第一篇：城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)牛人博客大匯總

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第二篇：城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)博客大匯總

[轉]城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)博客大匯總（2011.05整理）

網上轉來轉去的關于城市規(guī)劃博客有N多版本，今天花點時間整理，如下鏈接都已驗證！

1、孫施文的博客|

同濟大學建筑與城市規(guī)劃學院教授、博士生導師，我想沒有人不認識孫教授吧！兩個版本，我更相信后者是孫教授本人。

2、楊保軍的博客

中國城市規(guī)劃設計院總規(guī)劃師，博客里有很多理論知識和實踐經驗。

3、賀承軍的博客

深圳市規(guī)劃局規(guī)劃處副處長，建筑評論家，深圳地產界意見領袖。文章很多，有的看了…

4、王偉強的博客

同濟大學建筑與城市規(guī)劃學院教授、博導。大家都在力挺王教授，看過的肯定會感嘆，這完全就是攝影展嘛！

5、阮儀三的博客

不多說，舊城保護來這里肯定不會錯！不過這個站倒像是個剪報冊，莫拍磚。

6、城市規(guī)劃博客

能搜到的比較早的城市規(guī)劃博客，博主應該是從事規(guī)劃管理工作的吧，草根博客的代表，頂起~

7、大鵬博客

比較新的博客，描述中說，關注互聯(lián)網、電腦技術、搜索引擎、城市規(guī)劃、工廠總圖、場地設計…我甚至在想難道又碰到一個跨界的神人？

8、城鄉(xiāng)規(guī)劃博客

同樣是個新博，更新蠻快！大體看了下，博文是跟著新聞走，找資料的可以關注著，因為博主已經把你能想到的問題都挖掘出來了！

9、城市筆記本

別人是這樣評論的：專業(yè)的建筑評論和筆記。我倒是覺得是個找case的好地方。只是想弱弱的問一句，作者是何方神圣？

10、夕子的小屋

無意中發(fā)現的，是個記錄自己學習和工作過程的博客，很多技巧值得看看。

11、城市規(guī)劃博客 /（訪問不了！）

N多人力挺的，但我一直不能訪問。難道需要翻墻或者是我運氣很背？！

12、中國城市規(guī)劃（還是訪問不了！！）又撞墻了，數據庫錯誤…-_-|||

第三篇：城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名

城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名

城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名

第一名:同濟大學,原同濟大學建筑系于1952年全國高等學校院系調整時合并而成，同年，同濟大學由金經昌教授主持在國內首先創(chuàng)辦了城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)，當時的名稱為都市計劃與經營專業(yè)，并設立都市計劃教研室。1956年該專業(yè)分為城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)和城市建設工程專業(yè)。1960年開始招收城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)碩士研究生。1986年成立城市規(guī)劃系。1986年開始招收城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)博士研究生，1992年設博士后流動站。同濟大學城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)是全國重點學科。設城市規(guī)劃與設計專業(yè)碩土點，含城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展、城市設計、城市交通規(guī)劃、住房和社區(qū)發(fā)展、城市發(fā)展歷

史與遺產保護、城市開發(fā)與規(guī)劃管理、城市規(guī)劃技術方法、風景園林規(guī)劃與設計八個研究方向；設城市規(guī)劃與設計專業(yè)博士點，并設有一個博土后流動站。

第二名:東南大學,東南大學建筑學院創(chuàng)建于1927年，歷史悠久，是中國最早的建筑教育基地。著名建筑家、建筑教育家楊廷寶、劉敦楨、童寯教授生前長期在此任教，從事學術研究，為建筑學科的建設和發(fā)展做出了開創(chuàng)性的貢獻。城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)以城市物質形態(tài)規(guī)劃為主線，規(guī)劃設計和規(guī)劃理論為核心課程，學習相關專業(yè)理論課及專業(yè)基礎課，并參加若干實踐性教學環(huán)節(jié)，以培養(yǎng)學生具有作為未來規(guī)劃師和規(guī)劃高級管理者應有的素質和修養(yǎng)。本專業(yè)注重規(guī)劃綜合素質教育和專業(yè)能力訓練，注重開放性教育，培養(yǎng)學生社會適應能力。xx年本專業(yè)通過國家城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)評估，獲A級優(yōu)秀。本專業(yè)是江蘇省品牌專業(yè)。建筑學為國家一級學科，含有建筑設計

