such great effort and devotion, and over such a long period of time, must be approved by this Assembly at this session.Certain provisions of the Declaration are stated in such broad terms as to be acceptable only because of the provisions in article 30 providing for limitation on the exercise of the rights for the purpose of meeting the requirements of morality, public order, and the general welfare.An example of this is the provision that everyone has the right to equal access to the public service in his country.The basic principle of equality and of nondiscrimination as to public employment is sound, but it cannot be accepted without limitation.My government, for example, would consider that this is unquestionably subject to limitation in the interest of public order and the general welfare.It would not consider that the exclusion from public employment of persons holding subversive political beliefs and not loyal to the basic principles and practices of the constitution and laws of the country would in any way infringe upon this right.Likewise, my government has made it clear in the course of the development of the Declaration that it does not consider that the economic and social and cultural rights stated in the Declaration imply an obligation on governments to assure the enjoyment of these rights by direct governmental action.This was made quite clear in the Human Rights Commission text of article 23 which served as a so-called “umbrella” article to the articles on economic and social rights.We consider that the principle has not been affected by the fact that this article no longer contains a reference to the articles which follow it.This in no way affects our whole-hearted support for the basic principles of economic, social, and cultural rights set forth in these articles.In giving our approval to the Declaration today it is of primary importance that we keep clearly in mind the basic character of the document.It is not a treaty;it is not an international agreement.It is not and does not purport to be a statement of law or of legal obligation.It is a Declaration of basic principles of human rights and freedoms, to be stamped with the approval of the General Assembly by formal vote of its members, and to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples of all nations.We stand today at the threshold of a great event both in the life of the United Nations and in the life of mankind.This Universal Declaration of Human Rights may well become the international Magna Carta of all men everywhere.We hope its proclamation by the General Assembly will be an event comparable to the proclamation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the French people in 1789, the adoption of the Bill of Rights by the people of the United States, and the adoption of comparable declarations at different times in other countries.At a time when there are so many issues on which we find it difficult to reach a common basis of agreement, it is a significant fact that 58 states have found such a large measure of

agreement in the complex field of human rights.This must be taken as testimony of our common aspiration first voiced in the Charter of the United Nations to lift men everywhere to a higher standard of life and to a greater enjoyment of freedom.Man’s desire for peace lies behind this Declaration.The realization that the flagrant violation of human rights by Nazi and Fascist countries sowed the seeds of the last world war has supplied the impetus for the work which brings us to the moment of achievement here today.In a recent speech in Canada, Gladstone Murray said:

“The central fact is that man is fundamentally a moral being, that the light we have is imperfect does not matter so long as we are always trying to improve it … we are equal in sharing the moral freedom that distinguishes us as men.Man’s status makes each individual an end in himself.No man is by nature simply the servant of the state or of another man … the ideal and fact of freedom--and not technology--are the true distinguishing marks of our civilization.”

This Declaration is based upon the spiritual fact that man must have freedom in which to develop his full stature and through common effort to raise the level of human dignity.We have much to do to fully achieve and to assure the rights set forth in this Declaration.But having them put before us with the moral backing of 58 nations will be a great step forward.As we here bring to fruition our labors on this Declaration of Human Rights, we must at the same time rededicate ourselves to the unfinished task which lies before us.We can now move on with new courage and inspiration to the completion of an international covenant on human rights and of measures for the implementation of human rights.In conclusion, I feel that I cannot do better than to repeat the call to action by Secretary Marshall in his opening statement to this Assembly:

Let this third regular session of the General Assembly approve by an overwhelming majority the Declaration of Human Rights as a standard of conduct for all;and let us, as Members of the United Nations, conscious of our own short-comings and imperfections, join our effort in good faith to live up to this high standard."

