第一篇：杜魯門(mén)總統(tǒng)就職演講1949全稿(中英版)

杜魯門(mén)總統(tǒng)就職演講1949：四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針

Inaugural Address of Harry S.Truman THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor, which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith, which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and in adequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations what are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in the se arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with over whelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations that will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources that we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help the mrealize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans.What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world's human and natural resources.Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace.And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies--hunger, misery, and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda--who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities.They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve.With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文譯文】：

四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針

哈里-杜魯門(mén) 就職演講

星期四,1949年1月20日

我國(guó)歷史上的各個(gè)時(shí)期都面臨過(guò)特殊的挑戰(zhàn)。我們現(xiàn)在面臨的挑戰(zhàn)和過(guò)去面臨的任何挑戰(zhàn)一樣嚴(yán)重，今天不僅標(biāo)志著一屆新政府的起點(diǎn)，而且標(biāo)志著一個(gè)新時(shí)期的開(kāi)始。對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)，對(duì)整個(gè)世界來(lái)說(shuō)，這個(gè)時(shí)期特是個(gè)多事之秋，也許還將是決定性的歲月。也許命運(yùn)注定我們要去體驗(yàn)，或者在更大程度上是去促成人類漫長(zhǎng)歷史中的一個(gè)重大轉(zhuǎn)折。本世紀(jì)上半葉的特點(diǎn)是，人權(quán)遭到史無(wú)前例的粗暴踐踏，并經(jīng)歷了歷史上最可怕的兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最迫切的需要是學(xué)會(huì)和睦相處。

世界各國(guó)人民都懷著忐忑不安的心情面對(duì)著未來(lái)，他們既充滿希望又滿腹憂慮。在這疑慮的時(shí)刻，他們比以往任何時(shí)候更期待著合眾國(guó)的善意、力量以及明智的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。

因此，我們審時(shí)度勢(shì)，利用這一時(shí)機(jī)向全世界宣布指導(dǎo)我們生活的信念的基本原則，向所有的民族宜布我們的目標(biāo)。

在今后幾年，我們的和平自由綱領(lǐng)將著重于四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針。

第一，我們將繼續(xù)堅(jiān)定不移地支持聯(lián)合國(guó)及其有關(guān)機(jī)構(gòu)，繼續(xù)尋求各種方法來(lái)加強(qiáng)這些機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)威和增加這些機(jī)構(gòu)的效率。今天，不少新的國(guó)家正在成立，正在民主原則的指引下向自治方向邁進(jìn)，我們相信，聯(lián)合國(guó)將因這些新國(guó)家而得到加強(qiáng)。

第二，我們將繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我們制定的世界經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興計(jì)劃。

這意味著我們必須首先全力支持歐洲復(fù)興計(jì)劃。對(duì)于世界復(fù)興中這一重大事業(yè)的成功，我們充滿了信心。我們相信，通過(guò)這項(xiàng)工作，我們的伙伴將再一次取得自給國(guó)家的地位。此外，我們還必須執(zhí)行為減少世界貿(mào)易壁壘、增加世界貿(mào)易額而制定的計(jì)劃。經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興與和平本身都取決于世界貿(mào)易的增加。

第三，我們要加強(qiáng)熱愛(ài)自由的國(guó)家的力量，以抵御侵略的威脅。

我們和許多國(guó)家一起，正在為增加北大西洋地區(qū)的安全面起草一項(xiàng)共同協(xié)議。這種協(xié)議將根據(jù)聯(lián)合國(guó)憲章的規(guī)定，采取集體防御協(xié)定的形式。

我們已經(jīng)根據(jù)里約熱內(nèi)盧公約為西半球建立了這樣一個(gè)防御同盟。

這些協(xié)議的主要目的是明確表示自由國(guó)家抵抗來(lái)自任何地方的武裝進(jìn)攻的共同決心。參加這些協(xié)議的每個(gè)國(guó)家必須為共同防御貢獻(xiàn)出全部力量。

如果我們能預(yù)先充分地表明，任何影響到我們國(guó)家安全的武裝進(jìn)攻必將遭到強(qiáng)大的抵抗，那么武裝進(jìn)攻也許就永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)發(fā)生。

我希望關(guān)于北大西洋安全計(jì)劃的條約不久將呈送參議院。

此外，我們還將向在維護(hù)和平與安全時(shí)同我們進(jìn)行合作的自由國(guó)家，提供軍事顧問(wèn)和軍事裝備。

第四，我們必須著手?jǐn)M定一項(xiàng)大膽的新計(jì)劃，使不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)的進(jìn)步與發(fā)展能受益于我們的先進(jìn)的科學(xué)和發(fā)達(dá)的工業(yè)。

全世界半數(shù)以上的人口正瀕臨悲慘的境地，他們食不果腹、疾患加身。他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)生活原始落后，滯綴不振。無(wú)論對(duì)于他們自己還是對(duì)于比較繁榮的地區(qū)來(lái)說(shuō)，他們的貧困既是一種阻礙又是一種威脅。

人類有史以來(lái)第一次掌握了能解除這些人苦難的知識(shí)和技術(shù)。

合眾國(guó)在工業(yè)和科學(xué)技術(shù)發(fā)展方面居各國(guó)之首。盡管我們用來(lái)援助其他國(guó)家人民的物質(zhì)資源是有限的，但我們?cè)诩夹g(shù)知識(shí)方面的資源卻是無(wú)法估量的，是不斷增長(zhǎng)和用之不竭的。

我認(rèn)為，為了幫助各愛(ài)好和平民族實(shí)現(xiàn)他們對(duì)美好生活的愿望，我們應(yīng)該使他們受惠于我們豐富的技術(shù)知識(shí)。同時(shí)，我們還應(yīng)該和其他國(guó)家合作，支持對(duì)急待開(kāi)發(fā)的地區(qū)進(jìn)行投資。

我們的目標(biāo)應(yīng)該是幫助世界上各個(gè)自由民族通過(guò)他們自己的努力，生產(chǎn)更多的食物，更多的衣物，更多的建筑材料，以及更多的機(jī)器來(lái)減輕他們的負(fù)擔(dān)。