及其理論、建筑歷史與理論、城市規(guī)劃與設計、建筑技術科學、景觀建筑學、建筑遺產保護與管理和美術學等學科，六個博士點、七個碩士點、一個博士后流動站和一個國家級專業(yè)實驗室，學院的專業(yè)圖書中心藏書量居全國建筑院系的前列。擁有城市規(guī)劃設計研究院(甲級)、聯(lián)合國教科文組織(UNESco)GIS中國培訓中心。

第三名:華中科技大學,城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)沿襲于當初的建設部直屬的武漢城市建設學院,1979年在武漢建筑材料工業(yè)學院建筑工程系開辦了城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)，至1983年共招收了5屆共5班城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)學生170人。1985年2月，武漢建材學院的城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)在校三個班搬遷至武漢城建學院新校園，并成立武漢城建學院城市規(guī)劃系，下設城市規(guī)劃和風景園林兩個專業(yè)。1993年武漢城建學院系部調整，風景園林系撤銷，并入城市規(guī)劃系；城市管理系撤銷，其中城市管理專業(yè)的部分城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)教師并

入城市規(guī)劃系，成立新的城市規(guī)劃與建筑系，下轄建筑學、城市規(guī)劃兩個專業(yè)。2000年5月原華中理工大學建筑學院與原武漢城市建設學院規(guī)劃建筑系合并成立華中科技大學建筑與城市規(guī)劃學院，華中科技大學城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)是湖北省重點學科.第四名:重慶大學,重慶大學建筑城規(guī)學院的前身重慶建筑工程學院建筑系，是 1952 年全國院系調整時由原重慶大學、西南工專等院校的建筑系合并而成，是國內最早的八大建筑院系之一。1994 年學校更名重慶建筑大學，建筑系更名為建筑城規(guī)學院； 2000 年新重慶大學組建后，更名為重慶大學建筑城規(guī)學院。城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)創(chuàng)辦于 20 世紀 50 年代末，是國內最早創(chuàng)辦的專業(yè)學科之一。1998 年城市規(guī)劃本科和城市規(guī)劃與設計碩士研究生國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過，2000 年建筑學本科和碩士研究生教育第二次國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過，xx 年城市規(guī)劃本科與城市規(guī)劃與設計碩士

研究生第二次國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過。建筑城規(guī)學院有建筑歷史與理論、建筑設計及其理論、城市規(guī)劃與設計、建筑技術科學、景觀建筑學、室內設計、設計藝術學七個碩士點；有建筑學以及學科博士學位授權點(包括一級學科所含的四個二級學科博士點)，自主建設景觀建筑學、室內設計兩個博士點；有建筑學一級學科博士后科研流動站；《山地城鎮(zhèn)規(guī)劃與建筑科學》是學校“ 211 工程”重點建設項目。xx年8月20日，教育部正式公布了新一輪國家重點學科評審結果，我院城市規(guī)劃與設計被確認為國家二級重點學科 范文

第四篇：城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)外語

Urban Planning and the Contradictions of Sustainable Development城市規(guī)劃與可持續(xù)發(fā)展的矛盾

In the coming years planners face tough decisions about where they stand on protecting the green city, promoting the economically growing city, and advocating social justice.Conflicts among these goals are not superficial ones arising simply from personal preferences.Nor are they merely conceptual, among the abstract notions of ecological, economic, and political logic, nor a temporary problem caused by the untimely confluence of environmental awareness and economic recession.Rather, these conflicts go to the historic core of planning, and are a leitmotif in the contemporary battles in both our cities and rural areas, whether over solid waste incinerators or growth controls, the spotted owls or nuclear power.And though sustainable development aspires to offer an alluring, holistic way of evading these conflicts, they cannot be shaken off so easily.This paper uses a simple triangular model to understand the divergent priorities of planning.在未來幾年規(guī)劃面臨艱難的抉擇，他們站在保護綠色城市，促進城市經濟增長，并倡導社會正義。之間的沖突，這些目標并不膚淺，而只是從個人喜好。他們也只是概念上的，在抽象的概念，生態(tài)，經濟，政治邏輯，也不是一個暫時的問題引起的過早融合環(huán)保意識和經濟衰退。相反，這些沖突到歷史核心的規(guī)劃，是一個主題在現代戰(zhàn)爭中我們的城市和農村地區(qū)，是否在固體廢物焚化爐或生長控制，斑點貓頭鷹或核電。雖然可持續(xù)發(fā)展渴望提供一個誘人的，全面的方式逃避這些沖突，他們無法擺脫那么容易。本文利用一個簡單的三角模型了解不同的優(yōu)先計劃。