第二篇：美國總統奧巴馬在聯合國大會上的講話

2009年9月3日，在第64屆聯合國大會開始一般性辯論之際，美國總統奧巴馬出席會議并發表講話。以下是講話全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美國總統奧巴馬在聯合國大會上的講話 聯合國總部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘書長先生、各位代表，女士們、先生們：我榮幸地作為美國第44任總統首次在這里發表講話。（掌聲）站在各位面前，美國人民賦予我的重任令我不勝榮幸；我深知我們這個歷史時期所面臨的巨大挑戰；并決意為了國內外的正義和繁榮而采取大膽的集體行動。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任總統只有9個月——但在有些日子里這段時間卻顯得漫長。我深知全世界對我就任總統的矚望。在我看來，這些矚望并非針對我個人，而是植根于一種對現狀的不滿，因為我們越來越被分歧所左右，疲于應付種種問題。但這些矚望亦植根于希望——希望真正的變革有可能實現，希望美國在推動這種變革的過程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任總統時，全世界有很多人用懷疑和不信任的眼光看待美國，其中部分原因是對我國的誤解和信息失實，還有一部分原因是對具體政策的反對，認為美國在某些關鍵問題上采取單邊行動，不考慮他人的利益。這滋長了一種幾乎是反射性的反美主義，而這種情緒又往往成為我們不采取集體行動的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一樣，我的職責是采取符合本國和本國人民利益的行動，我絕不會為捍衛這些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，與人類歷史上任何一個時期相比，在 2009年各個國家及其人民之間都更具有共同的利益。我們心中懷有的宗教信念能夠在人民之間締結新的紐帶，也能在我們之間制造隔閡。我們掌控的技術能夠照亮通向和平的道路，也能永遠將其籠罩在黑暗之中。我們使用的能源能夠維持我們這個星球的生存，也能造成它的毀滅。如何對待每一個兒童心中的希望——無論在任何地方——能使我們的世界變得富饒，也能使之變得貧瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在這個大廳里，我們來自四面八方，卻擁有一個共同的未來。我們再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延誤我們必須共同從事的工作。從倫敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），從西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），從阿克拉（Accra）到開羅（Cairo），我到處傳播一個信息，并將在今天予以重申——因為現在是全世界向一個新方向邁進的時候了。我們必須迎接一個在共同利益和相互尊重的基礎上進行接觸的新紀元，我們的工作必須現在開始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我們知道，開創未來不能僅憑言詞，還要有行動。光靠演說不能解決我們的問題——必須要有堅持不懈的行動。因此，對那些質疑我國的品格和事業的人，我請你們看一看我們在短短9個月中所采取的具體行動。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任總統的第一天，我宣布美國毫無例外、堅定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌聲）我下令關閉設在關塔那摩灣（Guantanamo Bay）的關押設施，我們正在從事在法治范圍內制定一個打擊極端主義的框架的艱巨工作。每個國家都必須明白：美國將信守其價值觀，我們將發揮表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我們制定了堅定不移的明確目標：同聯合國所有成員共同努力，打擊、摧垮并擊潰基地組織（al Qaeda）及其極端主義同伙——這個網絡殺害了持不同信仰、來自不同國家的成千上萬的民眾，并曾策劃炸毀這座大樓。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我們和在座的很多國家正在幫助這兩個國家的政府建設主導這項行動的能力，同時努力為這兩個國家的人民增進機會和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我們正在負責任地結束這場戰爭。我們已將美國作戰部隊撤離伊拉克各個城市，并確定了到明年8月將我國所有作戰部隊撤離伊拉克領土的期限。我還明確表示，我們將幫助伊拉克人為掌握他們的未來向全面行使權力過渡，并將履行到2011年年底將全部美國軍隊撤離的承諾。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一項綜合議程，尋求實現一個沒有核武器的世界的目標。在莫斯科，美國和俄羅斯共同宣布大幅度削減我們的戰略彈頭和發射器。在裁軍會議（Conference on Disarmament）上，我們贊同一項工作計劃，通過談判終止用于制造核武器的可裂變物質的生產。這個星期，我國國務卿將成為出席性《全面禁止核試驗條約》締約國會議（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高層美國代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中東和平事務特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美國一直在穩步地、積極地推進以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）兩國并存的方針——讓和平與安全扎下根基，讓以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的權利同時得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.為應對氣候變化，我們已投資800億美元發展清潔能源。我們大幅度提高了燃料效率標準。我們制定了新的鼓勵節能的措施，在美洲國家中發起了一項能源合作計劃，并在國際氣候談判中從一個旁觀者變成了一名領袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.為度過一場波及全世界各個角落的經濟危機，我們與G20成員國共同制定了相互協調的國際性舉措，以超過2萬億美元的刺激計劃挽救了瀕臨崩潰的全球經濟。我們調動資源，幫助阻止這場危機進一步波及發展中國家。我們還與其他一些國家共同發起了一項200億美元的全球糧食保障計劃，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并幫助他們進行能力建設。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我們還重新參與聯合國事務。我們支付了會費。我們加入了理事會（Human Rights Council）。（掌聲）我們簽署了《殘疾利公約》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我們全面采納了千年發展目標（Millennium Development Goals）。我們在這里，在這個機制內提出我們的重點議題——例如通過我明天將主持的有關核不擴散和裁軍問題的安理會（Security Council）會議，以及通過我今天要談到的一系列問題。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.這就是我們已經做的。但只是一個開端。我們采取的一些行動已經取得進展。另外一些行動已為未來取得進展奠定了基礎。但必須指出的是，這不僅僅是美國的事務。過去有人嚴厲抨擊美國在全球單獨行動，如今他們也不能袖手旁觀，等待美國單獨解決世界面臨的問題。我們通過自己的言辭和行動，希望開辟與全世界進行接觸的新時代。現在我們需要共同承擔責任，做到全球一致努力應對全球性挑戰。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.為此，我們如果實事求是，就必須承認我們還沒有完全履行這項職責。如果我們不能扭轉目前的現狀，請設想一下我們今后面對的局面：極端主義分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持續不斷的沖突永無休止；種族滅絕；大規模屠殺；越來越多的國家擁有核武器；冰峰融化，人類飽受災難；貧困持續存在，疾病蔓延。我所說的并非聳人聽聞，而是說明一個事實：我們面臨巨大的挑戰，但我們的行動尚未能與之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

聯合國的建立以世界各國能夠共同解決問題的信念為基礎。富蘭克林?羅斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他設想的這個機構成為現實。羅斯福曾經表示——以下是我引用他的話：“世界和平的大廈不可能是一個人、一個政黨或一個國家的產物??。不能只有大國的和平——或只有小國的和平。和平必須以全世界同心協力為基礎。”