我們吁請(qǐng)其他國(guó)象匯集他們的技術(shù)力量以進(jìn)行這項(xiàng)工作。我們熱烈歡迎他們作出貢獻(xiàn)。這應(yīng)該是一種合作事業(yè)，所有國(guó)家通過(guò)聯(lián)合國(guó)及其專門(mén)機(jī)構(gòu)在任何可行的方面為此共同工作。這必須是在世界范圍內(nèi)為實(shí)現(xiàn)和平、繁榮和自由而作出的努力。

在我國(guó)企業(yè)、私人資本、農(nóng)業(yè)和勞工等方面的協(xié)作下，這一計(jì)劃能夠極大促進(jìn)其他國(guó)家的工業(yè)活動(dòng)，從實(shí)質(zhì)上提高他們的生活水平。

這種新的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展必須加以規(guī)劃和控制，從而使被開(kāi)發(fā)地區(qū)的人民有所得益。在保證投資者利益的同時(shí)，必須兼顧人民的利益，因?yàn)樵谶@些經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中傾注著人民的才智和勞動(dòng)。

在我們的計(jì)劃中，剝削他國(guó)利潤(rùn)的老牌帝國(guó)主義沒(méi)有立足之地。我們擬定的是一個(gè)以民主的公平交易的概念為基礎(chǔ)的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。

所有國(guó)家，包括我國(guó)在內(nèi)，將極大地受益于為更合理地使用世界上的人力資源和自然資源而制定的一項(xiàng)建設(shè)性計(jì)劃。經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明，我們同其他國(guó)家的貿(mào)易將隨著這些國(guó)家在工業(yè)和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的發(fā)展而擴(kuò)大。

提高生產(chǎn)是繁榮與和平的關(guān)鍵，而提高生產(chǎn)的關(guān)鍵是更廣泛、更積極地運(yùn)用現(xiàn)代科學(xué)技術(shù)知識(shí)。

人類大家庭只有通過(guò)幫助最不幸的成員自助，才能享受體面的、令人滿意的生活，而所有人郁有權(quán)過(guò)上這樣的生活。

只有民主政治才能產(chǎn)生生機(jī)勃勃的力量，以激勵(lì)世界人民不僅為反抗人類的壓迫者，而且壓力反抗人類古老的敵人——饑餓、貧困、失望——而斗爭(zhēng)。

根據(jù)這四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針，我們希望有助于創(chuàng)造各種條件，最終實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人自由和全人類的幸福。

第二篇：總統(tǒng)就職演講

My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land--a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America: They will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the fainthearted--for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things--some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor--who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions--that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act--not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions--who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them--that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works--whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account--to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day--because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control--and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart--not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort--even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus--and nonbelievers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment--a moment that will define a generation--it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends--hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism--these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility--a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world;duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence--the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed--why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: “Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].” America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.各位同胞：

今天我站在這里，為眼前的重責(zé)大任感到謙卑，對(duì)各位的信任心懷感激，對(duì)先賢的犧牲銘記在心。我要謝謝布什總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國(guó)家的服務(wù)，也感謝他在政權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)移期間的寬厚和配合。四十四位美國(guó)人發(fā)表過(guò)總統(tǒng)就職誓言，這些誓詞或是在繁榮富強(qiáng)及和平寧?kù)o之際發(fā)表，或是在烏云密布，時(shí)局動(dòng)蕩之時(shí)。在艱困的時(shí)候，美國(guó)能箕裘相繼，不僅因?yàn)榫痈呶徽哂心芰蛟妇埃惨驗(yàn)槿嗣癯掷m(xù)對(duì)先人的抱負(fù)有信心，也忠於創(chuàng)建我國(guó)的法統(tǒng)。

因此，美國(guó)才能承繼下來(lái)。因此，這一代美國(guó)人也必須承繼下去。

現(xiàn)在大家都知道我們正置身危機(jī)核心，我國(guó)正在與四處蔓延的 暴力和憎恨作戰(zhàn)。我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)元?dú)獯髠@既是某些人貪婪且不負(fù)責(zé)任的後果，也是大眾未能做出艱難的選擇，對(duì)國(guó)家進(jìn)入新時(shí)代做準(zhǔn)備不足所致。許多人失去房 子，丟了工作，生意蕭條。我們的醫(yī)療太昂貴，學(xué)校教育讓人失望。每天都有更

多證據(jù)顯示，我們利用能源的方式壯大我們的對(duì)敵，威脅我們的星球。

這些都是得自資料和統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)的危機(jī)指標(biāo)。比較無(wú)法測(cè)量但同樣深沉的，是舉國(guó)信心盡失——持續(xù)擔(dān)心美國(guó)將無(wú)可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定會(huì)眼界變低。

今天我要告訴各位，我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是真的，挑戰(zhàn)非常嚴(yán)重，且不在少數(shù)。它們不是可以輕易，或在短時(shí)間內(nèi)解決。但是，美國(guó)要了解，這些挑戰(zhàn)會(huì)被解決。

在這一天，我們聚在一起，因?yàn)槲覀冞x擇希望而非恐懼，有意義的團(tuán)結(jié)而非紛爭(zhēng)和不合。在這一天，我們來(lái)此宣示，那些無(wú)用的抱怨和虛偽的承諾已終結(jié)，那些扭曲我們政治已久的相互指控和陳舊教條已終結(jié)。我們?nèi)允莻€(gè)年輕的國(guó)家，但借用圣經(jīng)的話，擺脫幼稚事物的時(shí)刻到來(lái)了，重申我們堅(jiān)忍精神的時(shí)刻到來(lái)了，選擇我們更好的歷史，實(shí)踐那種代代傳承的珍貴權(quán)利，那種高貴的理念：就是上帝的應(yīng)許，我們每個(gè)人都是平等的，每個(gè)人都是自由的，每個(gè)人都應(yīng)該有機(jī)會(huì)追求全然的幸福。