The Planner's Triangle: Three Priorities, Three Conflicts計劃的三個重點，三個三角形：沖突 The current environmental enthusiasm among planners and planning schools might suggest their innate predisposition to protect the natural environment.Unfortunately, the opposite is more likely true: our historic tendency has been to promote the development of cities at the cost of natural destruction: to build cities we have cleared forests, fouled rivers and the air, leveled mountains.That is not the complete picture, since planners also have often come to the defense of nature, through the work of conservationists, park planners, open space preservationists, the Regional Planning Association of America, greenbelt planners, and modern environmental planners.Yet along the economic-ecological spectrum, with Robert Moses and Dave Foreman(of Earth First!)standing at either pole, the planner has no natural home, but can slide from one end to the other;moreover, the midpoint has no special claims to legitimacy or fairness.目前的環(huán)保熱情規(guī)劃者和規(guī)劃學校可能表明他們的先天傾向保護自然環(huán)境。不幸的是，相反更可能是正確的：我們的歷史潮流，是促進城市發(fā)展的成本自然破壞：建造城市我們砍伐森林，河流和空氣污染，夷山。這是不完整的圖片，因為規(guī)劃者也經常來防御性質，通過工作的保育，園區(qū)規(guī)劃，開放空間的保護主義，區(qū)域規(guī)劃協(xié)會的美國，綠地規(guī)劃，與現代環(huán)境規(guī)劃。然而，在經濟和生態(tài)頻譜，與羅伯特摩西和戴夫福爾曼（地球第一！）站在兩極，計劃者沒有回家，但可以滑動到另一端；此外，中點無特殊要求的合法性和公

Similarly, though planners often see themselves as the defenders of the poor and of socio-economic equality, their actions over the profession's history have often belied that self-image(Harvey 1985).Planners' efforts with downtown redevelopment, freeway planning, public-private partnerships, enterprise zones, smokestack-chasing and other economic development strategies don't easily add up to equity planning.At best, the planner has taken an ambivalent stance between the goals of economic growth and economic justice.同樣，盡管規(guī)劃者往往認為自己是后衛(wèi)的貧窮和社會平等，他們的行動在專業(yè)的歷史往往掩蓋了形象（哈1985）。計劃者們的努力與市區(qū)重建計劃，高速公路，公私伙伴關系，企業(yè)區(qū)，smokestack-chasing等經濟發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略不容易總計達股票計劃。在最好的，計劃采取了一種矛

盾的立場的目標之間的經濟增長和經濟正義。In short, the planner must reconcile not two, but

at least three conflicting interests: to “grow” the economy, distribute this growth fairly, and in the

process not degrade the ecosystem.To classify contemporary battles over environmental racism,pollution-producing jobs, growth control, etc., as simply clashes between economic growth and

environmental protection misses the third issue, of social justice.The “jobs versus environment”

dichotomy(e.g., the spotted owl versus Pacific Northwest timber jobs)crudely collapses under the

“economy” banner the often differing interests of workers, corporations, community members, and

the national public.The intent of this paper's title is to focus planning not only for “green cities

and growing cities,” but also for “just cities.” 總之，策劃者必須不協(xié)調，但至少三個利益沖突：

“增長”的經濟增長，公平分配，并在這一過程中不破壞生態(tài)系統(tǒng)。分類現代戰(zhàn)爭對環(huán)境種

族主義，污染的工作，生長控制，等等，只是經濟增長與環(huán)境保護之間的沖突的第三個問題，社會正義。“工作與環(huán)境”的二分法（例如，斑點貓頭鷹與西北太平洋木材工作）未成熟下