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心協力。今天,這些話語尤其重要，不僅為了實現和平，而且為了我們共同的興旺與繁榮。然而，我們也了解，這個機構由主權國家組成。令人感到遺憾但并不意外的是，這個機構經常成為相互紛爭的場所，而不是達成共識的場所；成為玩弄政治和利用不滿情緒發難的場所，而不是解決問題的場所。總而言之，走上這個講臺相互指責——相互指責，助長，并不困難。將自己的問題歸咎于他人，或者采取逃避責任的態度對待自己的選擇和自己的行動，沒有什么比這更容易。誰都能這樣做。但是21世紀的責任和領導作用要求有更大的作為。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于這個時代，我們的命運息息相關，權力不再依從你死我活的法則。沒有哪一個國家能夠或應該試圖主宰另一個國家。任何將一個國家或一個群體置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能獲得成功。強權的均勢也不可能得到維持。在一個相互依存的世界上，傳統上以南北方劃分國家的方式已經毫無意義；在冷戰早已結束的情況下，國家以陣營劃分的格局也不再有意義。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.現在，應該認識到舊的慣例、舊的觀點與各國人民面臨的挑戰已毫無關聯。這些陳規陋習引導各國采取的行動往往與自身要求實現的目標背道而馳——各國采取的投票行動，包括經常在這個機構進行的投票，也往往違背了本國人民的利益。這些陳規陋習在我們與各國人民追求的未來之間筑起一道道墻，現在是拆除這些墻的時候了。我們必須同心協力建立有助于消除舊的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念組成的同盟；由南方與北方、東方與西方、黑人與白人和黃種人組成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我們必須做出選擇。我們這一代人可留給后人這樣的記憶：把20世紀的爭議帶入21世紀，推遲做出艱難的選擇，拒絕往前看，落后于時代，因為我們忙于設置障礙，而無暇創造未來。我們這一代人亦可留給后人另一種記憶：讓我們的視野越過洶涌的波濤投向大洋彼岸，為了人類共同利益而走到一起，最終使聯合國名稱所蘊涵的希望開始變成現實。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.這就是美國渴望的未來，一個和平與繁榮的未來，我們只有在承認所有國家擁有權利但同時又承擔責任的時候才能如愿以償。這是成功的必要條件，也必須是國際合作的指導原則。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我謹在此提出四大要素，我認為這些要素對我們希望為后代所創造的未來至關重要：不擴散與裁軍；促進和平與安全；保護我們的地球；以及為全體人民增進機會的全球經濟。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我們必須停止核武器的擴散，尋求一個沒有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.聯合國成立于原子時代的初期，在一定程度上是為了遏制人類自相殘殺的能力。幾十年來，即使在超級大國對峙的陰影下，我們避免了災難。然而，今天，擴散的威脅正在蔓延，也變得復雜化。我們如果不采取行動，就意味著鼓勵各地區的核武器競賽，戰爭陰影和恐怖行動蔓延的范圍將超出我們的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一個脆弱的共識防范著這一令人恐懼的結局，那就是構成《核不擴散條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本條件。條約指出，所有國家有權發展和平用途的核能；擁有核武器的國家有責任向銷毀武器邁進；沒有核武器的國家有責任不發展核武器。該條約是得到加強還是被逐漸解除，今后十二個月可能至關重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美國愿意堅持我們的承諾。我們將尋求與俄羅斯達成新協議，大幅度削減我們的戰略彈頭和發射器。我們將為爭取《禁止核試驗條約》(Test Ban Treaty)的批準而努力，并將與其他方面合作使條約生效，永遠禁止核試驗。我們將完成《核態勢審議》(Nuclear Posture Review)，從而為進一步削減核武器和減少其作用打開大門。我們將呼吁各國從明年一月開始談判一項協議，以終止可用于武器的裂變材料的生產。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我還將在明年四月主持一次高峰會議，該會議將重申各國有責任在自己國土內保障核材料安全，并為那些無法提供該保障的國家提供幫助——因為我們必須確保永遠不會有一個核裝置落在暴力極端分子的手中。我們將致力于加強那些打擊核走私與核盜竊活動的機制和計劃。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有這一切都必須支持加強《不擴散核武器條約》的努力。凡是拒絕履行自己義務的國家必須面對各種后果。我謹在此申明，這不是要向某些個別國家興師問罪–而是維護所有履行義務的國家的權利。因為一個逃避國際原子能機構（IAEA）核查、無視聯合國要求的世界將會使所有的人更不安全和所有的國家更沒有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韓和伊朗政府迄今為止采取的行動構成一種威脅，可能把我們推下這個危險的斜坡。我們尊重他們作為國際社會成員的權利。我以前曾經說過，¤í在還要再說一遍：如果他們履行自己的義務，我將努力通過外交為這兩個國家開辟一條通往更大繁榮和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韓政府決意無視國際準則；如果他們把謀求核武器置于地區安全穩定和本國人民的機遇之上；如果他們將東亞和中東地區核軍備競賽升級的危險置之不顧–那么他們必須對此承擔責任。全世界必須站在一起，表明國際法不是空洞的許諾，各項條約必將執行。未來不能屬于恐懼，我們必須堅持這一立場。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我現在談一下我們的未來的第二項要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.聯合國的建立是基于這樣一種信念：全世界人民都能夠正常生活，養育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我們知道，這個理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一種抽象的概念–一種遙不可及的空想。我們面臨兩種選擇：要么接受這樣的結果，把它視為不可避免的現實，容忍造成嚴重損害的經常性沖突；要么認識到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下決心去結束世界各地的沖突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.這種努力必須始于一種不可動搖的決心：絕不容忍對無辜的男女老少進行屠殺。關于這一點，沒有人能–不可能有任何的爭辯。通過扭曲信仰來加劇沖突的暴力極端分子已經敗壞了自己的名聲并孤立了自己。他們帶來的只是仇恨和破壞。在與他們作斗爭時，美國將打造持久的伙伴關系，以便把目標對準恐怖分子，分享情報，協調執法行動和保護人民。我們絕不允許“基地”組織有任何庇護所，并借此從阿富汗或任何其他國家發動襲擊。我們將與我們的朋友共同站在第一線，正如明天我們和許多國家將要做的那樣，保證為巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我們將尋求具有積極意義的接觸，使這種接觸在各種信仰之間架起橋梁，并建立帶來機遇的新伙伴關系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我們促進和平的努力不能局限于戰勝暴力極端分子，因為在我們的武器庫內最有力的武器是人類的希望——相信未來屬于從事建設而不進行破壞的人們；深信沖突能夠結束、新的一天能夠開始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我們將支持–我們將增強我們對有效維和活動的支持；與此同時，在沖突形成之前竭力防止沖突發生。我們將通過支持達爾富爾地區的人民和《全面和平協議》的實施在蘇丹尋求持久和平，這樣我們將為蘇丹人民獲得應有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躪的國家–從海地到剛果到東帝汶–我們將與聯合國及其他合作伙伴協作，支持實現持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我還將繼續尋求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之間建立公正和持久的和平。（掌聲）我們將繼續在這個問題上作出努力。昨天，我與內塔尼亞胡(Netanyahu)總理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席舉行了一次建設性的會議。我們取得了一些進展。巴勒斯坦人加強了他們在安全方面的努力。以色列方面則擴大了巴勒斯坦人的行動自由。在雙方作出這些努力后，約旦河西岸的經濟已開始增長。但是，還需要取得更大的進展。我們繼續呼吁巴勒斯坦人結束針對以色列的挑釁行為，我們也繼續強調美國不接受以色列繼續擴大定居點這一做法的合法性。（掌聲）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

