第一篇：Barack_Obamas_State_of_the_Union_2012__奧巴馬2012國(guó)情咨文（寫寫幫推薦）

Barack Obama's State of the Union 2012 | 奧巴馬2012國(guó)情咨文

President Obama's 2012 State of the Union Address: An America Built to Last 美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬2012國(guó)情咨文：為了美國(guó)的長(zhǎng)治久安

THE PRESIDENT: Mr.Speaker, Mr.Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

眾議院議長(zhǎng)先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國(guó)會(huì)議員、貴賓們和美國(guó)同胞們：

Last month, I went to Andrews Air Force Base and welcomed home some of our last troops to serve in Iraq.Together, we offered a final, proud salute to the colors under which more than a million of our fellow citizens fought--and several thousand gave their lives.上個(gè)月，我前往安德魯斯空軍基地（Andrews Air Force Base），歡迎在伊拉克服役的最后一批軍人回國(guó)。我們一起最后驕傲地向國(guó)旗敬禮，一百多萬(wàn)美國(guó)同胞曾為之作戰(zhàn)，其中數(shù)千人獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命。

We gather tonight knowing that this generation of heroes has made the United States safer and more respected around the world.(Applause.)For the first time in nine years, there are no Americans fighting in Iraq.(Applause.)For the first time in two decades, Osama bin Laden is not a threat to this country.(Applause.)Most of al Qaeda's top lieutenants have been defeated.The Taliban's momentum has been broken, and some troops in Afghanistan have begun to come home.我們今晚聚集在此，知道這一代的英雄使得美國(guó)更安全，在全世界更受尊敬?，F(xiàn)在不再有美國(guó)人在伊拉克作戰(zhàn)，這是9年來(lái)的第一次。烏薩馬?本?拉登（Osama bin Laden）不再對(duì)美國(guó)構(gòu)成威脅，這是20年來(lái)的第一次。“基地”的大多數(shù)頭目都已潰散。塔利班的氣焰已經(jīng)破滅。駐阿富汗的一些部隊(duì)已經(jīng)開始撤回國(guó)內(nèi)。

These achievements are a testament to the courage, selflessness and teamwork of America's Armed Forces.At a time when too many of our institutions have let us down, they exceed all expectations.They're not consumed with personal ambition.They don't obsess over their differences.They focus on the mission at hand.They work together.Imagine what we could accomplish if we followed their example.(Applause.)Think about the America within our reach: A country that leads the world in educating its people.An America that attracts a new generation of high-tech manufacturing and high-paying jobs.A future where we're in control of our own energy, and our security and prosperity aren't so tied to unstable parts of the world.An economy built to last, where hard work pays off, and responsibility is rewarded.We can do this.I know we can, because we've done it before.At the end of World War II, when another generation of heroes returned home from combat, they built the strongest economy and middle class the world has ever known.(Applause.)My grandfather, a veteran of Patton's Army, got the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.My grandmother, who worked on a bomber assembly line, was part of a workforce that turned out the best products on Earth.The two of them shared the optimism of a nation that had triumphed over a depression and fascism.They understood they were part of something larger;that they were contributing to a story of success that every American had a chance to share--the basic American promise that if you worked hard, you could do well enough to raise a family, own a home, send your kids to college, and put a little away for retirement.The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive.No challenge is more urgent.No debate is more important.We can either settle for a country where a shrinking number of people do really well while a growing number of Americans barely get by, or we can restore an economy where everyone gets a fair shot, and everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules.(Applause.)What's at stake aren't Democratic values or Republican values, but American values.And we have to reclaim them.Let's remember how we got here.Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores.Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete.Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that weren't, and personal debt that kept piling up.In 2008, the house of cards collapsed.We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldn't afford or understand them.Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other people's money.Regulators had looked the other way, or didn't have the authority to stop the bad behavior.It was wrong.It was irresponsible.And it plunged our economy into a crisis that put millions out of work, saddled us with more debt, and left innocent, hardworking Americans holding the bag.In the six months before I took office, we lost nearly 4 million jobs.And we lost another 4 million before our policies were in full effect.Those are the facts.But so are these: In the last 22 months, businesses have created more than 3 million jobs.(Applause.)

Last year, they created the most jobs since 2005.American manufacturers are hiring again, creating jobs for the first time since the late 1990s.Together, we've agreed to cut the deficit by more than $2 trillion.And we've put in place new rules to hold Wall Street accountable, so a crisis like this never happens again.(Applause.)

The state of our Union is getting stronger.And we've come too far to turn back now.As long as I'm President, I will work with anyone in this chamber to build on this momentum.But I intend to fight obstruction with action, and I will oppose any effort to return to the very same policies that brought on this economic crisis in the first place.(Applause.)

No, we will not go back to an economy weakened by outsourcing, bad debt, and phony financial profits.Tonight, I want to speak about how we move forward, and lay out a blueprint for an economy that's built to last-– an economy built on American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a renewal of American values.Now, this blueprint begins with American manufacturing.On the day I took office, our auto industry was on the verge of collapse.Some even said we should let it die.With a million jobs at stake, I refused to let that happen.In exchange for help, we demanded responsibility.We got workers and automakers to settle their differences.We got the industry to retool and restructure.Today, General Motors is back on top as the world's number-one automaker.(Applause.)Chrysler has grown faster in the U.S.than any major car company.Ford is investing billions in U.S.plants and factories.And together, the entire industry added nearly 160,000 jobs.We bet on American workers.We bet on American ingenuity.And tonight, the American auto industry is back.(Applause.)

What's happening in Detroit can happen in other industries.It can happen in Cleveland and Pittsburgh and Raleigh.We can't bring every job back that's left our shore.But right now, it's getting more expensive to do business in places like China.Meanwhile, America is more productive.A few weeks ago, the CEO of Master Lock told me that it now makes business sense for him to bring jobs back home.(Applause.)Today, for the first time in 15 years, Master Lock's unionized plant in Milwaukee is running at full capacity.(Applause.)

So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back.But we have to seize it.Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed.(Applause.)

We should start with our tax code.Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas.Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world.It makes no sense, and everyone knows it.So let's change it.First, if you're a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldn't get a tax deduction for doing it.(Applause.)That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home.(Applause.)