崩潰的“經濟”的旗幟，往往不同的工人的利益，企業(yè)，社區(qū)成員，與國家公共。本文的標

題是集中規(guī)劃不僅為“綠色城市，越來越多的城市，但也為“城市。”

In an ideal world, planners would strive to achieve a balance of all three goals.In practice,however, professional and fiscal constraints drastically limit the leeway of most planners.Serving

the broader public interest by holistically harmonizing growth, preservation, and equality remains

the ideal;the reality of practice restricts planners to serving the narrower interests of their clients,authorities and bureaucracies(Marcuse 1976), despite efforts to work outside those limitations

(Hoffman 1989).In the end, planners usually represent one particular goal--planning perhaps for

increased property tax revenues, or more open space preservation, or better housing for the poor--

while neglecting the other two.Where each planner stands in the triangle depicted in figure 1

defines such professional bias.One may see illustrated in the figure the gap between the call for

integrative, sustainable development planning(the center of the triangle)and the current

fragmentation of professional practice(the edges).This point is developed later.在理想的世界

里，規(guī)劃者將努力實現平衡的三個目標。在實踐中，然而，專業(yè)和財政上的限制大大限制了

余地最規(guī)劃師。為更廣泛的公眾利益的全面協(xié)調發(fā)展，保存，和平等是理想的；現實的做法

限制規(guī)劃為窄客戶利益，政府和官僚（馬爾庫塞1976），盡管努力工作以外的限制（霍夫曼

1989）。最終，規(guī)劃者通常代表一個特定的目標——規(guī)劃可能增加財產稅的收入，或多個開

放空間的保護，或更好的住房的窮人——而忽視其他2。其中每一員站在三角圖1定義等專

業(yè)人士的偏見。你可以看到如圖所示之間的差距，需要一體化，可持續(xù)發(fā)展規(guī)劃（三角形的中心）和目前的分散的專業(yè)實踐（邊）。這一點后。

Figure 1.The triangle of conflicting goals for planning, and the three associated conflicts.Planners define themselves, implicitly, by where they stand on the triangle.The elusive ideal of

sustainable development leads one to the center.圖1。三角形的矛盾的目標，規(guī)劃，和三個相

關的沖突。規(guī)劃確定自己，含蓄，通過他們的立場上三角。實現理想的可持續(xù)發(fā)展所導致的一個中心。

The Points(Corners)of the Triangle: the Economy, the Environment, and Equity點（角）的三角

形：經濟，環(huán)境，和公平

The three types of priorities lead to three perspectives on the city: The economic development

planner sees the city as a location where production, consumption, distribution, and innovation

take place.The city is in competition with other cities for markets and for new industries.Space is

the economic space of highways, market areas, and commuter zones.三種類型的優(yōu)先導致三個

角度對城市的經濟發(fā)展計劃：將城市作為一個位置，生產，消費，分布，和創(chuàng)新的地方。城

市中的競爭與其他城市市場和新產業(yè)。空間經濟空間的高速公路，市場領域，和通勤地帶。

The environmental planner sees the city as a consumer of resources and a producer of wastes.The

city is in competition with nature for scarce resources and land, and always poses a threat to nature.Space is the ecological space of greenways, river basins, ecological niches.環(huán)境規(guī)劃看城市作為

一種資源消費者和生產者的廢物。城市中的競爭與自然稀缺的資源和土地，并一直構成威脅的性質。空間的生態(tài)空間通道，流域，生態(tài)位。

The equity planner sees the city as a location of conflict over the distribution of resources, of

services, and of opportunities.The competition is within the city itself, among different social

groups.Space is the social space of communities, neighborhood organizations, labor unions: the

space of access and segregation.股權計劃把城市作為一個位置的沖突的資源分配，服務，和

機會。競爭是在這個城市本身，不同社會群體之間。空間是社會空間的社區(qū)，社區(qū)組織，工

會：空間的訪問和隔離。

Certainly there are other important views of the city, including the architectural, the psychological,and the circulatory(transportation);and one could conceivably construct a planner's rectangle,pentagon, or more complex polygons.The triangular shape itself is not propounded here as the

underlying geometric structure of the planner's world.Rather, it is useful for its conceptual

simplicity.More importantly, it emphasizes the point that a one-dimensional “man versus