這樣的時刻已經來臨–不預設條件重啟談判解決以色列人與巴勒斯坦人的安全、邊界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位問題的時刻已經來臨。目標很明確：兩個國家在和平與安全中并存——一個是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列猶太國；另一個是獨立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦國，它將重獲從1967年開始被占領的大片領土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潛能得到發揮。（掌聲）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.當我們尋求這項目標時，我們還將尋求以色列與黎巴嫩、以色列與敘利亞、以色列與其許多鄰國之間的更廣泛的和平。在尋求這項目標時，我們不僅要利用雙邊談判，還將制定多方參與的地區性行動計劃。

Now, I am not na?ve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道這件事并非輕而易舉。但我們大家–不僅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我們大家–必須決定我們是否真正希望實現和平，還只是口惠而實不至。為了打破舊有的模式，打破不安全和絕望的循環，我們大家必須公開說出我們私下承認的事實。美國如果不把對以色列的安全所作的堅定承諾與堅持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法訴求與權利這兩者結合在一起，就等于沒有向以色列提供任何幫助。（掌聲）如果聯合國的成員國只是對以色列猛烈抨擊，而不是本著建設性的態度承認以色列的合法性及其在和平與安全中生存的權利，這些國家也就沒有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何幫助。（掌聲）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我們必須記住，為這場沖突付出最大代價的并不是我們，也不是政客們，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她驚恐萬分，閉上自己的眼睛，害怕會被半夜襲來的火箭彈奪走生命。付出代價的還有加沙（Gaza）地帶的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干凈的水，也沒有自己的祖國。他們都是上帝的子民。在種種政治較量和種種姿態背后，最根本的是每個人都有權過有尊嚴和安全無虞的生活。這是將地球上這一小塊地方稱為圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教誨。正因為如此，盡管會面臨挫折、出師不利的局面和艱難的時期，我都會毫不動搖地尋求和平。（掌聲）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我們必須認識到，在21世紀，除非我們承擔起保護我們的星球的責任，否則就不會有和平。為此，我感謝秘書長昨天主持氣候變化問題會議。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.氣候變化構成的威脅不可否認。我們絕不能推諉應對這一威脅的責任。如果我們繼續走現在這條道路，聯大每一個會員國都將在本國境內看到無可補救的變化。我們制止沖突的努力將被因難民和爭奪資源引發的戰火耗盡。干旱和饑荒將斷送促進發展的事業。人類世世代代生活的土地將會消失。子孫后代將回顧歷史，責問我們為什么不采取行動；我們為什么沒有留下——我們為什么沒有留下一個值得為之驕傲的環境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美國在這個問題上步履遲緩的時期結束了。我們將向前邁進，投資于我國能源經濟的轉型，同時通過鼓勵措施使清潔能源變成有益的能源。我們將積極推行大幅度減排，實現我們到2020年要實現的目標，并最終實現2050年的既定目標。我們將繼續提倡可再生能源和節能，并同世界各國分享新技術。我們將抓住一切尋求進展的機會，同全世界同心協力應對這一威脅。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.對于所有在20世紀給環境造成了如此嚴重破壞的富裕國家，我們必須盡自己的義務，率先采取行動。但責任不限于此。盡管我們必須承認，應對行動應該區別對待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必須將碳排放量增長迅速的國家包括在內，這些國家能在不阻礙發展的情況下為降低空氣污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面幫助最貧困的國家應對氣候變化已經造成問題，另一方面幫助它們走上清潔發展的道路。如果無法兩者兼顧，則根本無法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改變我們使用能源的方式是一個基本問題，做到這一點并不容易。我知道這一點。在全球陷入衰退的時期這樣做，甚至更加困難。當然，難免會有坐等他人首先采取行動的想法。但除非我們所有的人共同行動，否則就無法踏上這一征程。在我們準備出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）會議之際，讓我們痛下決心，集中精力去做我們每個人能為我們共同的未來所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.現在，我將談到支撐我們的未來的最后一個要素：為所有的人增進機會的全球經濟。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界經歷了自大蕭條（Great Depression）以來最嚴重的一場經濟危機，目前還在復蘇之中。