Second, no American company should be able to avoid paying its fair share of taxes by moving jobs and profits overseas.(Applause.)From now on, every multinational company should have to pay a basic minimum tax.And every penny should go towards lowering taxes for companies that choose to stay here and hire here in America.(Applause.)

Third, if you're an American manufacturer, you should get a bigger tax cut.If you're a high-tech manufacturer, we should double the tax deduction you get for making your products here.And if you want to relocate in a community that was hit hard when a factory left town, you should get help financing a new plant, equipment, or training for new workers.(Applause.)

So my message is simple.It is time to stop rewarding businesses that ship jobs overseas, and start rewarding companies that create jobs right here in America.Send me these tax reforms, and I will sign them right away.(Applause.)

We're also making it easier for American businesses to sell products all over the world.Two years ago, I set a goal of doubling U.S.exports over five years.With the bipartisan trade agreements we signed into law, we're on track to meet that goal ahead of schedule.(Applause.)And soon, there will be millions of new customers for American goods in Panama, Colombia, and South Korea.Soon, there will be new cars on the streets of Seoul imported from Detroit, and Toledo, and Chicago.(Applause.)

我們還使美國(guó)工商企業(yè)更容易在全世界各地銷售產(chǎn)品。兩年前，我提出美國(guó)出口在5年內(nèi)翻一番的目標(biāo)。隨著兩黨一致的各項(xiàng)貿(mào)易協(xié)定經(jīng)我們簽署成為法律，我們正朝著這個(gè)目標(biāo)穩(wěn)步邁進(jìn)--并可超前實(shí)現(xiàn)。不久以后，美國(guó)產(chǎn)品將在巴拿馬（Panama）、哥倫比亞（Colombia）和韓國(guó)（South Korea）獲得數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的新顧客。不久以后，來(lái)自底特律（Detroit）、托利多（Toledo）和芝加哥（Chicago）的新進(jìn)口汽車將在首爾（Seoul）街頭出現(xiàn)。

I will go anywhere in the world to open new markets for American products.And I will not stand by when our competitors don't play by the rules.We've brought trade cases against China at nearly twice the rate as the last administration –-and it's made a difference.(Applause.)Over a thousand Americans are working today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires.But we need to do more.It's not right when another country lets our movies, music, and software be pirated.It's not fair when foreign manufacturers have a leg up on ours only because they're heavily subsidized.我將前往全世界任何地方為美國(guó)產(chǎn)品打開新市場(chǎng)。當(dāng)我們的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手不按規(guī)則行事的時(shí)候，我不會(huì)坐視不顧。我們對(duì)中國(guó)提起貿(mào)易訴訟的次數(shù)是上一屆政府的近兩倍，而且已經(jīng)看到成效。由于我們制止了中國(guó)輪胎的傾銷，一千多名美國(guó)人在今天得以有工作?？墒俏覀冃枰俳釉賲?。當(dāng)另一個(gè)國(guó)家聽任我們的影片、音樂(lè)和軟件被盜版，這是不對(duì)的。當(dāng)外國(guó)制造商只因受到大量補(bǔ)貼而取得高于我們的優(yōu)勢(shì)，這是不公平的。

Tonight, I'm announcing the creation of a Trade Enforcement Unit that will be charged with investigating unfair trading practices in countries like China.(Applause.)There will be more inspections to prevent counterfeit or unsafe goods from crossing our borders.And this Congress should make sure that no foreign company has an advantage over American manufacturing when it comes to accessing financing or new markets like Russia.Our workers are the most productive on Earth, and if the playing field is level, I promise you-– America will always win.(Applause.)

今晚，我宣布創(chuàng)建一個(gè)“貿(mào)易執(zhí)法單位”（Trade Enforcement Unit），負(fù)責(zé)調(diào)查中國(guó)等國(guó)的不公平貿(mào)易作法。我們將加強(qiáng)檢驗(yàn)，防止假冒或者不安全的商品跨越邊境進(jìn)入我國(guó)。本屆國(guó)會(huì)應(yīng)做到勿使外國(guó)公司在取得融資或者進(jìn)入俄羅斯等新市場(chǎng)方面取得高于美國(guó)制造商的優(yōu)勢(shì)。

I also hear from many business leaders who want to hire in the United States but can't find workers with the right skills.Growing industries in science and technology have twice as many openings as we have workers who can do the job.Think about that –-openings at a time when millions of Americans are looking for work.It's inexcusable.And we know how to fix it.Jackie Bray is a single mom from North Carolina who was laid off from her job as a mechanic.Then Siemens opened a gas turbine factory in Charlotte, and formed a partnership with Central Piedmont Community College.The company helped the college design courses in laser and robotics training.It paid Jackie's tuition, then hired her to help operate their plant.I want every American looking for work to have the same opportunity as Jackie did.Join me in a national commitment to train 2 million Americans with skills that will lead directly to a job.(Applause.)My administration has already lined up more companies that want to help.Model partnerships between businesses like Siemens and community colleges in places like Charlotte, and Orlando, and Louisville are up and running.Now you need to give more community colleges the resources they need to become community career centers-– places that teach people skills that businesses are looking for right now, from data management to high-tech manufacturing.And I want to cut through the maze of confusing training programs, so that from now on, people like Jackie have one program, one website, and one place to go for all the information and help that they need.It is time to turn our unemployment system into a reemployment system that puts people to work.(Applause.)

These reforms will help people get jobs that are open today.But to prepare for the jobs of tomorrow, our commitment to skills and education has to start earlier.For less than 1 percent of what our nation spends on education each year, we've convinced nearly every state in the country to raise their standards for teaching and learning--the first time that's happened in a generation.But challenges remain.And we know how to solve them.At a time when other countries are doubling down on education, tight budgets have forced states to lay off thousands of teachers.We know a good teacher can increase the lifetime income of a classroom by over $250,000.A great teacher can offer an escape from poverty to the child who dreams beyond his circumstance.Every person in this chamber can point to a teacher who changed the trajectory of their lives.Most teachers work tirelessly, with modest pay, sometimes digging into their own pocket for school supplies--just to make a difference.Teachers matter.So instead of bashing them, or defending the status quo, let's offer schools a deal.Give them the resources to keep good teachers on the job, and reward the best ones.(Applause.)And in return, grant schools flexibility: to teach with creativity and passion;to stop teaching to the test;and to replace teachers who just aren't helping kids learn.That's a bargain worth making.(Applause.)