再次肯定我們國(guó)家的偉大，我們了解偉大絕非賜予而來(lái)，必須 努力達(dá)成。我們的旅程從來(lái)就不是抄捷徑或很容易就滿足。這條路一直都不是給不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸樂(lè)勝過(guò)工作，或者只想追求名利就滿足的人。恰恰相 反，走這條路的始終是勇於冒險(xiǎn)的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常見(jiàn)的是在各自崗位上的男男女女無(wú)名英雄，在這條漫長(zhǎng)崎嶇的道路上支撐我 們，邁向繁榮與自由。

為了我們，他們攜帶很少的家當(dāng)，遠(yuǎn)渡重洋，追尋新生活。

為了我們，他們胼手胝足，在西部安頓下來(lái)；忍受風(fēng)吹雨打，篳路藍(lán)縷。為了我們，他們奮斗不懈，在康科特和蓋茨堡，諾曼地和溪山等地葬身。

前人不斷的奮斗與犧牲，直到雙手皮開(kāi)肉綻，我們才能享有比較好的生活。他們將美國(guó)視為大於所有個(gè)人企圖心總和的整體，超越出身、財(cái)富或小圈圈的差異。

這是我們今天繼續(xù)前進(jìn)的旅程。我們?nèi)耘f是 全球最繁榮強(qiáng)盛的國(guó)家。這場(chǎng)危機(jī)爆發(fā)時(shí)，我們的勞工生產(chǎn)力并未減弱。我們的心智一樣創(chuàng)新，我們的產(chǎn)品和勞務(wù)和上周或上個(gè)月或去年相比，一樣是必需品。我們 的能力并未減損。但是我們墨守成規(guī)、維護(hù)狹小利益、推遲引人不悅的決定，這段時(shí)期肯定已經(jīng)過(guò)去。由今天開(kāi)始，我們必須振作起來(lái)，拍掉身上的灰塵，再度開(kāi)始重塑美國(guó)。

我們無(wú)論朝何處望去，都有工作必須完成。經(jīng)濟(jì)情勢(shì)需要大 膽、迅速的行動(dòng)，我們將有所行動(dòng)，不光是創(chuàng)造新工作，更要奠定成長(zhǎng)的新基礎(chǔ)。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)興建電力網(wǎng)格與數(shù)位線路，將我們聯(lián)系在一起。我們將讓 科學(xué)回歸合適的用途，運(yùn)用科技的奇蹟來(lái)提高醫(yī)療品質(zhì)并降低費(fèi)用。我們將利用

太陽(yáng)能、風(fēng)力和土壤作為汽車的燃料和工廠的能源。我們將讓中小學(xué)及大專院校轉(zhuǎn) 型，因應(yīng)新時(shí)代的需要。這些我們可以作到。我們也將會(huì)作到。

現(xiàn)在，有人質(zhì)疑我們的雄心，暗示說(shuō)我們的體系無(wú)法承受太多的大計(jì)畫(huà)。這些人的記性不好。因?yàn)樗麄兺浟诉@個(gè)國(guó)家已經(jīng)完成的成就，當(dāng)創(chuàng)造力朝同一個(gè)目標(biāo)發(fā)展，不受約束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇氣。

懷疑者無(wú)法理解的是他們的主張已經(jīng)站不住腳，長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)折磨 我們的陳腐政治爭(zhēng)議已經(jīng)行不通。我們今天的問(wèn)題不是政府太大或太小，而是有無(wú)功效，是否能幫助家庭找到薪水不錯(cuò)的工作，支付得起照顧費(fèi)用，有尊嚴(yán)的退休。哪個(gè)方向能夠提供肯定的答案，我們就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，計(jì)畫(huà)就會(huì)停止。所有我們這些管理大眾金錢(qián)的人都將負(fù)起責(zé)任，花錢(qián)要精明，改掉惡習(xí)，正大 光明作事情，只有這樣我們才能重建政府與人民間最重要的信任。

我們眼前的問(wèn)題也不是說(shuō)市場(chǎng)的力量是善或惡。市場(chǎng)創(chuàng)造財(cái)富 和增加自由的力量無(wú)與倫比，但是這場(chǎng)危機(jī)提醒我們沒(méi)有監(jiān)督時(shí)，市場(chǎng)發(fā)展將失控，當(dāng)市場(chǎng)只偏愛(ài)有錢(qián)人時(shí)，國(guó)家無(wú)法永續(xù)繁榮。我們經(jīng)濟(jì)成功的依據(jù)，不只是國(guó)內(nèi) 生產(chǎn)毛額的規(guī)模，還有繁榮可及的范圍，以及我們將機(jī)會(huì)拓展給每個(gè)愿意打拚的人，不是因?yàn)槭┥?，而是因?yàn)檫@就是達(dá)到我們共同利益最穩(wěn)健的途徑。

至於我們的共同防衛(wèi)，讓我們必須在自由和理想之間作一抉 擇，是錯(cuò)誤的，我們拒絕接受。我們建國(guó)諸父在我們難以想像的危難之中。擬具了確保法治和人權(quán)的憲章，被一代代以鮮血擴(kuò)大充實(shí)的憲章。這些理想依然照亮這個(gè) 世界，我們不會(huì)為了便宜行事而揚(yáng)棄它。同樣地，今日在觀看此情此景的其他民族和政府，從最宏偉的都城到家父出生的小村莊，我要說(shuō)：任何一個(gè)國(guó)家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一個(gè)和平且有尊嚴(yán)的未來(lái)，美國(guó)就是你的朋友，我們準(zhǔn)備再次帶領(lǐng)大家。

回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主義和communist，靠的除了飛彈和戰(zhàn)車之外，還有強(qiáng)固的聯(lián)盟和持久的信念。他們知道單單力量本身不足以讓我們自保，也不能讓我們?yōu)樗麨椤Ｏ喾吹兀麄冎牢覀兊牧α恳驗(yàn)橹?jǐn)慎使用而增強(qiáng)，我們的安全源自我們理想的正當(dāng)性，我們所樹(shù)立楷模的力量，以及謙遜和克制所具有的調(diào)和特質(zhì)。