environment” spectrum misses the social conflicts in contemporary environmental disputes, such

as loggers versus the Sierra Club, farmers versus suburban developers, or fishermen versus barge

operators(Reisner 1987;Jacobs 1989;McPhee 1989;Tuason 1993).當然還有其他重要城市的看法，包括建筑，心理，和循環(huán)（運輸）；和一個可以構建一個規(guī)劃師的矩形，五角大廈，或更復雜的多邊形。三角形狀的本身是沒有提出這里的基本幾何結構的策劃者的世界。相反，它是有用的概念簡單。更重要的是，它強調指出，“人與環(huán)境”的一維譜忽略了社會沖突在當代環(huán)境糾紛，如伐木與塞拉俱樂部，郊區(qū)農民與開發(fā)商，或漁民與駁船運營商（萊塞1987；

雅可布1989；麥克菲1989；托爾森1993）。Triangle Axis 1: The Property Conflict三角軸1：

產權沖突

The three points on the triangle represent divergent interests, and therefore lead to three

fundamental conflicts.The first conflict--between economic growth and equity--arises from

competing claims on and uses of property, such as between management and labor, landlords and

tenants, or gentrifying professionals and long-time residents.This growth-equity conflict is further

complicated because each side not only resists the other, but also needs the other for its own

survival.The contradictory tendency for a capitalist, democratic society to define property(such

as housing or land)as a private commodity, but at the same time to rely on government

intervention(e.g., zoning, or public housing for the working class)to ensure the beneficial social

aspects of the same property, is what Richard Foglesong(1986)calls the “property contradiction.”

This tension is generated as the private sector simultaneously resists and needs social intervention,given the intrinsically contradictory nature of property.Indeed, the essence of property in our

society is the tense pulling between these two forces.The conflict defines the boundary between

private interest and the public good.三點的三角形代表不同的利益，并因此導致三個基本矛

盾。第一個沖突——經濟增長與公平——來自競爭的要求和用途的物業(yè)，如之間的管理和勞

動，房東和房客，或gentrifying專業(yè)人員和長期居民。這growth-equity沖突進一步復雜化

因為每一方不僅抵抗其他，但還需要其他為自身的生存。矛盾的趨勢，資本主義，民主社會

確定資產（如住房、土地）作為一個商品，但在同一時間依賴政府的干預（例如，分區(qū)，或

公共房屋的工人階級）確保有利的社會方面的同一性，是李察foglesong（1986）稱為“產

權矛盾。”這種張力產生的私營部門同時抵制和需要社會的干預，由于內在矛盾的本質屬性。

事實上，在我們社會的本質屬性是緊張拉這兩者之間的力量。沖突的定義之間的邊界私人利

益與公共利益。

Triangle Axis 2: The Resource Conflict三角軸2：資源沖突

Just as the private sector both resists regulation of property, yet needs it to keep the economy

flowing, so too is society in conflict about its priorities for natural resources.Business resists the

regulation of its exploitation of nature, but at the same time needs regulation to conserve those

resources for present and future demands.This can be called the “resource conflict.” The

conceptual essence of natural resources is therefore the tension between their economic utility in

industrial society and their ecological utility in the natural environment.This conflict defines the

boundary between the developed city and the undeveloped wilderness, which is symbolized by the

“city limits.” The boundary is not fixed;it is a dynamic and contested boundary between mutually

dependent forces.正如私營部門既抗拒調節(jié)性能，但它需要保持經濟流動，因此也是社會沖

突的優(yōu)先資源。經營抗拒調節(jié)其剝削的本質，但同時需要調節(jié)保護這些資源，為當前和未來的需求。這可以被稱為“資源沖突。”概念的本質，因此自然資源的緊張關系在工業(yè)社會的經濟特征及其生態(tài)特征的自然環(huán)境。這場沖突的定義之間的邊界發(fā)達城市和發(fā)達的荒野，這