We also know that when students don't walk away from their education, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma.When students are not allowed to drop out, they do better.So tonight, I am proposing that every state--every state--requires that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn 18.(Applause.)

When kids do graduate, the most daunting challenge can be the cost of college.At a time when Americans owe more in tuition debt than credit card debt, this Congress needs to stop the interest rates on student loans from doubling in July.(Applause.)

Extend the tuition tax credit we started that saves millions of middle-class families thousands of dollars, and give more young people the chance to earn their way through college by doubling the number of work-study jobs in the next five years.(Applause.)

Of course, it's not enough for us to increase student aid.We can't just keep subsidizing skyrocketing tuition;we'll run out of money.States also need to do their part, by making higher education a higher priority in their budgets.And colleges and universities have to do their part by working to keep costs down.Recently, I spoke with a group of college presidents who've done just that.Some schools redesign courses to help students finish more quickly.Some use better technology.The point is, it's possible.So let me put colleges and universities on notice: If you can't stop tuition from going up, the funding you get from taxpayers will go down.(Applause.)Higher education can't be a luxury-– it is an economic imperative that every family in America should be able to afford.Let's also remember that hundreds of thousands of talented, hardworking students in this country face another challenge: the fact that they aren't yet American citizens.Many were brought here as small children, are American through and through, yet they live every day with the threat of deportation.Others came more recently, to study business and science and engineering, but as soon as they get their degree, we send them home to invent new products and create new jobs somewhere else.That doesn't make sense.I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration.That's why my administration has put more boots on the border than ever before.That's why there are fewer illegal crossings than when I took office.The opponents of action are out of excuses.We should be working on comprehensive immigration reform right now.(Applause.)

But if election-year politics keeps Congress from acting on a comprehensive plan, let's at least agree to stop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new businesses, defend this country.Send me a law that gives them the chance to earn their citizenship.I will sign it right away.(Applause.)

You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and ingenuity of every person in this country.That means women should earn equal pay for equal work.(Applause.)It means we should support everyone who's willing to work, and every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve Jobs.After all, innovation is what America has always been about.Most new jobs are created in start-ups and small businesses.So let's pass an agenda that helps them succeed.Tear down regulations that prevent aspiring entrepreneurs from getting the financing to grow.(Applause.)Expand tax relief to small businesses that are raising wages and creating good jobs.Both parties agree on these ideas.So put them in a bill, and get it on my desk this year.(Applause.)

Innovation also demands basic research.Today, the discoveries taking place in our federally financed labs and universities could lead to new treatments that kill cancer cells but leave healthy ones untouched.New lightweight vests for cops and soldiers that can stop any bullet.Don't gut these investments in our budget.Don't let other countries win the race for the future.Support the same kind of research and innovation that led to the computer chip and the Internet;to new American jobs and new American industries.And nowhere is the promise of innovation greater than in American-made energy.Over the last three years, we've opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration, and tonight, I'm directing my administration to open more than 75 percent of our potential offshore oil and gas resources.(Applause.)Right now--right now--American oil production is the highest that it's been in eight years.That's right--eight years.Not only that--last year, we relied less on foreign oil than in any of the past 16 years.(Applause.)

But with only 2 percent of the world's oil reserves, oil isn't enough.This country needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy.(Applause.)A strategy that's cleaner, cheaper, and full of new jobs.We have a supply of natural gas that can last America nearly 100 years.(Applause.)And my administration will take every possible action to safely develop this energy.Experts believe this will support more than 600,000 jobs by the end of the decade.And I'm requiring all companies that drill for gas on public lands to disclose the chemicals they use.(Applause.)Because America will develop this resource without putting the health and safety of our citizens at risk.The development of natural gas will create jobs and power trucks and factories that are cleaner and cheaper, proving that we don't have to choose between our environment and our economy.(Applause.)And by the way, it was public research dollars, over the course of 30 years, that helped develop the technologies to extract all this natural gas out of shale rock –-reminding us that government support is critical in helping businesses get new energy ideas off the ground.(Applause.)

Now, what's true for natural gas is just as true for clean energy.In three years, our partnership with the private sector has already positioned America to be the world's leading manufacturer of high-tech batteries.Because of federal investments, renewable energy use has nearly doubled, and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it.When Bryan Ritterby was laid off from his job making furniture, he said he worried that at 55, no one would give him a second chance.But he found work at Energetx, a wind turbine manufacturer in Michigan.Before the recession, the factory only made luxury yachts.Today, it's hiring workers like Bryan, who said, “I'm proud to be working in the industry of the future.”

Our experience with shale gas, our experience with natural gas, shows us that the payoffs on these public investments don't always come right away.Some technologies don't pan out;some companies fail.But I will not walk away from the promise of clean energy.I will not walk away from workers like Bryan.(Applause.)I will not cede the wind or solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment here.We've subsidized oil companies for a century.That's long enough.(Applause.)It's time to end the taxpayer giveaways to an industry that rarely has been more profitable, and double-down on a clean energy industry that never has been more promising.Pass clean energy tax credits.Create these jobs.(Applause.)

We can also spur energy innovation with new incentives.The differences in this chamber may be too deep right now to pass a comprehensive plan to fight climate change.But there's no reason why Congress shouldn't at least set a clean energy standard that creates a market for innovation.So far, you haven't acted.Well, tonight, I will.I'm directing my administration to allow the development of clean energy on enough public land to power 3 million homes.And I'm proud to announce that the Department of Defense, working with us, the world's largest consumer of energy, will make one of the largest commitments to clean energy in history-– with the Navy purchasing enough capacity to power a quarter of a million homes a year.(Applause.)Of course, the easiest way to save money is to waste less energy.So here's a proposal: Help manufacturers eliminate energy waste in their factories and give businesses incentives to upgrade their buildings.Their energy bills will be $100 billion lower over the next decade, and America will have less pollution, more manufacturing, more jobs for construction workers who need them.Send me a bill that creates these jobs.(Applause.)