在美國，我們看到增長的引擎開始轉動，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我們看到了可喜的跡象，但前景仍無定數。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑戰人生的艱辛之中——饑腸轆轆，頓生絕望；供水短缺，干渴難熬；疾病可治，但患病兒童卻死于不公正；或者出現產婦在生育過程中死亡的慘劇。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹茲堡（Pittsburgh），我們將同全世界最大的經濟體共同開辟一條均衡的、可持續增長的道路。這意味著高度負責，毫不松懈，直到我們的人民獲得重新就業。意味著采取措施重新促進需求，保證全球復蘇持續進行。這還意味著確立新的行為準則，并增強對所有金融中心的監管，以便鏟除將我們帶進這場災難的貪婪、無節制和瀆職行為，杜絕這樣的危機再度發生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在這個如此相互依存的時代，我們在更寬泛的發展問題上有著道義上和實際的利益——有關發展的種種問題在這場危機爆發前就已經存在。因此，美國將繼續發揚歷史傳統，幫助人民吃飽穿暖。我們已撥款630億美元繼續進行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋病（HIV/AIDS）的工作，挽救結核病和瘧疾患者的生命，根治小兒麻痹癥，并增強公共醫療體制。我們同其他國家共同向世界衛生組織（World Health Organization）捐贈H1N1疫苗。我們將幫助更多的經濟體加入全球貿易體系。我們將支持千年發展目標，并將在明年的峰會上提出一項實現這些目標的全球計劃。我們還將力爭在我們這個時代根除極端貧困的現象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.現在是我們所有的人盡力而為的時候了。只有所有國家都承擔起責任，才能實現可持續增長或共同增長。這意味著富裕國家必須向更多的商品開放市場，并向不太富裕的國家伸出援手，同時改革國際機制，使更多的國家擁有更大的發言權。發展中國家必須根除阻礙進步的腐敗現象——因為在人民遭受壓迫、工商企業不得不行賄的地方不會出現機遇。這因為如此，我們支持廉正的警察和獨立的法官；支持公民社會和一個欣欣向榮的民營部門。我們的目標簡單明了：全球經濟實現可持續增長，讓所有的人都享有機會。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，實現我今天談到的種種變革不可能一蹴而就。這些變革也不可能僅僅因為我們這些領導人在這里舉行會議就能實現，盡管這些會議能發揮有益的作用。因為不論什么組織舉行什么樣的會議，真正的變革只能通過我們代表的人民才能得到實現。這也是為什么我們必須艱苦努力，在我們各國首都為取得進展奠定基礎。這就構成了我們達成共識的基礎，從而可以結束沖突，從而可以為和平的目的利用技術，從而可以改變我們使用能源的方式，從而可以促進可持續的共同增長。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望為自己的孩子爭取這樣的未來。這也是我們必須捍衛上述原則的原因，因為這些原則要求各國政府必須體現人民的意志。這些原則并非可有可無—民主和對于實現我今天談到的各項目標必不可少，因為民有和民治的政府更有可能根據本國人民更廣泛的利益采取行動，不必屈從于當權者狹隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.對我們領導能力的檢驗不表現于助長人民的恐懼感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正領導能力的尺度不是壓制異己或恫嚇騷擾國內政治反對派的力量。世界人民希望變革。他們不會長期忍耐與歷史背道而馳的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大會憲章責成我們每個成員——我在此引述——“重申他們對基本、人格尊嚴和價值以及男女平等權利的信念”。這些權利包括，表達自己觀點的自由和信仰自由；種族平等的保證；婦女和女童發展潛力的機會；公民對自身管理的發言權以及對司法公正的信心。正如任何國家都不應被迫接受另一國家的專制一樣，任何人都不應被迫接受對本國人民的專制。（掌聲）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作為一個非洲裔美國人，我決不會忘記，若不是我的國家對一個更加完美的聯邦的堅定追求，我今天不會站在這里。它使我相信，無論眼前看似多么黑暗，選擇站在正義一邊的人們是能夠促成變革的。我保證，美國將永遠同捍衛自身尊嚴與權利的人們在一起——同努力求學的學生；同要求發出聲音的選民；同渴望自由的無辜者；同期盼平等的受壓迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能從外部強加給任何國家。每個社會必須尋求自身的道路，而沒有一條路會盡善盡美。每個國家都將謀求一條基于自身民族文化和歷史傳統的道路。我承認，美國在推動民主時曾過于經常地帶有選擇性。但這并不減少我們的承諾，而是使之更加堅定。一些基本原則是舉世皆準的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利堅合眾國將永遠毫不動搖地支持各地人民決定自己命運的權利。（掌聲）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，憂心忡忡的富蘭克林?羅斯福向美國人民發表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就職演說。他對多年戰爭造成的可怕苦難和人們作出的巨大犧牲所能帶來的教訓作了如此概括：“我們學會了做世界公民，做人類社會的成員。”

