第一篇:美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿
美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush,President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along.And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth.And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation.And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them.And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children
toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent.And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests.We will show purpose without arrogance.We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength.And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities.And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The yearsand changes accumulate.But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.
第二篇:美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿(中英文對照)
美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演講稿(中英文對照)
布什:保護(hù)與捍衛(wèi)《美國憲法》。芮恩奎斯特:上帝保佑我。布什:上帝保佑我。芮恩奎斯特:恭喜!
謝謝大家!
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特總統(tǒng),布什總統(tǒng),克林頓總統(tǒng),尊敬的來賓們,我的同胞們,這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的,但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng),同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。首先,我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國家作出的貢獻(xiàn),也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。
站在這里,我很榮幸,也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前,許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步;在我之后,也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。
在美國悠久的歷史中,我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置;我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn),但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史,是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史,是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史,但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。
這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國的承諾,這就是:每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值,每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì),每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為的。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命,那就是要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退,但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。
在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里,美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子,把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。在我們的國家,民主不僅僅是一種信念,而是全人類的希望。民主,我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占,而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主,我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了,我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功,但也有人開始懷疑,懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言,甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育,潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時(shí),我們的分歧是如此之深,似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸,但不屬于同一個(gè)國家。我們不能接受這種分歧,也無法容許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一,是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此,我鄭重宣誓:我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo),因?yàn)樯系郯醋约旱纳硇蝿?chuàng)造了我們,上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。
對這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則,我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想,才能使我們心系一處,超越自己,放棄個(gè)人利益,并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民,只有接受這些原則,才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色。
今天,我們在這里重申一個(gè)新的信念,即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的
獨(dú)立的個(gè)性;依賴于我們的公民義務(wù),家庭紐帶和基本的公正;依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng),正是它們指引我們走向自由。
在生活中,有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是,正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言,每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個(gè)人來完成的。
我為人處事的原則包括:堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人,為公眾的利益勇往直前,追求正義而不乏同情心,勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切,用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。
(同胞們),你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享受而忽略公眾的利益;要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施,使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊;要從身邊小事做起,為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民,而不是旁觀者,更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民,共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國家。
美國人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、體面,這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃挝覀冏约?,而是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍?。一旦這種公民精神喪失了,無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出
現(xiàn)了,無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。
在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后,弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰·佩齊曾給托馬斯·杰弗遜寫信說:“我們知道,身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽,力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎?” 杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時(shí)光飛逝,美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知,即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是:我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢想。
我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者,是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空,并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。
帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念,今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo):使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨,去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。
這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家!愿上帝保佑美國!
Renquist: Governor, are you ready to take the oath? Bush: I am.Renquist: Please raise your right hand and repeat after me.I, George Walker Bush, do solemnly swear.Bush: I, George Walker Bush, do solemnly swear.Renquist: That I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.Bush: That I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.Renquist: And will to the best of my ability...Bush: And will to the best of my ability...Renquist:...preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.Bush:...preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.Renquist: So help me, God.Bush: So help me, God.Renquist: Congratulations!I thank you all.Chief Justice Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens.The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.I am honored and humbled to stand here where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continued, but whose end we will not see.It is a story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old.A story of a slave holding society that became a servant of freedom.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and 1)enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an 2)unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called to 3)enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And although our nation has sometimes halted and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Sometimes in life we're called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, “Everyday we're called to do small things with great love.” The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greaterjustice and compassion, to call for responsibility, and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is an important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort, to defend needed reforms against easy attacks, to serve your nation beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens;citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginian statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson.“We know the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the 5)whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The yearsand changes accumulate.But the things of this day, he would know;our nation's grand story of courage, and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing.We renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives, and every life.This work continues.The story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all and God bless America!
第三篇:布什就職演講稿
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush,President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along.And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth.And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation.And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them.And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent.And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests.We will show purpose without arrogance.We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength.And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities.And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The yearsand changes accumulate.But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.
