第一篇：羅斯福英語演講稿2

演講全文：The Four Freedoms

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.And, fortunately, only one of these--the four-year war between the States--ever threatened our national unity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition--clear, definite opposition--to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914--ninety-nine years--no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength;it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere--yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature--and, incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted;but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement.We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe--particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes--and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability.The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily--almost exclusively--to meeting this foreign peril.For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small.And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere.By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.Goals of speed have been set.In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time.In some cases we are on schedule;in other cases there are slight but not serious delays.And in some cases--and, I am sorry to say, very important cases--we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.Such aid--Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators--if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency--almost as serious as war itself--demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment--The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium.It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order.A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第二篇：羅斯福演講稿

篇一：羅斯福演講稿1 演講全文：pearl harbor address to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu.yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.last night, japanese forces attacked guam.last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.last night, the japanese attacked wake island.and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us god.i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二：中文版羅斯福四大自由演講稿 富蘭克林．羅斯福 四大自由

在一九四一年一月六日致國會的咨文中，富蘭克林．羅斯福總統要求國會根據租借法案，把必要的武器裝備提供給那些總統認為其防御對美國利益至關重要的國家。由于戰爭逼近，他宣布了四項「人類的基本自由」這項宣布，被認為是關于美國人民準備為之奮斗的原則的最簡要聲明。……世界大戰在一九一四年驟然爆發的時候，這場戰爭對我們美國本身的前途似乎僅有輕微的威脅。但是，隨著時間的推移，美國人民開始體會到各民主國家的淪陷對我們美國的民主制度會意味著什么。

我們無須過分強調凡爾賽和約的缺陷。我們也無須反復談論各民主國家處理世界性破壞問題的失效。我們應該記住，一九一九年的和約與早在慕尼黑會議以前就開始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力圖向世界各大洲擴展的暴政新秩序下，這種「和解」仍在延續著。美國人民堅定不移地反對那種暴政。

每一個現實主義者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的進攻－－或者是武力的進攻，或者是秘密散布的惡毒宣傳的進攻。散布這種宣傳的是那些企圖在仍然維持著和平的國家中破壞團結挑起不和的人。十六個月來，這種進攻已在數目驚人的一批大小獨立國家中毀掉了整個民主生活的方式。進攻者仍在步步進逼，威脅著大大小小的其它國家。……作為你們的總統，執行憲法加諸于我的「向國會報導聯邦情況」的責任，我認為必須向你們報告，我們國家和我們民主政治的前途與安全，已經和遠離我們國境的許多事件不可抗拒地牽連在一起了。

以武力保衛民主生存的戰爭，現正在四大洲英勇地進行。倘若這場保衛戰失敗，所有在歐洲、亞洲、非洲和澳洲的人口和一切資源，均將為征服者所控制。這些人口和資源合計起來，遠超過整個西半球的全部人口和資源的總數－－超過很多倍……

任何現實的美國人都不能期望從一個獨裁者的和平中獲得國際上的寬容，或真正獨立的恢復，或世界性裁軍，或言論自由，或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的貿易。這樣的和平決不會給我們或者我們的鄰國帶來任何安全。「那些寧愿放棄基本自由以求一時安全的人；既不該享有自由，也不該得到安全。」…… 我最近曾指出，現代戰爭可以多么迅速地將武器攻擊帶到我們的身旁，如果獨裁國家打贏這場戰爭，我們就必須預計到這種攻擊的到來……

當務之急是，我們的行動和我們的政策都應首先針對(幾乎是專門針對)如何對付這種來自國外的危險，因為我們所有的國內問題現在都已成為這一逼近眉睫的問題的一個部分。正如在國內事務上，我們的國策是以尊重國門以內所有同胞的權利和尊嚴的基礎，在外交事務上，我們的國策也以尊重所有大小國家的權利與尊嚴為依歸。道德的公正原則最后將會并且也必然會獲得勝利。我們的國策是：

第一，在明確表達公眾意愿以及排除黨派偏見的情況下，我們致力于全面的國防。

第二，在明確表達公眾意愿以及排除黨派偏見的情況下，我們決定對于任何地方反抗侵略致使戰火沒有燃到我們西半球來的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我們用這種支持，來表示我們對民主事業必勝的決心；我們要加強我國本身的防御和安全。

第三，在明確表達公眾意愿以及排除黨派偏見的情況下，我們決定聲明，道德的基本原則和我們對本身安全的考慮，將永不容許我們默認由侵略者所支配和「和解」主義者所贊許的和平。我們知道，持久和平是不能以他人的自由為代價買來的……