是象征的“城市的界限。”的邊界是不固定的；它是一個動態(tài)的和有爭議的邊界之間的相互

依賴的力量。

Is there a single, universal economic-ecological conflict underlying all such disputes faced by

planners? I searched for this essential, Platonic notion, but the diversity of examples--water

politics in California, timber versus the spotted owl in the Pacific Northwest, tropical deforestation

in Brazil, park planning in the Adirondacks, greenbelt planning in Britain, to name a few--

suggests otherwise.Perhaps there is an Ur-Konflikt, rooted in the fundamental struggle between

human civilization and the threatening wilderness around us, and expressed variously over the

centuries.However, the decision must be left to anthropologists as to whether the essence of the

spotted owl controversy can be traced back to Neolithic times.A meta-theory tying all these

multifarious conflicts to an essential battle of “human versus nature”(and, once tools and weapons

were developed and nature was controlled, “human versus human”)--that invites skepticism.In

this discussion, the triangle is used simply as a template to recognize and organize the common

themes;to examine actual conflicts, individual case studies are used.有一個單一的，普遍的經濟

和生態(tài)的基本所有這些糾紛沖突所面臨的策劃者？我搜索了這個必不可少的，柏拉圖式的概

念，但多樣性的例子——水在加利福尼亞政治，木材與斑點貓頭鷹在西北太平洋，熱帶森林

在巴西，公園綠地規(guī)劃計劃在阿迪朗達克，在英國，等等——都顯示。也許有一個ur-konflikt，植根于基本的人類文明之間的斗爭和我們周圍的曠野威脅，并表示不同的世紀。然而，這個

決定必須由人類學家是否為本質的斑點貓頭鷹的爭議可以追溯到新石器時代。元理論將這些

五花八門的沖突的一個重要戰(zhàn)役“人類與自然”（和，一旦工具和武器的發(fā)展和性質的控制，“人與人”）——邀請懷疑。在這次討論中，三角形是用來作為模板識別和組織共同的主題；

審查實際沖突，個別案例研究使用。

The economic-ecological conflict has several instructive parallels with the growth-equity conflict.In the property conflict, industrialists must curb their profit-increasing tendency to reduce wages,so as to provide labor enough wages to feed, house, and otherwise “reproduce” itself--that is, the

subsistence wage.In the resource conflict, the industrialists must curb their profit-increasing

tendency to increase timber yields, so as to ensure that enough of the forest remains to

“reproduce” itself(Clawson 1975;Beltzer and Kroll 1986;Lee, Field, and Burch 1990).This

practice is called “sustained yield,” though timber companies and environmentalists disagree about

how far the forest can be exploited and still be “sustainable.”(Of course, other factors also affect

wages, such as supply and demand, skill level, and discrimination, just as lumber demand, labor

prices, transportation costs, tariffs, and other factors affect how much timber is harvested.)In both

cases, industry must leave enough of the exploited resource, be it labor or nature, so that the

resource will continue to deliver in the future.In both cases, how much is “enough” is also

contested.沖突的經濟和生態(tài)有一些有啟發(fā)性的相似之處與growth-equity沖突。在屬性沖突，企業(yè)家必須限制其利潤增長趨勢，減少工資，以提供足夠的工資勞動飼料，房子，和其他“再

現”本身——是，生存工資。在資源沖突，企業(yè)家們必須限制其利潤增長趨勢增加木材的產

量，以保證足夠的森林仍然“再現”本身（克勞森1975；beltzer和克羅爾1986；李，領域

范圍，1990）。這種做法被稱為“持續(xù)產量，雖然木材公司和環(huán)保人士不多遠的森林可以利

用和仍然是“可持續(xù)”。（當然，其他因素也影響工資，如供應和需求，技能水平，和歧視，正如木材需求，勞動力價格，運輸費用，關稅，和其他因素影響多少采伐木材。）在這兩種

情況下，必須留有足夠的資源的利用，是勞動或性質，使資源將繼續(xù)提供在未來。在這兩種

情況下，有多少是“足夠”也是有爭議。

Triangle Axis 3: The Development Conflict三角軸3：發(fā)展沖突

The third axis on the triangle is the most elusive: the “development conflict,” lying between the

poles of social equity and environmental preservation.If the property conflict is characterized by

the economy's ambivalent interest in providing at least a subsistence existence for working people,and the resource conflict by the economy's ambivalent interest in providing sustainable conditions

for the natural environment, the development conflict stems from the difficulty of doing both at

once.Environment-equity disputes are coming to the fore to join the older dispute about economic