我們是這些遺產(chǎn)的保存者。在這些原則的再次指引下，我們可以面對(duì)那些新的威脅，這些威脅有賴國(guó)與國(guó)間更 大的合作與諒解方能因應(yīng)。我們將開(kāi)始以負(fù)責(zé)任的方式把伊拉克還給它的人民，并在阿富汗建立贏來(lái)不易的和平。我們會(huì)努力不懈地與老朋友和昔日的對(duì)手合作，以 減輕核子威脅，和地球的暖化。我們不會(huì)為我們的生活方式而道歉，也會(huì)毫不動(dòng)搖地保護(hù)它，對(duì)那些想要藉由帶來(lái)恐怖與殺害無(wú)辜以遂其目的者，我們現(xiàn)在告訴你，我們的精神強(qiáng)過(guò)你們，無(wú)法摧折，你們不可能比我們長(zhǎng)久，我們必定打敗你們。

因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們拼湊組合而成的遺產(chǎn)是我們的強(qiáng)處，而非弱點(diǎn)。我們是由基督徒和穆斯林，猶太教徒和印 度教徒，以及非信徒組成的國(guó)家。我們由取自世界四面八方的各種語(yǔ)文和文化所形塑。而且由於我們?cè)鴩L過(guò)內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和種族隔離的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗時(shí)期之後變得 更堅(jiān)強(qiáng)和團(tuán)結(jié)，這讓我們不得不相信舊日的仇恨終究會(huì)過(guò)去，部族之間的界線很快就會(huì)泯滅。隨著世界越來(lái)越小，我們共通的人性也會(huì)彰顯，而美國(guó)必須扮演引進(jìn)新 和平時(shí)代的角色。

對(duì)穆斯林世界，我們尋求一種新的前進(jìn)方式，以共同的利益和尊重為基礎(chǔ)。那些想播植沖突并把自己社會(huì)的問(wèn) 題怪罪於西方的領(lǐng)袖，須知你的國(guó)民藉以判斷你的，是你能建立什麼，而非你能毀壞什麼。那些靠著貪腐欺騙和箝制異己保住權(quán)勢(shì)的人，須知你們站在歷史錯(cuò)誤的一 邊，而只要你愿意松手，我們就會(huì)伸出援助之手。

那些窮國(guó)的人民，我們保證會(huì)和你們合作，讓們的農(nóng)場(chǎng)豐收，讓清流涌入，滋補(bǔ)餓壞的身體，喂養(yǎng)饑餓的心靈。而對(duì)那些和我們一樣比較富裕的國(guó)家，我要說(shuō)，我們不能再對(duì)國(guó)界以外的苦痛視而不見(jiàn)，也不能再消耗世上的資源而不計(jì)後果。因?yàn)槭澜缫呀?jīng)變了，我們也要跟著改變。

在我們思索眼前道路的此際，我們以謙虛感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美國(guó)同胞正在遙遠(yuǎn)的沙漠和山嶺上巡邏。今天他們有話要對(duì)我們說(shuō)，就和躺在阿靈頓（公墓）的英雄們世世代代輕聲訴說(shuō)的一樣。我們尊榮他們，不只因?yàn)樗麄兒葱l(wèi)我們的自由，更因?yàn)樗麄兇碇?wù)的精 神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找尋意義。而在此刻，能夠界定一個(gè)世代的此刻，必須常駐你我心中的，正是這種精神。

即使政府能做和必須做，這個(gè)國(guó)家最終仍得靠美國(guó)人民的信念與決心。在堤防決堤時(shí)，是人們的善心，讓他們 招待陌生人。是工作人員的無(wú)私，讓他們寧可減工時(shí)，也不愿看到朋友失業(yè)，陪伴我們度過(guò)最黑暗時(shí)期。是消防員的勇氣，讓他們沖進(jìn)滿是濃煙的樓梯間。是父母心 甘情愿培育孩子，最終決定我們的命運(yùn)。

我們的挑戰(zhàn)也許是新的，我們迎接挑戰(zhàn)的工具也許是新的，但我們賴以成功的價(jià)值觀─辛勤工作和誠(chéng)實(shí)、勇氣 和公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、容忍和好奇心、忠實(shí)和愛(ài)國(guó)心─這些都是固有的。這些價(jià)值是真實(shí)的，是我們歷史上進(jìn)步的沉默力量。我們有必要找回這些真實(shí)價(jià)值。我們現(xiàn)在需要一 個(gè)勇於負(fù)責(zé)的新時(shí)代，每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都體認(rèn)到我們對(duì)自己、對(duì)國(guó)家、對(duì)世界負(fù)有責(zé)任，我們不是不情愿地接受這些責(zé)任，而是欣然接受，堅(jiān)信沒(méi)有什麼比全力以赴完 成艱難的工作，更能得到精神上的滿足，更能找到自我。這是公民的代價(jià)和承諾。

這是我們信心的來(lái)源，體認(rèn)上帝召喚我們創(chuàng)造不確定的命運(yùn)。

這是我們的自由和信條的真諦，為什麼不同種族和信仰的男女老幼能在這個(gè)大草坪上共同慶祝，為什麼一個(gè)人的父親在不到六十年前也許還不能進(jìn)當(dāng)?shù)氐牟蛷d用餐，現(xiàn)在卻能站在你們面前做最神圣的宣誓。

讓我們記住這一天，記住我們是誰(shuí)、我們走了多遠(yuǎn)。在美國(guó)誕生這一年，在最寒冷的幾個(gè)月，在結(jié)冰的河岸，一群愛(ài)國(guó)人士抱著垂死的同志。首都棄守，敵人進(jìn)逼，雪沾了血。在那時(shí)，我們革命的成果受到質(zhì)疑，我們的國(guó)父下令向人民宣讀這段話：

“讓這段話流傳后世，在深冬，只剩下希望和美德，這個(gè)城市和這個(gè)國(guó)家，面臨共同危險(xiǎn)，站起來(lái)迎向它?！?/p>

美國(guó)，面對(duì)我們共同的危險(xiǎn)，在這個(gè)艱困的冬天，讓我們記得這些永恒的話語(yǔ)。懷著希望和美德，讓我們?cè)俣?沖破結(jié)冰的逆流，度過(guò)接下來(lái)可能來(lái)臨的暴風(fēng)雪。讓我們孩子的孩子繼續(xù)流傳下去，說(shuō)我們受到考驗(yàn)時(shí)，我們拒絕讓旅程結(jié)束，我們不回頭，也不躊躇；眼睛注視著 遠(yuǎn)方，上帝的恩典降臨我們，我們帶著自由這個(gè)偉大的禮物，安全送達(dá)未來(lái)的世世代代。

President Bush: Thank you all.Thank you all for coming.We had a long night--(laughter)--and a great night.(Cheers, applause.)The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered an historic victory.(Cheers, applause.)Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations.We had a really good phone call.He was very gracious.Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts.(Applause.)Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.America has spoken, and I'm humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens.With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans, and I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president.(Cheers, applause.)There are many people to thank, and my family comes first.(Cheers, applause.)Laura is the love of my life.(Cheers, applause.)I'm glad you love her, too.(Laughter.)