新情況不斷為我們的安全帶來新的需要。我將要求國會大量增加新的撥款并授權繼續進行我們已開始的工作。

我也要求本屆國會授予足夠的權力與經費，以便制造多種多樣的額外軍需品與戰爭裝備，供給那些現已與侵略國實際作戰的國家。

我們最有效和最直接的任務，是充當他們和我們自己的兵工廠。他們不需人力，他們所需的是價值以十億美元計的防衛武器。

用不了多久，他們將無力用現款償付這些防御武器。我們不能也不會只因為他們無力償付我們知道他們必須擁有的武器，便告訴他們必須投降。我不會建議由我們貸款給他們，再由他們用該款支付購買武器的費用－－一種需用現金償還的貸款。

我建議由我們設法使那些國家繼續從美國取得作戰物資，并使他們的定單與我們自己的計劃配合起來。一旦時刻到來，他們的幾乎全部軍用物資都會有利于我們自己的防衛。

根據富有經驗的陸海軍權威的建議，并且考慮到什么是最有利于我們自身安全，我們可以自由地決定應該在國內保留多少，應該運給我們的外國朋友多少。他們堅定英勇抗敵，使我們贏得時間為我們自己的防衛作準備。

讓我們對民主國家申明：「我們美國人極為關懷你們保衛自由的戰爭。我們正使用我們的實力、我們的資源和我們的組織力量，使你們有能力恢復和維系一個自由的世界。我們會給你們送來數量日增的艦艇、飛機、坦克和大炮。這是我們的目標，也是我們的誓言。」為了實現這個目標，我們不會因獨裁者的威脅而退縮不前，這些人認為我們對那些膽敢抵抗他們侵略的民主國家進行支持，是違犯國際公法，是戰爭行為……

未來幾代美國人的幸福，可能要看我們如何有效而迅速地使我們的支持產生影響而定。沒有人知道，我們要面對的緊急處境是屬于怎樣一種性質。在國家命脈臨危的時候，國家的雙手絕對不能受縛。我們全體都必須準備為那種和戰爭本身一樣嚴重的非常時期的要求，作出犧牲。任何阻礙迅速而有效地進行防衛準備的事，都必須為國家的需要讓路……

如同人們并非單靠面包生活一樣，他們也并非單靠武器來作戰。那些堅守我們防御工事的人以及在他們后面建立防御工事的人必須具有耐力和勇氣，而所有這些均來自對他們正在保衛的生活方式所抱的不可動搖的信念。我們所號召的偉大行動，是不可能以忽視所有值得奮斗的東西為基礎的。

美國民主生活的保持是與個人利害攸關的，舉國上下，對于促使人民明白這一點而做的種種事情，都非常滿意，并且從中汲取了巨大力量。那些事情使我們人民的氣質堅強起來，重建了他們的信心，也加強了他們對大家準備保衛的各種制度的忠誠。當然，現在并非停止考慮各種社會和經濟問題的時候，這些問題都是社會革命的根本原因，而這種革命則是今天世界的一個主要因素。

一個健全鞏固的民主政治的基礎并不神秘。我們人民對政治和經濟制度所抱的基本期望十分簡單。它們是：給青年和其它人以均等機會；給能工作的人以工作；給需要保障的人以保障；終止少數人享有的特權；保護所有人的公民自由權；在生活水平更普遍和不斷提高的情況下，享受科學進步的成果。

在我們這個混亂和極端復雜的現代世界中，這些是決不應忽視的簡單而基本的事項。我們的各種經濟和政治體制的內在和持久的力量，取決于它們滿足這些期望的程度。

有不少與我們社會經濟有關的事項，需要立即改善。例如：我們應當使更多的公民得到老年退休金和失業保險的保障。我們應當擴大那種使人們得到充分醫療照顧的機會。我們應當制訂一套更好的制度，使那些應當并需要獲得有薪職業的人們能夠就業。

我曾經號召大家作個人的犧牲。我已得到保證，幾乎每個美國人都心甘情愿響應我這個號召……

在我們力求安定的未來的歲月里，我們期待一個建立在四項人類基本自由之上的世界。第一是在全世界任何地方發表言論和表達意見的自由。

第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式來崇拜上帝的自由。

第三是不虞匱乏的自由－－這種自由，就世界范圍來講，就是一種經濟上的融洽關系，它將保證全世界每一個國家的居民都過健全的、和平時期的生活。

第四是免除恐懼的自由－－這種自由，就世界范圍來講，就是世界性的裁減軍備，要以一種徹底的方法把它裁減到這樣的程度：務使世界上沒有一個國家有能力向全世界任何地區的任何鄰國進行武力侵略。

這并不是對一個渺茫的黃金時代的憧憬，而是我們這個時代和我們這一代人可以實現的一種世界的堅實基礎，這種世界，和獨裁者想用炸彈爆炸來制造的所謂「新秩序」的暴政，是截然相反的。