growth versus equity(Paehlke 1994, 349-50).This may be the most challenging conundrum of

sustainable development: how to increase social equity and protect the environment

simultaneously, whether in a steady-state economy(Daly 1991)or not.How could those at the

bottom of society find greater economic opportunity if environmental protection mandates

diminished economic growth? On a global scale, efforts to protect the environment might lead to

slowed economic growth in many countries, exacerbating the inequalities between rich and poor

nations.In effect, the developed nations would be asking the poorer nations to forgo rapid

development to save the world from the greenhouse effect and other global emergencies.第三軸的三角形是最難以實現的：“發(fā)展沖突，“躺在兩極之間的社會公平和環(huán)境保護。如果屬性沖

突的特點是經濟矛盾的利益提供至少一個生存存在勞動人民，以及資源沖突的經濟利益的矛

盾提供可持續(xù)的自然環(huán)境條件，發(fā)展沖突源于難以做一次。environment-equity糾紛脫穎而

出參加老年爭議，經濟增長與公平（paehlke 1994，349-50）。這可能是最具挑戰(zhàn)性的難題的可持續(xù)發(fā)展：如何提高社會公平和保護環(huán)境的同時，無論是在穩(wěn)態(tài)經濟（達利1991）或不。

如何能在社會底層找到更大的經濟機會，如果環(huán)境保護任務，減少經濟增長？在全球范圍內，環(huán)境保護力度可能導致減緩經濟增長在許多國家，加劇了不平等富國和窮國之間。實際上，發(fā)達國家將被要求較貧窮的國家放棄發(fā)展迅速，拯救世界從溫室效應和全球其他緊急情況。

This development conflict also happens at the local level, as in resource-dependent communities,which commonly find themselves at the bottom of the economy's hierarchy of labor.Miners,lumberjacks, and mill workers see a grim link between environmental preservation and poverty,and commonly mistrust environmentalists as elitists.Poor urban communities are often forced to

make the no-win choice between economic survival and environmental quality, as when the only

economic opportunities are offered by incinerators, toxic waste sites, landfills, and other noxious

land uses that most neighborhoods can afford to oppose and do without(Bryant and Mohai 1992;

Bullard 1990, 1993).If some argue that environmental protection is a luxury of the wealthy, then

environmental racism lies at the heart of the development conflict.Economic segregation leads to

environmental segregation: the former occurs in the transformation of natural resources into

consumer products;the latter occurs as the spoils of production are returned to nature.Inequitable

development takes place at all stages of the materials cycle.這一發(fā)展沖突也發(fā)生在地方一級，作為資源型社區(qū)，通常發(fā)現自己在底部的經濟層次的勞動。礦工，伐木工，和工廠的工人看

到嚴峻的環(huán)境保護和貧窮之間的聯(lián)系，并普遍不信任環(huán)保精英。城市貧困社區(qū)往往被迫作出

選擇的兩難之間的經濟生存環(huán)境的質量，因為只有當經濟所提供的機會，焚化爐，有毒廢物

處理場，垃圾填埋場，和其他有毒的土地用途大多數環(huán)境可以負擔得起的反對和沒有（布萊

恩特和mohai布拉德1992；1990，1993）。如果有人認為，環(huán)境保護是一個豪華的富人，那

么環(huán)境種族主義的核心是發(fā)展沖突。經濟隔離導致的環(huán)境隔離：前者發(fā)生在改造自然資源消

費電子產品；后者發(fā)生作為戰(zhàn)利品生產回歸自然。不公平的發(fā)展發(fā)生在各個階段的物質循環(huán)。

Consider this conflict from the vantage of equity planning.Norman Krumholz, as the planning

director in Cleveland, faced the choice of either building regional rail lines or improving local bus

lines(Krumholz et al.1982).Regional rail lines would encourage the suburban middle class to

switch from cars to mass transit;better local bus service would help the inner-city poor by

reducing their travel and waiting time.One implication of this choice was the tension between

reducing pollution and making transportation access more equitable, an example of how bias

toward social inequity may be embedded in seemingly objective transit proposals.考慮到這一沖