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but na?ve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.從非洲到亞洲、從歐洲到美洲——聯合國是由世界各地像羅斯福這樣的男女志士創建起來的。這些國際合作建筑師們的理想絕非天真，而是基于來之不易的戰爭教訓和這樣一個智慧，即各國可以通過一道行動而不是來促進自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降臨于我們——這個機構的作用將取決于我們。聯合國在全球功績卓著——解饑救病，修復創傷。但是，聯合國也在貫徹自身意愿和實踐奠基理念的過程中步履艱難。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，這些缺憾不能構成背棄這個機構的理由，而是一個要求我們加倍努力的呼喚。聯合國這個地方，既能夠使我們為宿怨爭吵不休，也可以讓我們奠定共同基礎；既能夠使我們盯住分歧不放，也可以讓我們攜手共進；既能夠使人縱容專制，也可以產生道義權威。總之，聯合國既可以與事關我們公民性命的事務不相干，也可以成為推動我們為之服務的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我們已到達一個關鍵時刻。美國為打開國際合作的新篇章作好了準備——這種合作認識到所有國家的權利與責任。因此，滿懷對我們事業的信心和對我們價值觀的信念，我們呼呼所有國家與我們一道建設一個我們的人民應充分享有的未來。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感謝你們，所有各位。（掌聲）

第三篇：奧巴馬總統在聯合國大會上的講話

奧巴馬總統在聯合國大會上的講話

驅動不容忍和暴力或許一開始是針對西方，但它會逐漸變得無法控制。對極端主義的同樣驅動引發遜尼派教徒（Sunni）和什葉派教徒（Shia）、部落與宗族間的交戰。它所帶來的不是富強繁榮，而是動蕩混亂。在不到兩年時間里，我們看到大體和平的示威行動給穆斯林占主體的國家帶來的變化超過了十年暴力的效果。極端主義者明白這一點。由于他們拿不出任何方式改善人民生活，暴力是他們維持自身存在價值的唯一手段。他們沒有建樹，只有破壞。。

第四篇：溫家寶在聯合國大會上的發言

中國理念！中國責任！——國際舞臺上的溫家寶總理

上一篇 / 下一篇 2010-09-26 09:48:11 / 個人分類：重大事件

查看(307)/ 評論(8)/ 評分(15 / 10)

中國理念！中國責任！——國際舞臺上的溫家寶總理

當地時間9月23日，國務院總理溫家寶在紐約聯合國總部出席聯合國安理會首腦會議并發表講話。

中國國務院總理溫家寶于9月21日應約赴聯合國參加千年發展目標的系列會議，并在在紐約聯合國總部出席了多場會議，并就各方關心的問題發表了講話，受到與會各方的高度重視和國際社會的高度評價。溫家寶總理所到之處，受到熱烈歡迎。尤其他獨特有的中國理念，中國負責任的多次講話，就全球重大問題向世界宣示的一系列中國主張、中國立場，更是得到出席大會的１0０多個國家的領導人的充分肯定。可以說，這是新形勢下我國進行的一次重大外交行動。

當地時間9月23日，國務院總理溫家寶在紐約聯合國總部出席第65屆聯合國大會一般性辯論并發表講話。

我們注意到：溫家寶總理一走進聯合國總部，很多聯合國工作人員欣喜地簇擁過來，無數華僑華人期盼地站在道路兩旁眺望，更是受到來自世界各地的幾千多名記者的高度關注。

溫家寶總理在聯合國期間，出席多個峰會，發表多篇重要講話，向國際社會全方位宣示中國對外政策，以及國際事務的基本理念和基本原則，受到與會國和世界媒體的高度評價！

聯合國千年發展目標高級別會議20日在紐約聯合國總部開幕。溫家寶在聯合國大會上發表《認識一個真實的中國》重要講話，在演講中，溫總理介紹了中國在實現千年發展目標方面取得的重大進展和經驗，為推動國際發展合作所做的貢獻及主張。總理的演講，受到與會者熱烈歡迎和高度評價。特別是總理在講話中明確指出：中國仍然處于社會主義初級階段，仍然屬于發展中國家。這就是我們的基本國情，這就是一個真實的中國。在談及今后的國策以及對外政策時，溫總理闡述的條理清晰，觀點明確，有著重要的現實意義。總理說：中國將堅定不移地走和平發展道路。中國在追求自身發展的進程中，將繼續以促進人類的共同發展和繁榮為己任。中國的發展，不會損害任何人，也不會威脅任何人。溫總理同時指出，中國講友好，也講原則。在涉及國家核心利益的問題上，中國決不退讓，決不妥協。總理的講話即闡述了我國的國策，以及對外方針政策，也在國際舞臺上就一些重大原則問題表達了中國的理念，以及大國負責任的態度。可謂柔中帶剛，剛柔相濟，體現了中國人民促進世界和平的和諧理念，堅定維護中國核心利益的鋼鐵意志。