I want to thank our daughters, who joined their dad for his last campaign.(Cheers, applause.)I appreciate the hard work of my sister and my brothers.I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support.(Cheers, applause.)I'm grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters, who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team.(Cheers, applause.)The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor, and I'm proud to serve beside him.(Cheers, applause.)I want to thank my superb campaign team.I want to thank you all for your hard work.(Cheers, applause.)I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.I want to thank Chairman Mark Racicot and--(cheers, applause)--the campaign manager Ken Mehlman--(cheers, applause)– the architect, Karl Rove.(Cheers, applause.)I want to thank Ed Gillespie for leading our party so well.(Cheers, applause.)

I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country.I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines.I want to thank you for your prayers on the rope lines.I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines.I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors, and to get out the vote.(Cheers, applause.)

And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today.(Cheers, applause.)There's an old saying, 'Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks.' In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage.Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war.Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America.(Cheers, applause.)Our nation--our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind.I'm proud to lead such an amazing country, and I am proud to lead it forward.(Applause.)Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope.We will continue our economic progress.We will reform our outdated tax code.We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation.We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.We will help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan--(cheers, applause)--so they can--so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom, and then our servicemen and-women will come home with the honor they have earned.(Cheers, applause.)With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace.(Cheers, applause.)Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans, so today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent.To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it.I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation.We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us.And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America.(Cheers, applause.)Let me close with a word to the people of the state of Texas.(Cheers, applause.)We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey.On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country;sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day.I will always be grateful to the good people of my state.And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.A campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith.I see a great day coming for our country, and I am eager for the work ahead.God bless you.And may God bless America.(Cheers, applause.)

布什:

此次選民的投票率創(chuàng)下了歷史新高，帶來(lái)了歷史性的勝利。今天早些時(shí)候，克里參議員打電話祝賀我競(jìng)選成功。我們?cè)陔娫捴姓劦猛茫浅ＳH切?？死飬⒆h員發(fā)起了猛烈的競(jìng)選攻勢(shì)，他和他的支持者可以為此感到自豪。勞拉和我向克里、特里薩以及他們?nèi)冶硎咀钪孕牡淖Ｔ浮?/p>

美國(guó)做出了選擇。對(duì)于同胞們的信任，我很感激。這種信任意味著我將承擔(dān)為所有美國(guó)公民服務(wù)的義務(wù)。作為你們的總統(tǒng)，我每天都將竭盡全力。

我需要感謝許多人，首先是我的家人。勞拉是我一生的摯愛(ài)，我對(duì)你們也愛(ài)她感到高興。我還要感謝在競(jìng)選后期加入競(jìng)選團(tuán)的女兒，感謝兄弟姐妹們付出的努力，特別感謝嚴(yán)父慈母的支持。

我感謝副總統(tǒng)、（他的夫人）萊尼和他們的女兒。他們付出了努力，是競(jìng)選團(tuán)的重要成員。副總統(tǒng)聰明睿智、正直高貴，我為跟他共事感到自豪。

我感謝優(yōu)秀的競(jìng)選團(tuán)，感謝你們所有人付出的努力。你們的勤奮和智慧每天都給我留下了深刻的印象。

我感謝全國(guó)上下成千上萬(wàn)名支持者，感謝你們?cè)诟?jìng)選集會(huì)上的擁抱、祈禱和親切言語(yǔ)，感謝你們想方設(shè)法打出標(biāo)語(yǔ)，呼吁鄰居前去投票。

正是由于你們付出了驚人的努力，我們今天才能慶祝勝利。

俗話說(shuō)，不要祈求能力所能勝任的任務(wù)，要祈求能勝任任務(wù)的能力。在四年歷史性時(shí)期，美國(guó)被賦予了偉大的任務(wù)，并以實(shí)力和勇氣面對(duì)這些任務(wù)。我國(guó)人民使經(jīng)濟(jì)活力復(fù)蘇，并在新型戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中顯示出決心和耐心。我軍已經(jīng)將敵人繩之以法，給美國(guó)帶來(lái)了榮譽(yù)。我國(guó)保衛(wèi)了自己，維護(hù)了全人類的自由。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這樣出色的國(guó)家，我感到自豪；帶領(lǐng)這個(gè)國(guó)家前進(jìn)，我感到自豪。

我們已經(jīng)完成了艱難的任務(wù)，進(jìn)入了充滿希望的時(shí)期。我們將繼續(xù)推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，改革落后的稅法，為下一代加強(qiáng)社會(huì)保障。我們將盡量改善公立學(xué)校，維護(hù)在家庭和信仰方面的核心價(jià)值觀。

我們將幫助伊拉克和阿富汗建立民主制度??，以便他們?cè)鰪?qiáng)實(shí)力和維護(hù)自由。然后，我軍官兵將帶著他們獲得的榮譽(yù)回國(guó)。在優(yōu)秀盟國(guó)的支持下，我們將動(dòng)用美國(guó)的一切力量打贏這場(chǎng)反恐戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，確保我們的孩子們的自由與和平。

要實(shí)現(xiàn)這些目標(biāo)，美國(guó)公民的廣泛支持是必不可缺的。因此今天，我要對(duì)支持對(duì)手的所有人說(shuō)，為了讓美國(guó)變得更強(qiáng)大更美好，我需要你們的支持，我也將努力獲得你們的支持，并將竭盡所能以擔(dān)當(dāng)?shù)闷鹉銈兊闹С帧?/p>