對于他們那個新秩序，我們是以一種偉大的觀念－－道德秩序來與之相對抗的。一個優越的社會，是可以同樣毫無畏懼地面對各種征服世界和在國外制造革命的陰謀的。

自美國有史以來，我們一直在從事改革－－一種永久性的和平革命－－一種連續不斷而靜悄悄地適應環境變化的革命－－并不需要任何集中營或萬人冢。我們所追求的世界秩序，是自由國家間的合作，以及在友好、文明的社會里共同努力。

這個國家，已把它的命運交到它千百萬自由男女的手里，腦里和心里；把它對于自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味著在任何地方人權都是至高無上的。凡是為了取得或保持這種權利而斗爭的人，我們都予以支持。我們的力量來自我們的目標一致。

為了實現這一崇高的觀念，我們是不獲全勝絕不休止的。篇三：羅斯福英語演講稿：對日宣戰演講

羅斯福英語演講稿：對日宣戰演講（中英對照）pearl harbor speech franklin delano roosevelt december 8, 1941 to the congress of the united states: yesterday, dec.7, 1941the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.last night, japanese forces attacked guam.last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.last night, the japanese attacked wake island.this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.i believe i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.with confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us god.i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, dec.7, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.要求國會對日本宣戰

富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福

副總統先生、議長先生、各位參議員和眾議員：

昨天，1941年12月7日，將成為我國的國恥日。美利堅合眾國遭到了日本帝國海、空軍有預謀的突然襲擊。

在此之前，美國同日本處于和平狀態，并應日本之請同該國政府及天皇談判，指望維持太平洋區域的和平。

日本空軍部隊在美國的瓦胡島。開始轟炸一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚居然還向美國國務卿遞交正式復函，回答美國最近致日本的一封函件。這份復函雖然聲言目前的外交談判已無繼續之必要，但卻未有威脅的言詞，也沒有暗示將發動戰爭或采取軍事行動。

夏威夷島距日本的距離說明此次襲擊顯然是許多天前甚至幾星期前所策劃的，此事將記錄在案。在此期間，日本政府有意用虛偽的聲明和表示繼續保持和平的愿望欺騙美國。

日本昨天對夏威夷群島的襲擊，給美國海、陸軍造成了嚴重的破壞。我遺憾地告訴你們：許許多多美國人被炸死。同時，據報告，若干艘美國船只在舊金山與火奴魯魯之間的公海上被水雷擊中。

昨天，日本政府還發動了對馬來亞的襲擊。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了香港。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了關島。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了菲律賓群島。昨夜日本部隊襲擊了威克島。

今晨日本人襲擊了中途島。

這樣，日本就在整個太平洋區域發動了全面的突然襲擊。昨天和今天的情況已說明了事實的真相。美國人民已經清楚地了解到這是關系我國存亡安危的問題。

作為海、陸軍總司令，我已指令采取一切手段進行防御。

我們將永遠記住對我們這次襲擊的性質。

無論需要多長時間去擊敗這次預謀的侵略，美國人民正義在手，有力量奪取徹底的勝利。我保證我們將完全確保我們的安全，確保我們永不再受到這種背信棄義行為的危害，我相信這話說出了國會和人民的意志。

大敵當前，我國人民、領土和利益正處于極度危險的狀態，我們決不可稍有懈怠。

我們相信我們的軍隊、我們的人民有無比堅定的決心，因此，勝利必定屬于我們。愿上帝保佑我們。

我要求國會宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日對我國無故進行卑鄙的襲擊，美國同日本已經處于戰爭狀態。

第三篇：羅斯福就職演講稿

First Inaugural Address

Franklin D.Roosevelt 富蘭克林·羅斯福 1933.3.4.演講者簡介：

羅斯福在1933年成為總統當時美國正陷于世界性的經濟危機之中。羅斯福以他的能力為人民創造就業機會并帶去援助。羅斯福的許多施政觀點至今仍是美國治國方針的一部分。

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today.This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money;and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.

第四篇：富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必須永遠記住這個恥辱的日子.美利堅合眾國受到了日本帝國海空軍突然的蓄意的攻擊。美國和日本是和平相處的，根據日本的請求仍在同它的政府和天皇進行會談，以期維護太平洋地區的和平。實際上，就在日本空軍部隊已經著手開始轟炸美國瓦湖島之后的一小時，日本駐美國大使和同僚還向我們的國務卿提交了對美國最近致日方 消息的正式答復。雖然復函聲稱繼續現行外交談判似已無用，但卻并未包含有關戰爭或武裝 攻擊的威脅或暗示歷史將會作證，由于夏威夷離日本的距離如此之遙，顯然表明這次進攻是經過許多天甚至許多星期精心策劃的。在調停期間，日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續維持和平的愿望來欺騙美國。

昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海陸軍部隊造成了嚴重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位，許多美國人喪失了生命，此外，根據報告，美國船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯之間的公海上也遭到了魚雷襲擊。