當地時間9月22日，中國國務院總理溫家寶在紐約出席聯合國千年發展目標高級別會議婦幼健康戰略啟動儀式并發言。

溫家寶總理23日在紐約出席了安理會首腦會議并講話，中方認為，安理會作為集體安全機制的核心，應該進一步增強權威，在維護國際和平與安全方面承擔更大責任、做出更大努力、發揮更大作用。并提出了四點主張。一是推動以和平方式解決爭端，二是提高安理會解決問題的能力，三是消除爭端沖突產生的根源，四是解決非洲熱點問題。總理的提議主題鮮明，重點突出，較好的解答了安理會當前存在的薄弱環節，以及調整，推進的大局方針，得到安理會參會各國代表普遍認可。

9月22日，中國國務院總理溫家寶在紐約出席美國友好團體舉行的歡迎晚宴并發表演講。

溫總理在紐約期間還出席參加了許多重大會議，總的來說有20多場。比較突出的有：在紐約出席美國友好團體舉行的歡迎晚宴并發表演講，并會見美國總統奧巴馬。尤其就人民幣匯率問題坦率交換了意見，使他們認識到中美之間的共同利益遠遠大于分歧，基本實現了中美友好。

9月22日，國務院總理溫家寶在紐約聯合國總部會見聯合國秘書長潘基文。

溫總理此次出席聯合國系列會議達到了宣示我內外政策主張、推動國際發展合作、支持聯合國發揮重要作用、展示出大國的負責任形象。尤其溫總理在65屆聯大一般性辯論時發表的重要講話，從對中國現實國情出發的認真剖析和定位，回應解除了各方針對中國未來發展的種種疑慮和擔憂。與此同時，溫總理的發言也讓世界傾聽了來自中國的理念，負責任的闡述和真誠解讀，不僅打動了現場來自于139個國家元首和政府首腦，也吸引了世界媒體的聚焦，從而得到國際社會高度評價：泰國、埃塞俄比亞等發展中國家代表認為，中國是發展中國家真正的朋友，并為發展中國家實現千年發展目標指明了方向。

9月22日，中國國務院總理溫家寶在紐約會見聯合國開發計劃署署長克拉克女士，并共同出席《中華人民共和國政府與聯合國開發計劃署加強合作關系諒解備忘錄》簽字儀式。

溫家寶在出席聯合國千年發展目標高級別會議時宣布，中國將再向巴基斯坦提供2億美元無償救災援助。巴外交部長專門對此表示感謝。巴方表示，體現了中國人民對巴基斯坦人民的深情厚意，將對國際社會加大對巴援助產生示范效應。聯合國艾滋病規劃署執行主任西迪貝表示，溫家寶總理專門出席聯合國艾滋病規劃署舉辦的抗擊艾滋病活動，充分表明了中國抗擊艾滋病的堅強決心和政治意志，為其他國家建立了表率。聯合國秘書長千年發展目標問題特別顧問、美國哥倫比亞大學教授薩克斯表示，溫家寶總理的講話感人至深，表明了中國領導人勇于面對挑戰、不回避問題的決心與意愿，同時也展示了中國日益凸現的能力。此外，德國、丹麥等國家代表紛紛表示，溫家寶在出席聯合國系列會議時的講話既介紹了中國取得的成就，也講到中國面臨的挑戰和困難，使國際社會更好地了解了一個真實的中國，相信中國將在國際事務和世界經濟中發揮更大、更重要的作用。

當地時間9月23日，中國國務院總理溫家寶在紐約會見美國總統奧巴馬

溫總理，真是我們的好總理，他不僅愛民、愛國，得到全國14億人民的擁護，也以大國負責任的理念，打動了世界各國代表的心，他的負責任的聯合國之行，不僅得到世界新聞媒體的廣泛認可，也再次在世界國際舞臺樹立起中國人民的高大形象。他真是中華民族的優秀兒子，全國人民十分愛戴的好總理！

第五篇：在市榮獲“聯合國人居獎”慶典大會上的講話

在市榮獲“聯合國人居獎”慶典大會上的講話

各位領導、各位嘉賓、同志們：

今天，我們在這里隆重集會，慶祝××市榮獲XX年“聯合國人居獎”。這是××市各族人民期盼已久的盛事。在這里，我謹代表中共××市委、市人大、市政府、市政協，向授予××市這份殊榮的聯合國人居署表示衷心的感謝！向長期以來關心、支持、幫助××市建設發展的國家建設部等中央和國家機關部委表示衷心的感謝！向××部隊和武警官兵表示衷心的感謝！向首府各界人士和全市各族人民表示衷心的感謝！

“聯合國人居獎”是全球人居領域最高規格的獎項。這個獎項每年頒發一次，目的在于鼓勵和表彰世界各國為改善人類居住環境作出杰出貢獻的政府、組織、個人和項目。今年，××市獲得聯合國人居獎評審委員會全票通過，捧得了這一全球人居領域的桂冠，成為今年聯合國人居署向中國城市頒發的唯一獎項，世界再次記錄了中國、再次記錄了××、再次記錄了××。