Building this new energy future should be just one part of a broader agenda to repair America's infrastructure.So much of America needs to be rebuilt.We've got crumbling roads and bridges;a power grid that wastes too much energy;an incomplete high-speed broadband network that prevents a small business owner in rural America from selling her products all over the world.During the Great Depression, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge.After World War II, we connected our states with a system of highways.Democratic and Republican administrations invested in great projects that benefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businesses that still use them today.In the next few weeks, I will sign an executive order clearing away the red tape that slows down too many construction projects.But you need to fund these projects.Take the money we're no longer spending at war, use half of it to pay down our debt, and use the rest to do some nation-building right here at home.(Applause.)

There's never been a better time to build, especially since the construction industry was one of the hardest hit when the housing bubble burst.Of course, construction workers weren't the only ones who were hurt.So were millions of innocent Americans who've seen their home values decline.And while government can't fix the problem on its own, responsible homeowners shouldn't have to sit and wait for the housing market to hit bottom to get some relief.And that's why I'm sending this Congress a plan that gives every responsible homeowner the chance to save about $3,000 a year on their mortgage, by refinancing at historically low rates.(Applause.)No more red tape.No more runaround from the banks.A small fee on the largest financial institutions will ensure that it won't add to the deficit and will give those banks that were rescued by taxpayers a chance to repay a deficit of trust.(Applause.)

Let's never forget: Millions of Americans who work hard and play by the rules every day deserve a government and a financial system that do the same.It's time to apply the same rules from top to bottom.No bailouts, no handouts, and no copouts.An America built to last insists on responsibility from everybody.We've all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldn't afford them, and buyers who knew they couldn't afford them.That's why we need smart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior.(Applause.)Rules to prevent financial fraud or toxic dumping or faulty medical devices--these don't destroy the free market.They make the free market work better.There's no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too costly.In fact, I've approved fewer regulations in the first three years of my presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his.(Applause.)I've ordered every federal agency to eliminate rules that don't make sense.We've already announced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and citizens more than $10 billion over the next five years.We got rid of one rule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend $10,000 a year proving that they could contain a spill--because milk was somehow classified as an oil.With a rule like that, I guess it was worth crying over spilled milk.(Laughter and applause.)

Now, I'm confident a farmer can contain a milk spill without a federal agency looking over his shoulder.(Applause.)Absolutely.But I will not back down from making sure an oil company can contain the kind of oil spill we saw in the Gulf two years ago.(Applause.)I will not back down from protecting our kids from mercury poisoning, or making sure that our food is safe and our water is clean.I will not go back to the days when health insurance companies had unchecked power to cancel your policy, deny your coverage, or charge women differently than men.(Applause.)

And I will not go back to the days when Wall Street was allowed to play by its own set of rules.The new rules we passed restore what should be any financial system's core purpose: Getting funding to entrepreneurs with the best ideas, and getting loans to responsible families who want to buy a home, or start a business, or send their kids to college.So if you are a big bank or financial institution, you're no longer allowed to make risky bets with your customers' deposits.You're required to write out a “l(fā)iving will” that details exactly how you'll pay the bills if you fail –-because the rest of us are not bailing you out ever again.(Applause.)And if you're a mortgage lender or a payday lender or a credit card company, the days of signing people up for products they can't afford with confusing forms and deceptive practices--those days are over.Today, American consumers finally have a watchdog in Richard Cordray with one job: To look out for them.(Applause.)

We'll also establish a Financial Crimes Unit of highly trained investigators to crack down on large-scale fraud and protect people's investments.Some financial firms violate major anti-fraud laws because there's no real penalty for being a repeat offender.That's bad for consumers, and it's bad for the vast majority of bankers and financial service professionals who do the right thing.So pass legislation that makes the penalties for fraud count.And tonight, I'm asking my Attorney General to create a special unit of federal prosecutors and leading state attorney general to expand our investigations into the abusive lending and packaging of risky mortgages that led to the housing crisis.(Applause.)This new unit will hold accountable those who broke the law, speed assistance to homeowners, and help turn the page on an era of recklessness that hurt so many Americans.Now, a return to the American values of fair play and shared responsibility will help protect our people and our economy.But it should also guide us as we look to pay down our debt and invest in our future.Right now, our most immediate priority is stopping a tax hike on 160 million working Americans while the recovery is still fragile.(Applause.)People cannot afford losing $40 out of each paycheck this year.There are plenty of ways to get this done.So let's agree right here, right now: No side issues.No drama.Pass the payroll tax cut without delay.Let's get it done.(Applause.)

When it comes to the deficit, we've already agreed to more than $2 trillion in cuts and savings.But we need to do more, and that means making choices.Right now, we're poised to spend nearly $1 trillion more on what was supposed to be a temporary tax break for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans.Right now, because of loopholes and shelters in the tax code, a quarter of all millionaires pay lower tax rates than millions of middle-class households.Right now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary.Do we want to keep these tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans? Or do we want to keep our investments in everything else –-like education and medical research;a strong military and care for our veterans? Because if we're serious about paying down our debt, we can't do both.The American people know what the right choice is.So do I.As I told the Speaker this summer, I'm prepared to make more reforms that rein in the long-term costs of Medicare and Medicaid, and strengthen Social Security, so long as those programs remain a guarantee of security for seniors.But in return, we need to change our tax code so that people like me, and an awful lot of members of Congress, pay our fair share of taxes.(Applause.)

Tax reform should follow the Buffett Rule.If you make more than $1 million a year, you should not pay less than 30 percent in taxes.And my Republican friend Tom Coburn is right: Washington should stop subsidizing millionaires.In fact, if you're earning a million dollars a year, you shouldn't get special tax subsidies or deductions.On the other hand, if you make under $250,000 a year, like 98 percent of American families, your taxes shouldn't go up.(Applause.)You're the ones struggling with rising costs and stagnant wages.You're the ones who need relief.Now, you can call this class warfare all you want.But asking a billionaire to pay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that common sense.We don't begrudge financial success in this country.We admire it.When Americans talk about folks like me paying my fair share of taxes, it's not because they envy the rich.It's because they understand that when I get a tax break I don't need and the country can't afford, it either adds to the deficit, or somebody else has to make up the difference--like a senior on a fixed income, or a student trying to get through school, or a family trying to make ends meet.That's not right.Americans know that's not right.They know that this generation's success is only possible because past generations felt a responsibility to each other, and to the future of their country, and they know our way of life will only endure if we feel that same sense of shared responsibility.That's how we'll reduce our deficit.That's an America built to last.(Applause.)