昨天，日本政府已發動了對馬來亞的進攻。昨晚，日本軍隊進攻了香港。昨晚，日本軍隊進攻了關島。

昨晚，日本軍隊進攻了菲律賓群島。昨晚，日本人進攻了威克島。

今早，日本人進攻了中途島。因此，日本在整個太平洋區域采取了突然的攻勢。昨天和今天的事實不言自明。美國的人民已經形成了自己的見解，并且非常清楚這關系到我們國家的安全和生存的本身。作為陸、海軍總司令，我已指示，為了我們的防務采取一切措施。但是，我們整個國家將永遠記住這次對我們突襲的性質。不論要用多長時間才能戰勝這次有預謀的入侵，美國人民將一定要以自己的正義力量贏得絕對的勝利。我們現在預言，我們不僅要做出最大的努力來保衛我們自己，我們還將確保這種背信棄義的形式永遠不會再次危及到我們。我這樣說，相信是表達了國會和人民的意志。

敵對行動已經存在。無庸諱言，我國人民、我國領土和我國利益都處于嚴重危險之中。相信我們的武裝部隊，依靠我國人民的堅定決心,我們將取得必然的勝利,愿上帝幫助我們！

我要求國會宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本發動無端的、卑鄙的進攻時起，美國和日本帝國之間已處于戰爭狀態。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was

deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false

statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------

formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with

the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they

believed

and were not afraid, we

have so

much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with

her bounty, and human

efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple

to the

ancient truths.A

measure of that restoration lies

in the extent

to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they

teach suthat our

true

destiny is not

to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and

selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on

honor, on the sacredness of our

obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and

action now.Our greatest primary

task is to put

people to work.This

is no unsolvable

problem if

we take

it

wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in

part

by direct

recruiting by the

government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through

this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be

helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local

government act

forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be

helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there

must

be an end

to speculation with other people’s

mo ney;

and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special

session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making

income balance outflow.Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world

trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait

on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these

specific means of national

recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United

States of America

–

a

recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American

spirit of the pioneer.It

is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The

neighbor who resolutely

respects himself,and because

he does

so，respects

the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready

and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume

unhesitatingly, the

leadership

of this great

army

of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central

form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And

it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But

it

may be that an

unprecedented demand and need

for undelay

action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with

the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential

democracy.The people of the United

States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They

have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made

me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in

this dedication of

th a

nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===

第五篇：羅斯福英語演講稿：對日宣戰演講

羅斯福英語演講稿：對日宣戰演講（中英對照）

PEARL HARBOR SPEECH

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

December 8, 1941

To the Congress of the United States:

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of

America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American

ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the

Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.要求國會對日本宣戰

富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福

副總統先生、議長先生、各位參議員和眾議員：

昨天，1941年12月7日，將成為我國的國恥日。美利堅合眾國遭到了日本帝國海、空軍有預謀的突然襲擊。

在此之前，美國同日本處于和平狀態，并應日本之請同該國政府及天皇談判，指望維持太平洋區域的和平。

日本空軍部隊在美國的瓦胡島。開始轟炸一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚居然還向美國國務卿遞交正式復函，回答美國最近致日本的一封函件。這份復函雖然聲言目前的外交談判已無繼續之必要，但卻未有威脅的言詞，也沒有暗示將發動戰爭或采取軍事行動。

夏威夷島距日本的距離說明此次襲擊顯然是許多天前甚至幾星期前所策劃的，此事將記錄在案。在此期間，日本政府有意用虛偽的聲明和表示繼續保持和平的愿望欺騙美國。

日本昨天對夏威夷群島的襲擊，給美國海、陸軍造成了嚴重的破壞。我遺憾地告訴你們：許許多多美國人被炸死。同時，據報告，若干艘美國船只在舊金山與火奴魯魯之間的公海上被水雷擊中。

昨天，日本政府還發動了對馬來亞的襲擊。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了香港。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了關島。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了菲律賓群島。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了威克島。

今晨日本人襲擊了中途島。

這樣，日本就在整個太平洋區域發動了全面的突然襲擊。昨天和今天的情況已說明了事實的真相。美國人民已經清楚地了解到這是關系我國存亡安危的問題。

作為海、陸軍總司令，我已指令采取一切手段進行防御。

我們將永遠記住對我們這次襲擊的性質。

無論需要多長時間去擊敗這次預謀的侵略，美國人民正義在手，有力量奪取徹底的勝利。

我保證我們將完全確保我們的安全，確保我們永不再受到這種背信棄義行為的危害，我相信這話說出了國會和人民的意志。

大敵當前，我國人民、領土和利益正處于極度危險的狀態，我們決不可稍有懈怠。

我們相信我們的軍隊、我們的人民有無比堅定的決心，因此，勝利必定屬于我們。愿上帝保佑我們。

我要求國會宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日對我國無故進行卑鄙的襲擊，美國同日本已經處于戰爭狀態。