突的高度股權計劃。諾爾曼霍爾茨，作為策劃總監(jiān)的克利夫蘭，面臨的選擇是構建區(qū)域鐵路

線或改善當地的公共汽車線路（克魯姆霍爾茨等人。1982。區(qū)域鐵路線將鼓勵郊區(qū)中產階級

開關從汽車到大眾運輸；當地更好的巴士服務將幫助市內窮人減少他們的旅行和等待時間。

一個影響這種選擇之間的緊張局勢，減少污染，使交通更加公平，例如何偏向社會不平等可

能嵌入看似客觀的運輸的建議。

4

第五篇：城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)

城市設計學院城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)本科人才培養(yǎng)方案

一、專業(yè)代碼、名稱

專業(yè)代碼：080700 專業(yè)名稱：城市規(guī)劃urban planning

二、專業(yè)培養(yǎng)目標

本專業(yè)培養(yǎng)具備城市規(guī)劃、城市設計等方面的知識，能在城市規(guī)劃設計、城市規(guī)劃管理、決策咨詢、房地產開發(fā)等部門從事城市規(guī)劃設計與管理，開展城市道路交通規(guī)劃、城市市政工程規(guī)劃、城市生態(tài)規(guī)劃、園林游憩系統(tǒng)規(guī)劃，并能參與城市社會與經濟發(fā)展規(guī)劃、區(qū)域規(guī)劃、城市開發(fā)、房地產籌劃以及相關政策法規(guī)研究等方面工作的城市規(guī)劃學科高級工程技術人才。

三、專業(yè)特色和培養(yǎng)要求

城市規(guī)劃是一門專業(yè)性很強的綜合學科，既要有主干學科的支持，又要有眾多相關學科的支持。武漢大學是一所文理綜合性大學。學科門類比較齊全，現在的經濟學、社會學、管理學、哲學、環(huán)境生態(tài)學等已形成了對城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的有力支持。武漢大學城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)畢業(yè)生的特點是：基礎扎實、知識面寬，除掌握本專業(yè)的必備知識外，又受到了良好的人文、社會、自然科學熏陶，較系統(tǒng)的了解了一門以上相關學科知識。

本專業(yè)要求畢業(yè)生具有以下幾方面的知識和能力：

1、掌握城市規(guī)劃學科的基本理論，基本知識；

2、掌握建筑設計的基本理論和技能；

3、掌握與城市規(guī)劃相關的知識，具有綜合運用相關知識、理論分析城市問題、解決城市規(guī)劃與設計問題的能力；

4、具有專業(yè)調查研究和正確表達（圖、文、口頭）的能力；

5、具有應用系統(tǒng)工程理論論和GIS技術的能力；

6、運用外語進行交流的能力；

7、具有自學能力。

四、學制和學分要求

學制：五年

學分要求：畢業(yè)生需達到180個學分，其中必修課126學分，選修課54學分。

五、學位授予

授予工學學士學位

六、專業(yè)主干（核心）課程

學科基礎課：建筑設計（1-3），建筑設計基礎（1-2）,城市規(guī)劃原理，中外城市建設規(guī)劃史，其他主干課程：城市詳細規(guī)劃原理、詳細規(guī)劃設計、城市道路與交通、城市總規(guī)原理、城市總規(guī)設計、城市發(fā)展與規(guī)劃史、城市規(guī)劃管理與法規(guī)、風景園林規(guī)劃與設計、城市設計、區(qū)域規(guī)劃、城市市政工程規(guī)劃、城市規(guī)劃社會調查、城市地理信息系統(tǒng)。

七、專業(yè)主要實驗

計算機輔助設計操作實驗、模型制作實驗、城市信息系統(tǒng)、攝影、測量及遙感。

八、實踐性教學環(huán)節(jié)安排

1、參觀綜合實習2周

2、寫生實習2周

3、認識實習1周

4、測繪實習3周

5、詳細設計周1周

6、規(guī)劃設計實習16周

7、城市信息系統(tǒng)實踐2周九、畢業(yè)生條件及其它必要的說明

凡修滿本專業(yè)規(guī)定學分，各門課程（包括公共基礎課、專業(yè)基礎課、專業(yè)課、實踐教學和畢業(yè)設計）成績合格，符合中華人民共和國教育部和武漢大學畢業(yè)生要求，授予工學學士學位。