這一殊榮，是××正確領導的結果；是××和所有關心××建設發展的各界人士鼎力支持的結果；也是××市歷屆班子團結和帶領全市人民艱苦奮斗、扎實工作的結果。

這項榮譽，是對××市建設“中國綠城”、廣西“首善之區”和區域性國際城市工作的充分肯定；是對南寧市堅持以人為本的發展理念，致力改善人居環境，不斷提高市民生活水平、生活環境的高度評價；是南寧城市發展史上的一個里程碑，同時，也是南寧這座有著1680多年歷史古城新的輝煌標志，是南寧這座中國—東盟博覽會舉辦城市走向世界的又一張亮麗名片，為南寧主動融入多區域合作提供一個重要的契機，必將進一步激發全市人民的機遇意識、發展意識和主人翁意識，同心同德，為建設區域性國際城市而努力奮斗。

多年來，我們孜孜以求，付出了艱辛和汗水，也留下了一串串堅實的足跡。

——我們高度重視生態環境的保護和建設，堅定不移地打造一座生態環境優美的綠色之城；多年來，市委、市政府始終堅持改善城市人居質量、打造城市優美環境、提升城市形象品位，實施藍天工程、碧水工程、寧靜工程、綠色工程，搬遷、改造、關停市中心區一批重污染企業，強力推進節能減排工作，建設高標準、現代化的污水處理廠，城市生態環境明顯改善；XX年和XX年共植樹324萬棵，“城在林中、林在城中”初步形成；建成了60處綠地廣場，以及占地面積為93公頃的市中心森林公園和“名樹博覽園”，建成區綠化覆蓋率達38.21%，人均公園綠地面積達12.23平方米;著力做好“水的”，對市區18條內河開展綜合整治，努力營造具有民族文化底蘊、亞熱帶特色、風景秀麗的城市水環境；全民動員、全民參與、全民行動，在全市范圍內開展了聲勢浩大、深入持久的“城鄉清潔工程”、治理“五亂”大行動，城鄉面貌煥然一新，南寧市水變清了、天變藍了、街道變干凈了、居住得更舒適了。

——我們堅持以人為本，積極推進城市和諧發展。實施“系統改善城市弱勢群體居住環境的行動”，通過東溝嶺棚戶區改造、經濟適用房及廉租房建設、全市小街小巷整治改造，分別解決城市邊緣棚戶區居民、外來務工人員、住房困難戶、低收入者、殘障人員、受洪澇威脅的沿江居民等人群面臨的實際問題，受益人數超過80萬人。建起多層次的住房保障體系，解決了3萬多戶中低收入家庭、無房戶和拆遷戶10多萬人的住房困難，讓居者有其屋。深入開展“訪民情、聽民意、解民憂、幫民富、保民安”活動，形成了為民辦實事的長效機制。實施就業和再就業工程，開展“百萬農民就業培訓”活動，實施“社會發展百億工程”和“全民創業”計劃，確保“零就業家庭”就業，致力于建設“充分就業的城市”。在全市各社區建立了275家“愛心超市”，構建愛心奉獻的平臺、和諧社會的紐帶。廣泛開展“和諧建設在基層”活動，建設和諧社區、和諧村屯、和諧家庭、和諧學校、和諧機關、和諧單位、和諧企業，“能幫就幫”的望州南精神已成為和諧南寧的城市品質。

——我們堅持城市可持續發展，加強城市基礎設施建設，不斷完善城市功能。堅持以建設區域性國際城市為目標，按照“以邕江為軸線，西建東擴，完善江北，提升江南，重點向南”的城市發展方向，啟動五象新區建設，加大舊城改造力度，拉開城市框架，擴大城市規模，完善城市功能。對城市進行有史以來最大規模的建設和改造，建成了快速環道、環城高速公路、五象大道等一批重大基礎設施項目，城市基礎設施和公共設施網絡不斷完善。

——我們關注城市公共安全，全力構建平安家園；圍繞構建平安南寧，深入開展“大接訪、大排查、大調處”活動，構建“大防控”體系，最大限度地增加和諧因素，最大限度地減少不和諧因素，打牢維護社會和諧穩定的根基。建成了我國第一套集應急救助、非應急公共服務、災難事故事前防范、城市公共設施安全管理于一體的“城市應急聯動系統”。“數字化城市管理監督與指揮系統”已正式運行，實現了對城市“科學、嚴格、精細、長效”的管理，城市建設管理和公共安全管理又邁上了新臺階。

南寧市獲得“聯合國人居獎”，既是榮譽，更是責任，我們將以此為新的起點和新的動力，以鄧小平理論和“三個代表”重要思想為指導，全面落實科學發展觀，緊密團結在以胡錦濤同志為總書記的黨中央周圍，堅定不移地推動科學發展、促進社會和諧，圍繞建設廣西“首善之區”和區域性國際城市的目標，著力開創多區域合作、工業化發展、城鎮化建設的新局面，抓好和諧社會建設、“三農”工作和人才隊伍建設，把南寧建成中國—東盟的區域性物流基地、商貿基地、加工制造業基地和信息交流中心、交通樞紐中心、金融中心；深入實施“城鄉清潔工程”，推進數字化城市管理工作，加強公共安全管理，不斷改善居民生活條件；堅持以人為本，深入開展“和諧建設在基層”活動，建設“充分就業的城市”，切實解決人民群眾最關心、最直接、最現實的利益問題；繼續改善城市生態環境，著重做好“樹的”和“水的”，創建獨具特色的現代宜居城市，把南寧打造成一座生態環境優美的綠色之城，一座整潔干凈的衛生之城，一座治安秩序良好、平安公正、安居樂業的和諧之城。

南寧市的明天一定會更加美好！