Now, I recognize that people watching tonight have differing views about taxes and debt, energy and health care.But no matter what party they belong to, I bet most Americans are thinking the same thing right about now: Nothing will get done in Washington this year, or next year, or maybe even the year after that, because Washington is broken.Can you blame them for feeling a little cynical?

The greatest blow to our confidence in our economy last year didn't come from events beyond our control.It came from a debate in Washington over whether the United States would pay its bills or not.Who benefited from that fiasco?

I've talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall Street.But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at least as bad--and it seems to get worse every year.Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics.So together, let's take some steps to fix that.Send me a bill that bans insider trading by members of Congress;I will sign it tomorrow.(Applause.)Let's limit any elected official from owning stocks in industries they impact.Let's make sure people who bundle campaign contributions for Congress can't lobby Congress, and vice versa--an idea that has bipartisan support, at least outside of Washington.Some of what's broken has to do with the way Congress does its business these days.A simple majority is no longer enough to get anything-– even routine business –-passed through the Senate.(Applause.)Neither party has been blameless in these tactics.Now both parties should put an end to it.(Applause.)For starters, I ask the Senate to pass a simple rule that all judicial and public service nominations receive a simple up or down vote within 90 days.(Applause.)

The executive branch also needs to change.Too often, it's inefficient, outdated and remote.(Applause.)That's why I've asked this Congress to grant me the authority to consolidate the federal bureaucracy, so that our government is leaner, quicker, and more responsive to the needs of the American people.(Applause.)

Finally, none of this can happen unless we also lower the temperature in this town.We need to end the notion that the two parties must be locked in a perpetual campaign of mutual destruction;that politics is about clinging to rigid ideologies instead of building consensus around common-sense ideas.I'm a Democrat.But I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That government should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves, and no more.(Applause.)That's why my education reform offers more competition, and more control for schools and states.That's why we're getting rid of regulations that don't work.That's why our health care law relies on a reformed private market, not a government program.On the other hand, even my Republican friends who complain the most about government spending have supported federally financed roads, and clean energy projects, and federal offices for the folks back home.The point is, we should all want a smarter, more effective government.And while we may not be able to bridge our biggest philosophical differences this year, we can make real progress.With or without this Congress, I will keep taking actions that help the economy grow.But I can do a whole lot more with your help.Because when we act together, there's nothing the United States of America can't achieve.(Applause.)That's the lesson we've learned from our actions abroad over the last few years.Ending the Iraq war has allowed us to strike decisive blows against our enemies.From Pakistan to Yemen, the al Qaeda operatives who remain are scrambling, knowing that they can't escape the reach of the United States of America.(Applause.)

結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)讓我們能夠給我們的敵人以致命的打擊。從巴基斯坦（Pakistan）到也門（Yemen），殘余的“基地”組織成員倉(cāng)皇失措，知道自己無(wú)法逃脫美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的天網(wǎng)。

From this position of strength, we've begun to wind down the war in Afghanistan.Ten thousand of our troops have come home.Twenty-three thousand more will leave by the end of this summer.This transition to Afghan lead will continue, and we will build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan, so that it is never again a source of attacks against America.(Applause.)

從這個(gè)實(shí)力地位出發(fā)，我們已經(jīng)開始逐步縮小阿富汗戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的規(guī)模。我軍有一萬(wàn)人已經(jīng)回國(guó)。還有２萬(wàn)３千多人到今年夏天將會(huì)撤離。這個(gè)讓阿富汗發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用的過(guò)渡將繼續(xù)，我們將與阿富汗建立持久的伙伴關(guān)系，讓它永遠(yuǎn)不可能再成為攻擊美國(guó)的一個(gè)發(fā)源地。

As the tide of war recedes, a wave of change has washed across the Middle East and North Africa, from Tunis to Cairo;from Sana'a to Tripoli.A year ago, Qaddafi was one of the world's longest-serving dictators-– a murderer with American blood on his hands.Today, he is gone.And in Syria, I have no doubt that the Assad regime will soon discover that the forces of change cannot be reversed, and that human dignity cannot be denied.(Applause.)

隨著戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)浪潮的消退，一股變革的潮流席卷整個(gè)中東和北非，從突尼斯（Tunis）到開羅（Cairo），從薩那（Sana'a）到的黎波里（Tripoli）。一年前，卡扎菲（Qadhafi）還是世界上當(dāng)權(quán)時(shí)間最長(zhǎng)的獨(dú)裁者之一——是雙手沾滿了美國(guó)人鮮血的兇手。今天，他已不復(fù)存在。在敘利亞，我毫不懷疑，阿薩德（Assad）政權(quán)很快就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，變革的力量是無(wú)法逆轉(zhuǎn)的，人的尊嚴(yán)是不可剝奪的。

How this incredible transformation will end remains uncertain.But we have a huge stake in the outcome.And while it's ultimately up to the people of the region to decide their fate, we will advocate for those values that have served our own country so well.We will stand against violence and intimidation.We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings –-men and women;Christians, Muslims and Jews.We will support policies that lead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no match for liberty.這場(chǎng)令人令人震撼的變革結(jié)果如何仍無(wú)法確定。但我們與其最終結(jié)果利害攸關(guān)。本地區(qū)人民的命運(yùn)歸根結(jié)底由他們自己決定，但我們將倡導(dǎo)那些使我們自己的國(guó)家受益匪淺的價(jià)值觀。我們將反對(duì)暴力和恐嚇。我們將捍衛(wèi)全人類的權(quán)利和尊嚴(yán)——男性和女性；基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人。我們要支持能建設(shè)強(qiáng)大和穩(wěn)定的民主及開放市場(chǎng)的政策，因?yàn)樽杂杀貙?zhàn)勝暴政。And we will safeguard America's own security against those who threaten our citizens, our friends, and our interests.Look at Iran.Through the power of our diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iran's nuclear program now stands as one.The regime is more isolated than ever before;its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they shirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent.我們要維護(hù)美國(guó)自身的安全，防范那些威脅我國(guó)公民、我國(guó)盟友和我國(guó)利益的人。看看伊朗。我國(guó)外交的有力作用讓一個(gè)曾對(duì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)伊朗的核計(jì)劃存在分歧的世界現(xiàn)在團(tuán)結(jié)一致。該政權(quán)比以往任何時(shí)候都更加孤立；該國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人面臨著嚴(yán)厲制裁，只要他們還在逃避自己的責(zé)任，這樣的施壓就不會(huì)放松。

Let there be no doubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal.(Applause.)

毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)：美國(guó)決心阻止伊朗獲得核武器，為實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，我將不排除任何方案。

But a peaceful resolution of this issue is still possible, and far better, and if Iran changes course and meets its obligations, it can rejoin the community of nations.但和平解決這個(gè)問(wèn)題仍然是可能的，而且益處大得多。伊朗如果改弦易轍并履行其義務(wù)，就可以重新加入國(guó)際社會(huì)。

The renewal of American leadership can be felt across the globe.Our oldest alliances in Europe and Asia are stronger than ever.Our ties to the Americas are deeper.Our ironclad commitment--and I mean ironclad--to Israel's security has meant the closest military cooperation between our two countries in history.(Applause.)

美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的重振在全球各地都有所體現(xiàn)。我們?cè)跉W洲和亞洲歷史最悠久的同盟比以往任何時(shí)候都更強(qiáng)大。我們與美洲的關(guān)系更加深厚。我們對(duì)以色列的安全作出的牢不可破的承諾——我是說(shuō)牢不可破——意味著我們兩國(guó)在歷史上最密切的軍事合作。

We've made it clear that America is a Pacific power, and a new beginning in Burma has lit a new hope.From the coalitions we've built to secure nuclear materials, to the missions we've led against hunger and disease;from the blows we've dealt to our enemies, to the enduring power of our moral example, America is back.我們已經(jīng)很清楚地表明，美國(guó)是一個(gè)太平洋大國(guó)，緬甸的新開端點(diǎn)燃了新的希望。從我們建立的保障核材料安全的聯(lián)盟，到我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的消除饑餓和疾病的使命；從我們對(duì)敵人的打擊；到我們作為道義典范的持久力量——美國(guó)回來(lái)了。

Anyone who tells you otherwise, anyone who tells you that America is in decline or that our influence has waned, doesn't know what they're talking about.(Applause.)

任何人告訴你不是如此，任何人告訴你美國(guó)正在衰落或我們的影響力已經(jīng)減弱，都是在不知所云。

That's not the message we get from leaders around the world who are eager to work with us.That's not how people feel from Tokyo to Berlin, from Cape Town to Rio, where opinions of America are higher than they've been in years.Yes, the world is changing.No, we can't control every event.But America remains the one indispensable nation in world affairs –-and as long as I'm President, I intend to keep it that way.(Applause.)

那不是我們從世界各國(guó)領(lǐng)袖那里得到的信息，那些領(lǐng)袖渴望與我們合作。那也不是從東京（Tokoyo）到柏林（Berlin）、從開普敦（Cape Town）到里約（Rio）的人民的感覺(jué)，這些地方對(duì)美國(guó)的看法比數(shù)年來(lái)的任何時(shí)候都好。是的，世界正在改變；不錯(cuò)，我們不能控制每一事件，但美國(guó)仍然是世界事務(wù)中不可或缺的國(guó)家——只要我在位總統(tǒng)，這一點(diǎn)就將繼續(xù)下去。

That's why, working with our military leaders, I've proposed a new defense strategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while saving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget.To stay one step ahead of our adversaries, I've already sent this Congress legislation that will secure our country from the growing dangers of cyber-threats.(Applause.)

Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who defend it.(Applause.)As they come home, we must serve them as well as they've served us.That includes giving them the care and the benefits they have earned –-which is why we've increased annual VA spending every year I've been President.(Applause.)And it means enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our nation.With the bipartisan support of this Congress, we're providing new tax credits to companies that hire vets.Michelle and Jill Biden have worked with American businesses to secure a pledge of 135,000 jobs for veterans and their families.And tonight, I'm proposing a Veterans Jobs Corps that will help our communities hire veterans as cops and firefighters, so that America is as strong as those who defend her.(Applause.)

Which brings me back to where I began.Those of us who've been sent here to serve can learn a thing or two from the service of our troops.When you put on that uniform, it doesn't matter if you're black or white;Asian, Latino, Native American;conservative, liberal;rich, poor;gay, straight.When you're marching into battle, you look out for the person next to you, or the mission fails.When you're in the thick of the fight, you rise or fall as one unit, serving one nation, leaving no one behind.One of my proudest possessions is the flag that the SEAL Team took with them on the mission to get bin Laden.On it are each of their names.Some may be Democrats.Some may be Republicans.But that doesn't matter.Just like it didn't matter that day in the Situation Room, when I sat next to Bob Gates--a man who was George Bush's defense secretary--and Hillary Clinton--a woman who ran against me for president.我所擁有的最令人驕傲的東西之一，是海豹突擊隊(duì)（SEAL Team）在執(zhí)行捉拿本·拉丹使命時(shí)攜帶的一面旗幟。每一位勇士的姓名都在上面。他們中有的可能是民主黨人，有的可能是共和黨人，但這并沒(méi)有任何關(guān)系，就像那天在情況室（Situation Room）一樣，我坐在鮑勃?蓋茨（Bob Gates）旁邊，他是喬治?布什（George Bush）政府的國(guó)防部長(zhǎng)；當(dāng)時(shí)還有希拉里?克林頓（Hillary Clinton），她曾是我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)的對(duì)手。