新一屆任期使我有機(jī)會(huì)影響整個(gè)國(guó)家。正是同一個(gè)國(guó)家、同一部憲法和同一個(gè)未來(lái)把我們聯(lián)系到了一起。當(dāng)我們一起努力的時(shí)候，美國(guó)的前途無(wú)可限量。

作為結(jié)束語(yǔ)，請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我向得克薩斯州人民講幾句話：我們彼此認(rèn)識(shí)的時(shí)間最長(zhǎng)，你們是我旅程的起點(diǎn)。在得州廣闊無(wú)垠的平原上，我初次學(xué)到了美國(guó)的特點(diǎn)：強(qiáng)壯有力、真誠(chéng)坦率，充滿了黎明般的希望。我將永遠(yuǎn)感謝這個(gè)州的優(yōu)秀人民。不管前方的路怎么樣，這條路都將帶我回家。

選舉已經(jīng)結(jié)束，美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)將充滿自信地前進(jìn)。我看到我們的國(guó)家正迎來(lái)偉大的日子，很期待下一周的開(kāi)始。

愿上帝保佑你們，保佑美國(guó)！

“在希望中歡樂(lè)，在苦難中忍耐”

—肯尼迪總統(tǒng) 1961 年就職演講詞（節(jié)選）

導(dǎo)語(yǔ)： 2005 年 1 月 20 日，美國(guó)將舉行隆重盛大的總統(tǒng)就職典禮，屆時(shí)小布什將宣誓連任總統(tǒng)并發(fā)表演說(shuō)。就職演說(shuō)已成為歷屆總統(tǒng)宣誓就職典禮中的一道亮麗的風(fēng)景線，其中不乏激勵(lì)人心、催人奮進(jìn)的精彩之作，1961年肯尼迪總統(tǒng)發(fā)表的就職演說(shuō)就是一例。他那句最為人稱道的名言“不要問(wèn)國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而是要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么”仍回響在一代美國(guó)人的心中。

“Rejoicing in Hope, Patient in Tribulation”

— John F.Kennedy's inaugural address in 1961(Excerpts)We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change.我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象征著結(jié)束，也象征著開(kāi)始；它意味著更新，也意味著變革。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered 1 by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing 2 of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天我們不敢忘記，我們是第一次革命的繼承人。此時(shí)此地，讓我們的朋友和敵人都知道，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國(guó)人，他們出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，受到過(guò)嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶；他們?yōu)槲覀兊墓爬蟼鹘y(tǒng)而驕傲，而不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被剝奪。我國(guó)一向致力于保護(hù)人權(quán)，今天在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界我們?nèi)詫⑷绱恕?/p>

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家知道，不管它是祝福我們還是心存敵意，我們?cè)覆幌б磺写鷥r(jià)，承擔(dān)任何重任，忍受任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的生存與實(shí)現(xiàn)。

This much we pledge--and more.對(duì)此我們鄭重承諾——而且還不止此。

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds 3 and split asunder 4.對(duì)于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神淵源的昔日盟友，我們保證以摯友之誠(chéng)相待。只要團(tuán)結(jié)，我們共同的事業(yè)則無(wú)往而不利。倘若分裂，我們則無(wú)可作為，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)谝庖?jiàn)分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大挑戰(zhàn)的。

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對(duì)于那些新加入自由行列的國(guó)家，我們保證，一種殖民統(tǒng)治形式的消失決不是為了被另一種更為殘酷的暴政取而代之。我們不能指望他們會(huì)一直認(rèn)同我們的觀點(diǎn)，但我們始終希望他們能堅(jiān)決維護(hù)自身的自由——不要忘記，過(guò)去那些騎在虎背上耀武揚(yáng)威的人，結(jié)果反落虎口。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.對(duì)于那些住在布滿半個(gè)地球的茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中、奮力打破普遍貧困桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助其自救，不管需要多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間——自由社會(huì)若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全少數(shù)的富人。

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf 5 all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，對(duì)于那些敵對(duì)國(guó)家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是請(qǐng)求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學(xué)釋放出的毀滅性力量在有意或無(wú)意中使全人類淪于自我毀滅。

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.凡此種種不會(huì)在最初的一百天中完成，不會(huì)在最初的一千天中完成，不會(huì)在本屆政府任期中完成，甚至也不會(huì)在我們的有生之年完成。但讓我們從現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最終成敗，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是取決于你們手中。自建國(guó)以來(lái)，每一代美國(guó)人都曾受到召喚，宣誓效忠祖國(guó)。而應(yīng)召入伍的美國(guó)軍人的墳冢遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation 6 ”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.現(xiàn)在那號(hào)角正再度召喚我們——不是號(hào)召我們拿起武器，盡管武器是必不可少的；不是號(hào)召我們投入戰(zhàn)斗，盡管我們正嚴(yán)陣以待；那是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年肩負(fù)起漫長(zhǎng)黎明前的斗爭(zhēng)重任，“在希望中歡樂(lè)，在苦難中忍耐”；這是一場(chǎng)對(duì)抗人類公敵——暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身——的斗爭(zhēng)。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

我們能否結(jié)成一個(gè)全球性的大聯(lián)盟——其成員遍及東西南北——來(lái)對(duì)付這些敵人，來(lái)確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活 ? 你們是否愿意參與這項(xiàng)歷史性的壯舉 ? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界悠久歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危險(xiǎn)時(shí)捍衛(wèi)自由的使命。我不會(huì)在這種責(zé)任面前臨陣退縮；我歡迎它。我相信我們當(dāng)中沒(méi)有人會(huì)和任何其他人或一代人調(diào)換位置。我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)努力中所獻(xiàn)出的精力、信念與獻(xiàn)身精神將照亮我們的國(guó)家以及所有為國(guó)家服務(wù)的人，而這團(tuán)火焰所發(fā)出的光輝必能照亮全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.所以，同胞們：不要問(wèn)國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民：不要問(wèn)美國(guó)能為你們做些什么，而應(yīng)問(wèn)我們一起能為人類的自由做些什么。