第四篇:美國總統(tǒng)就職演講稿
美國總統(tǒng)就職演講稿
參議院和眾議院的同胞們:
在人生沉浮中,沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安,一方面,國家召喚我出任此職,對于她的召喚,我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅(jiān)定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿,由于愛好和習(xí)慣,且時(shí)光流逝,健康漸衰,時(shí)感體力不濟(jì),愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面,國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨,足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力,而我天資愚飩,又無民政管理的實(shí)踐,理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足,因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情,我唯一敢斷言的是,通過正確估計(jì)可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職,乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時(shí)因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴,因而受到過多影響,以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時(shí),忽視了自己的無能和消極,我的錯(cuò)誤將會(huì)由于使我誤人歧途的各種動(dòng)機(jī)而減輕,而大家在評(píng)判錯(cuò)誤的后果時(shí);也會(huì)適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動(dòng)機(jī)的偏見。
我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證:其一,任何地方偏見或地方感情,任何意見分歧或黨派敵視,都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn),即必須維護(hù)這個(gè)由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合;因此,其二,我國的政策將會(huì)以純潔而堅(jiān)定的個(gè)人道德原則為基礎(chǔ),而自由政府將會(huì)以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵(lì)著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景,因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢,在美德與幸福之間,責(zé)任與利益之間,恪守誠實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會(huì)繁榮幸福的碩果之間,有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一;因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信,上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則,它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許;因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn),系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。
我已將有感于這一聚會(huì)場合的想法奉告各位,現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭;但在此以前,我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n,美國人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會(huì),以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福,用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向;因而,同樣明顯的是,上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界,心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商,并采取明智的措施,而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
第五篇:美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿
美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(英文,中文版)
美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(英文版)
President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce;and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great--greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people's money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment;but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally--narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others;the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take, but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the--the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication--In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(中文版)
胡佛總統(tǒng),首席法官先生,朋友們: 今天,對我們的國家來說,是一個(gè)神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí),會(huì)像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣,坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現(xiàn)在正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話,說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻。我們不必畏首畏尾,不老老實(shí)實(shí)面對我國今天的情況。這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去,它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此,讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念:我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼,它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻,坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持,從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信,在目前危急時(shí)刻,大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。
我和你們都要以這種精神,來面對我們共同的困難。感謝上帝,這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了;課稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié);工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見;農(nóng)場主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。
更重要的是,大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題,還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。
但是,我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安,比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻,我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢?。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠,人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候,寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了,他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力,因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗了,并撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴,將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。
是的,他們是努力過,然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法。面對信貸的失敗,他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金錢,他們只得求助于講道,含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光,而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。
如今,貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià)值的程度。
幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢;幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅,在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì),而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到,我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉,而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù),那么,我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。
認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的,我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn),來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念;我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為,它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為。難怪信心在減弱,信心,只有靠誠實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無私履行職責(zé)。而沒有這些,就不可能有信心。
但是,復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來,現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣,這個(gè)問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象對待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān)頭一樣,但同時(shí),在有了人手的情況下,我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源的工程。
我們齊心協(xié)力,但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡,我們必須在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配,使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表揮更大作用。
明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力,會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的完成。避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù)的完成。聯(lián)邦、州、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲,有助于任務(wù)的完成。將現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成。對所有公共交通運(yùn)輸,通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任務(wù)的完成。許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成,但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動(dòng),立即行動(dòng)。
最后,為了重新開始工作,我們需要兩手防御,來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來;一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制:一定要杜絕投機(jī);一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)。
以上這些,朋友們,就是施政方針。我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國會(huì)給予詳細(xì)實(shí)施方案,并且,我要向18個(gè)州請求立即的援助。
通過行動(dòng),我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國家大廈,使收入大于支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易,雖然很重要,但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上,次于對本國健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的建立。我建議,作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易,但我認(rèn)為國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的完成。
指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅(jiān)持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開拓精神的古老而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)。這才是復(fù)蘇之路,是即時(shí)之路,是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路。
在國際政策方面,我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個(gè)決心自重,因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個(gè)履行義務(wù),尊重與他國協(xié)約的國家。
如果我對人民的心情的了解正確的話,我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的問題,我們是互相依存的,我們不可以只索取,我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)。我們前進(jìn)時(shí),必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊(duì),愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身,因?yàn)?,沒有這些原則,就無法取得進(jìn)步,領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力。我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備,并愿意為此原則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn),因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能。我倡議,為了更偉大的目標(biāo),我們所有的人,以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來。這是神圣的義務(wù),非戰(zhàn)亂,不停止。
有了這樣的誓言,我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù),致力于對我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻。這樣的行動(dòng),這樣的目標(biāo),在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡單,實(shí)在。它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況,只需對重點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想,正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀兊膽椃w制已自證為是最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制。它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國際關(guān)系所帶來的壓力。
而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任務(wù)。但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏,緊迫起來。
讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月,懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣,懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí),懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。
我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們在困難中表達(dá)了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。
在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際,我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福。愿上帝保信我們大家和每一個(gè)人,愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。