All that mattered that day was the mission.No one thought about politics.No one thought about themselves.One of the young men involved in the raid later told me that he didn't deserve credit for the mission.It only succeeded, he said, because every single member of that unit did their job--the pilot who landed the helicopter that spun out of control;the translator who kept others from entering the compound;the troops who separated the women and children from the fight;the SEALs who charged up the stairs.More than that, the mission only succeeded because every member of that unit trusted each other--because you can't charge up those stairs, into darkness and danger, unless you know that there's somebody behind you, watching your back.So it is with America.Each time I look at that flag, I'm reminded that our destiny is stitched together like those 50 stars and those 13 stripes.No one built this country on their own.This nation is great because we built it together.This nation is great because we worked as a team.This nation is great because we get each other's backs.And if we hold fast to that truth, in this moment of trial, there is no challenge too great;no mission too hard.As long as we are joined in common purpose, as long as we maintain our common resolve, our journey moves forward, and our future is hopeful, and the state of our Union will always be strong.…… 每當(dāng)看著那面旗幟，我都會(huì)意識(shí)到，我們的命運(yùn)就像那50顆星和13道紅白條一樣緊緊地聯(lián)結(jié)在一起。這個(gè)國(guó)家不是任何人單槍匹馬建成的。這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)樗晌覀児餐ㄔO(shè)；這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)槲覀儓F(tuán)隊(duì)般同心協(xié)力；這個(gè)國(guó)家之所以偉大，是因?yàn)槲覀兿嗷ブС帧Ｈ绻覀儓?jiān)持這個(gè)真理，那么在這艱難時(shí)刻，就沒(méi)有我們不能應(yīng)對(duì)的挑戰(zhàn)，就沒(méi)有我們不能完成的使命。只要我們?yōu)榱斯餐哪繕?biāo)團(tuán)結(jié)一致，只要我們保持我們的共同決心，我們?cè)谡魍旧蠈⒁煌鶡o(wú)前，我們的未來(lái)會(huì)充滿希望，我們的國(guó)家將永遠(yuǎn)強(qiáng)大。

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

謝謝大家。愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。END

第二篇：奧巴馬2016國(guó)情咨文演講-中英對(duì)照

奧巴馬2016國(guó)情咨文演講（雙語(yǔ)全文）

當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間12號(hào)晚間，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在華盛頓發(fā)表了任上最后一次國(guó)情咨文，這也是他第八次進(jìn)行國(guó)情咨文演講。

Mr.Speaker, Mr.Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:

議長(zhǎng)先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國(guó)會(huì)議員和美國(guó)同胞們：

Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union.And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter.I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在這里做國(guó)情咨文的第八個(gè)年頭，也是最后一次。我將盡量簡(jiǎn)而言之。我知道你們中有些人急著回愛(ài)荷華州（譯者注：兩黨黨內(nèi)預(yù)選進(jìn)行地）。

I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low.Still, Mr.Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families.So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse.We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此時(shí)正當(dāng)大選之季，因此公眾對(duì)我們今年成就的期望并不高。但是，議長(zhǎng)先生，您以及其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人去年年末通過(guò)了建設(shè)性的預(yù)算決議，使得工薪家庭減稅計(jì)劃能夠長(zhǎng)久實(shí)施下去，我對(duì)此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年兩黨能夠在一些重要事務(wù)上同心協(xié)作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，幫助那些與處方藥濫用行為抗?fàn)幍娜藗?。我們很可能?huì)讓質(zhì)疑者們?cè)俅未蟪砸惑@。

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead.Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients.And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing.Fixing a broken immigration system.Protecting our kids from gun violence.Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage.All these things still matter to hardworking families;they are still the right thing to do;and I will not let up until they get done.但在今晚，我打算少談些像往年那樣的發(fā)展計(jì)劃。別擔(dān)心，我還是有很多計(jì)劃要談，比如，幫助學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)編寫計(jì)算機(jī)代碼，以及對(duì)病人進(jìn)行個(gè)性化治療。我將繼續(xù)推動(dòng)這些未竟事業(yè)的進(jìn)步。完善有漏洞的移民體系。保護(hù)我們的孩子們免遭槍械暴力。繼續(xù)推行同工同酬及帶薪休假，并提高最低工資水平。所有的這一切對(duì)于努力工作的家庭們來(lái)說(shuō)依然至關(guān)重要；這些仍是我們要做的對(duì)的事情。我絕不會(huì)放松這些工作，直至他們完成為止。

But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year.I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.但這是我最后一次在此發(fā)表講話，我不想只談?wù)搧?lái)年的事宜。我想關(guān)注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久遠(yuǎn)的事情。

I want to focus on our future.我更關(guān)注我們的未來(lái)。

We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world.It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families.It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away.It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality.And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.我們生活在一個(gè)充滿巨變的時(shí)代，這場(chǎng)巨變改變了我們的生活、工作方式，改變了我們的星球和我們?cè)谑澜缟系牡匚弧＿@種巨變預(yù)示著醫(yī)學(xué)將出現(xiàn)重大突破，也會(huì)帶來(lái)困擾著工薪家庭的經(jīng)濟(jì)動(dòng)蕩。它為生活在邊遠(yuǎn)山區(qū)的女孩們帶去教育的希望，卻也使遠(yuǎn)距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一氣策劃陰謀。這場(chǎng)巨變能夠帶來(lái)機(jī)遇，也會(huì)擴(kuò)大不公。無(wú)論我們喜歡與否，這場(chǎng)巨變的進(jìn)度只會(huì)越來(lái)越快。

America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights.Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future;who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control.And each time, we overcame those fears.We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew.We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people.And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.美國(guó)曾經(jīng)歷過(guò)種種巨變——戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，蕭條，移民涌入，工人運(yùn)動(dòng)，以及民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。每一次，總有人告訴我們要畏懼未來(lái)。每當(dāng)美國(guó)受到某些組織或者言論威脅，將要失控，這些人就告訴我們要停止變革，并承諾恢復(fù)往日的輝煌。但每一次，我們都能夠克服恐懼。用林肯的話來(lái)說(shuō)，我們并未遵循“平靜的過(guò)去時(shí)代的信條”。相反地，我們能夠用新的思維思考，以新的方式行事。我們巧妙地利用變化，始終將美國(guó)的潛力擴(kuò)展至更廣闊的前沿，惠及更多的民眾。正緣于此——因?yàn)樗搜壑械娘L(fēng)險(xiǎn)在我們看來(lái)是機(jī)遇——我們變得比以前更強(qiáng)更好。

What was true then can be true now.Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.過(guò)去的真理，現(xiàn)在亦未曾改變。我們的樂(lè)觀主義與職業(yè)道德，我們的發(fā)現(xiàn)與創(chuàng)新精神，我們種族多樣化和法治信條，這些都是我們作為一個(gè)國(guó)家所擁有的獨(dú)一無(wú)二的優(yōu)點(diǎn)，使我們具備了世代繁榮昌盛、國(guó)泰民安的一切條件。

In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible.It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations.It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector;how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.事實(shí)上，正因有了這種精神力量，我們過(guò)去七年才可能取得進(jìn)步。它使我們得以從幾代以來(lái)最嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中恢復(fù)；是我們改革醫(yī)療體系、改造能源部門的動(dòng)力；保證了我們給予軍人和老兵更多關(guān)心和福利。也正因?yàn)榇耍覀兡軌蜃屆總€(gè)州的人都獲得了與所愛(ài)的人結(jié)婚的自由。

But such progress is not inevitable.It is the result of choices we make together.And we face such choices right now.Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?