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，不管你是美國(guó)公民或別國(guó)公民，請(qǐng)用我們要求你們貢獻(xiàn)力量與做出犧牲的同樣的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)要求我們。我們唯一可回報(bào)的是問(wèn)心無(wú)愧，讓歷史來(lái)最后裁決我們的行為吧，讓我們一同向前，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)我們摯愛(ài)的國(guó)家，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個(gè)世界上，上帝的任務(wù)是我們所應(yīng)肩負(fù)的真正使命。

第三篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演講

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開(kāi)端；意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭(zhēng)論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利并非來(lái)自國(guó)家的慷慨，而是來(lái)自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽(tīng)見(jiàn)我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中受過(guò)鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和丅平時(shí)期受過(guò)陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈?guó)悠久的傳統(tǒng)感到自豪－－他們不愿目睹或聽(tīng)任我國(guó)一向保證的、今天仍在國(guó)內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國(guó)家都知道－－不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落－－為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證－－而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠(chéng)實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠(chéng)。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無(wú)往不勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無(wú)成－－因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔?zhēng)吵不休、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由丅行列中來(lái)的新國(guó)家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來(lái)取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由－－而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭(zhēng)的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間－－之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣瞾B產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無(wú)法挽救少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國(guó)南面的姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證－－在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政丅府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和丅平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國(guó)家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國(guó)都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄穑磳?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國(guó)家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)，主丅權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段大大超過(guò)和丅平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國(guó)家和弱小國(guó)家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些與我們作對(duì)的國(guó)家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始尋求和丅平。

我們不敢以怯弱來(lái)引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭洌覀儾拍芎翢o(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家集團(tuán)都無(wú)法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過(guò)重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭(zhēng)著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢(shì)。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始－－雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠(chéng)意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來(lái)探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)的問(wèn)題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國(guó)的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開(kāi)發(fā)深海，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽(tīng)以賽亞的訓(xùn)令－－“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由?！保ㄗⅲ骸妒ソ?jīng)·舊約全書(shū)·以塞亞書(shū)》第58章6節(jié)。）

如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全、和丅平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政丅府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開(kāi)始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說(shuō)掌握在我手中，不如說(shuō)掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國(guó)建立以來(lái)，每一代美國(guó)人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國(guó)青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響－－不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器；不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長(zhǎng)斗爭(zhēng)的重任，年復(fù)一年，從希望中得到歡樂(lè)，在磨難中保持耐性，對(duì)付人類共同的敵人－－專制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長(zhǎng)的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠(chéng)，將照亮我們的國(guó)家和所有為國(guó)效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國(guó)同胞們，不要問(wèn)國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要問(wèn)美國(guó)將為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國(guó)公民還是其他國(guó)家的公民，你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問(wèn)心無(wú)愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛(ài)的國(guó)家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說(shuō)，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作

第四篇：卡特總統(tǒng)就職演講

1977年美國(guó)總統(tǒng)卡特就職演說(shuō) Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter

(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation.As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: “We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles.”

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good;and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.”(Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all.A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation.I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty.It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.The American dream endures.We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.I believe America can be better.We can be even stronger than before.Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.We cannot afford to drift.We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity.Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.We have learned that “more” is not necessarily “better,” that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future.So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others.We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit.Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.The passion for freedom is on the rise.Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere.Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries.We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety.And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth.We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence.And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;

that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.

第五篇：林肯總統(tǒng)的就職演講

林肯總統(tǒng)的就職演講

First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.“

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up“ their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible.The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government.And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.The Government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.【中文譯文】：

永久聯(lián)邦與總統(tǒng)權(quán)力

亞伯拉罕-林肯

第一次就職演講

星期一,1861年3月4日

我今天正式宣誓時(shí)，并沒(méi)有保留意見(jiàn)，也無(wú)意以任何苛刻的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)解釋?xiě)椃ê头?，盡管我不想具體指明國(guó)會(huì)通過(guò)的哪些法案是適合施行的?但我確實(shí)要建議，所有的人，不論處于官方還是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被廢止的法令，這比泰然自若地認(rèn)為其中某個(gè)法案是違背憲法的而去觸犯它，要穩(wěn)當(dāng)?shù)枚唷?/p>

自從第一任總統(tǒng)根據(jù)我國(guó)憲法就職以來(lái)已經(jīng)72年了。在此期間，有15位十分杰出的公民相繼主持了政府的行政部門(mén)。他們?cè)谠S多艱難險(xiǎn)阻中履行職責(zé)，大致說(shuō)來(lái)都很成功。然而，雖有這樣的先例，我現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始擔(dān)任這個(gè)按憲法規(guī)定任期只有短暫4年的同一職務(wù)時(shí)，卻處在巨大而特殊的困難之下。聯(lián)邦的分裂，在此以前只是一種威脅，現(xiàn)在卻已成為可怕的行動(dòng)。

從一般法律和憲法角度來(lái)考慮，我認(rèn)為由各州組成的聯(lián)邦是永久性的。在合國(guó)政府的根本法中，永久性即使沒(méi)有明確規(guī)定，也是不盲而喻的。我們有把握說(shuō)，從來(lái)沒(méi)有哪個(gè)正規(guī)政府在自己的組織法中列入一項(xiàng)要結(jié)束自己執(zhí)政的條款。繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我國(guó)憲法明文規(guī)定的條款，聯(lián)邦就將永遠(yuǎn)存在，毀滅聯(lián)邦是辦不到的，除非采取憲法本身未予規(guī)定的某種行動(dòng)。再者：假如合眾國(guó)不是名副其實(shí)的政府，而只是具有契約性質(zhì)的各州的聯(lián)盟，那么，作為一種契約，這個(gè)聯(lián)盟能夠毫無(wú)爭(zhēng)議地由緯約各方中的少數(shù)加以取消嗎？締約的一方可以違約——也可以說(shuō)毀約——但是，合法地廢止契約難道不需要締約各方全都同意嗎？從這些一般原則在下推，我們認(rèn)為，從法律上來(lái)說(shuō)，聯(lián)邦是永久性的這一主張已經(jīng)為聯(lián)邦本身的歷史所證實(shí)。聯(lián)邦的歷史比憲法長(zhǎng)久得多。事實(shí)上，它在1774年就根據(jù)《聯(lián)合條款》組成了。1776年，《獨(dú)立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持續(xù)下來(lái)。1778年《邦聯(lián)條款》使聯(lián)邦愈趨成熟，當(dāng)時(shí)的13個(gè)州都信誓旦旦地明確保證聯(lián)邦應(yīng)該永存，最后，1787年制定憲法時(shí)所宣市的日標(biāo)之一就是“建設(shè)更完善的聯(lián)邦”。

但是，如果聯(lián)邦竟能由一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州按照法律加以取消的話，那么聯(lián)邦就不如制憲前完善了，因?yàn)樗鼏适Я擞谰眯赃@個(gè)重要因素。

根據(jù)這些觀點(diǎn)，任何一個(gè)州都不能只憑自己的動(dòng)儀就能合法地脫離聯(lián)邦；凡為此目的而作出的決議和法令在法律上都是無(wú)效的，任何一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州反對(duì)合眾國(guó)當(dāng)局的暴力行動(dòng)都應(yīng)根據(jù)憎況視為叛亂或革命。因此，我認(rèn)為，根據(jù)憲法和法律，聯(lián)邦是不容分裂的；我將按憲法本身明確授予我的權(quán)限，就自己能力所及，使聯(lián)邦法律得以在各州忠實(shí)執(zhí)行。我認(rèn)為這僅僅是我份內(nèi)的職責(zé)，我將以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美國(guó)人民，不給予我必要的手段，或以權(quán)威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下會(huì)把這看作是一種威脅，而只看作是聯(lián)邦已宣布過(guò)的目標(biāo)：它將按照憲法保衛(wèi)和維護(hù)它自身。

以自然條件而言，我們是不能分開(kāi)的，我們無(wú)法把各個(gè)地區(qū)彼此挪開(kāi)，也無(wú)法在彼此之間筑起一堵無(wú)法逾越的墻垣。夫妻可以離婚，不再見(jiàn)面，互不接觸，但是我們國(guó)家的各個(gè)地區(qū)就不可能那樣做。它們?nèi)缘妹鎸?duì)面地相處，它們之間還得有或者友好或者敵對(duì)的交往。那么，分開(kāi)之后的交往是否可能比分開(kāi)之前更有好處，更令人滿意呢？外人之間訂立條約難道還比朋友之間制定法律容易嗎？外人之間執(zhí)行條約難道還比朋友之間執(zhí)行法律忠實(shí)嗎？假定你們進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)?你們不可能永遠(yuǎn)打下去；在雙方損失慘重，任何一方都得不到好處之后，你們就會(huì)停止戰(zhàn)斗，那時(shí)你們還會(huì)遇到諸如交往條件之類的老問(wèn)題。

總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)力來(lái)自人民，但人民沒(méi)有授權(quán)給他為各州的分離規(guī)定條件。如果人民有此意愿，那他們可以這樣做，而作為總統(tǒng)來(lái)說(shuō)，則不可能這樣做。他的責(zé)任是管理交給他的這一屆政府，井將它完整地移交給他的繼任者。

為什么我們不能對(duì)人民所具有的最高的公正抱有堅(jiān)韌的信念呢？世界上還有比這更好或一樣好的希望嗎？在我何日前的分歧中，難道雙方都缺乏相信自己正確的信心嗎？如果萬(wàn)國(guó)全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正義支持你北方這一邊，或者支持你南方這一邊，那么，那種真理和那種正義必將通過(guò)美國(guó)人民這個(gè)偉大法庭的裁決而取得勝利。

就是這些美國(guó)人民，通過(guò)我們現(xiàn)有的政府結(jié)構(gòu)，明智地只給他們的公仆很小的權(quán)力，使他們不能力害作惡，并且同樣明智地每隔很短的時(shí)間就把那小小的權(quán)力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，無(wú)論怎樣作惡和愚蠢的執(zhí)政人員都不能在短短4年的任期內(nèi)十分嚴(yán)重地?fù)p害政府。我的同胞們，大家平靜而認(rèn)真地思考整個(gè)這一問(wèn)題吧。任何寶貴的東西都下會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而喪失，假使有一個(gè)目標(biāo)火急地催促你們中隨便哪一位采取一個(gè)措施，而你決不能不慌不忙，那么那個(gè)目標(biāo)會(huì)因從容對(duì)待而落空；但是，任何好的目標(biāo)是不會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而落空的，你們現(xiàn)在感到不滿意的人仍然有著原來(lái)的、完好元損的憲法，而且，在敏感問(wèn)題上，你們有著自己根據(jù)這部憲法制定的各項(xiàng)法律；而新的一屆政府即使想改變這兩種情況，也沒(méi)有直接的權(quán)力那樣做。那些不滿意的人在這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論中即使被承認(rèn)是站在正確的一邊，也沒(méi)有一點(diǎn)正當(dāng)理由采取魯莽的行動(dòng)。理智、愛(ài)國(guó)精神、基行教義以及對(duì)從不拋棄這片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，這些仍然能以最好的方式來(lái)解決我們目前的一切困難。不滿意的同胞們，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)這個(gè)重大問(wèn)題的關(guān)鍵掌握在你們手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不會(huì)對(duì)你們發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊。你們不當(dāng)挑釁者，就下會(huì)面臨沖突。你們沒(méi)有對(duì)天發(fā)誓要?dú)缯覅s要立下最莊嚴(yán)的誓言：“堅(jiān)守、維護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國(guó)憲法。”我不愿意就此結(jié)束演說(shuō)。我們不是敵人，而是朋友。我們一定不要成為敵人。盡管情緒緊張，也決不應(yīng)割斷我們之間的感情紐帶。記憶的神秘琴弦，從每一個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)和愛(ài)國(guó)志上的墳?zāi)股煜蜻@片廣闊土地上的每一顆跳動(dòng)的心和家庭，必將再度被我們善良的夭性所撥響，那時(shí)就會(huì)高奏起聯(lián)邦大團(tuán)結(jié)的樂(lè)章。