但是，這些進(jìn)步并不是注定會(huì)發(fā)生的，而是我們共同選擇的結(jié)果。我們當(dāng)下正面臨著這樣的選擇。面對(duì)時(shí)代的變化，我們是將以恐懼對(duì)之，閉門造車，各自為戰(zhàn)？還是自我肯定，堅(jiān)持立場(chǎng)，相信我們能共創(chuàng)奇跡？

So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.讓我們先來(lái)談?wù)勎磥?lái)，以及美國(guó)需要回答的四個(gè)大問(wèn)題——無(wú)論下一屆美國(guó)總統(tǒng)是誰(shuí)，無(wú)論哪個(gè)黨派掌控國(guó)會(huì)。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?

首先，我們?nèi)绾卧谛陆?jīng)濟(jì)中給每個(gè)人公平的機(jī)會(huì)和保障？

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

第二，我們?nèi)绾巫尲夹g(shù)為我們服務(wù)，而不是與我們對(duì)抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應(yīng)對(duì)的挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候？

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

第三，我們?nèi)绾伪Ｕ厦绹?guó)的安全，同時(shí)，在不充當(dāng)世界警察的前提下，引領(lǐng)整個(gè)世界？

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?

最后，我們?nèi)绾沃贫ㄕ?，使其反映出美?guó)的好，而不是美國(guó)的惡？

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world.We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history.More than 14 million new jobs;the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s;an unemployment rate cut in half.Our auto industry just had its best year ever.Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years.And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.我先說(shuō)說(shuō)經(jīng)濟(jì)，基本的事實(shí)是這樣的：現(xiàn)在，在全球范圍內(nèi)，美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)是最為強(qiáng)大且堅(jiān)固的。縱觀歷史，我們現(xiàn)在處于私營(yíng)部門連續(xù)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)最長(zhǎng)的一段時(shí)期中。我們創(chuàng)造了逾1400萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位；這是自20世紀(jì)90年代以來(lái)就業(yè)增長(zhǎng)最為強(qiáng)勁的兩年；失業(yè)率下降了一半。汽車行業(yè)也創(chuàng)造了最輝煌的一年。在過(guò)去的六年里，制造業(yè)創(chuàng)造了將近90萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位。而且，我們?cè)谌〉眠@些成績(jī)的同時(shí)，還將赤字減少了近四分之三.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction.What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated.Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition.As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise.Companies have less loyalty to their communities.And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.任何聲稱美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在衰落的說(shuō)法都是在傳播虛構(gòu)事實(shí)。實(shí)際情況——同時(shí)也是許多美國(guó)人感到焦慮的原因——是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在經(jīng)歷巨大變革，而且這變革早在大蕭條發(fā)生之前就已經(jīng)開始，到現(xiàn)在還沒(méi)有結(jié)束。今天，能夠被高科技取代的工作崗位并不僅限于生產(chǎn)線，還包括任何可以實(shí)現(xiàn)自動(dòng)化的崗位。在經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化中，公司可以落戶于世界任何地方，也會(huì)面臨更加激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。其結(jié)果是，雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對(duì)其所在群體的忠誠(chéng)度更低。同時(shí)，越來(lái)越多的財(cái)富和收入積聚到社會(huì)頂層階級(jí)手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs;even when the economy is growing.It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to.And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.這些變化趨勢(shì)擠壓了雇員的生存空間，即使他們擁有工作，即使美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)一直在增長(zhǎng)。工薪家庭想要通過(guò)努力工作，擺脫貧困，年輕人想要開創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，雇員想要適時(shí)退休，都已經(jīng)不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國(guó)，但是這些的確違背了獨(dú)有的美國(guó)式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫焦酱觥?/p>

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress.But we need to make more.And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.在過(guò)去的七年中，我們的目標(biāo)一直都是，保持經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，以造福每一個(gè)人。我們已經(jīng)取得了一些進(jìn)步。但是，我們需要繼續(xù)努力。盡管在過(guò)去的一些年中，我們有過(guò)許多政治上的爭(zhēng)論，但是在一些領(lǐng)域，我們?nèi)〉昧似毡榈墓沧R(shí)。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job.The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering.In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.我們一致認(rèn)為，真正的機(jī)會(huì)在于每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都能獲得能夠必要的教育及培訓(xùn)，讓他們能夠勝任一份收入理想的工作?！安蛔屢粋€(gè)孩子掉隊(duì)”的兩黨改革政策，就是一個(gè)重要的開端，同時(shí)，我們加強(qiáng)了兒童早期教育，進(jìn)一步提高了高中畢業(yè)率，使工程學(xué)等專業(yè)畢業(yè)生得以增長(zhǎng)。未來(lái)，我們要以這些成績(jī)?yōu)榛A(chǔ)，通過(guò)普及全民早教，讓所有學(xué)生都接受計(jì)算機(jī)實(shí)踐和數(shù)學(xué)課程培訓(xùn)，為他們將來(lái)步入職場(chǎng)做好準(zhǔn)備。同時(shí)，我們要為孩子們招錄更多優(yōu)秀的教師，并給予這些教師更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American.Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red.We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income.Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college.Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.同時(shí)，我們要讓每個(gè)美國(guó)人都能上得起大學(xué)。因?yàn)?，勤奮的學(xué)生不應(yīng)該因?yàn)樨毨П粨踉谛ｉT之外。我們已經(jīng)將助學(xué)貸款的還款額降至借款人收入的10%。接下來(lái)，我們需要降低大學(xué)費(fèi)用。兩年制的社區(qū)大學(xué)將為每一位有責(zé)任感的學(xué)生提供免費(fèi)教育，這是降低大學(xué)費(fèi)用最理想的方式之一。我會(huì)不斷努力讓這個(gè)方案在今年啟動(dòng)。

Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy.We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security.After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber.For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher.Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain.But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.當(dāng)然，在新經(jīng)濟(jì)中，我們所需要的不僅僅是優(yōu)質(zhì)的教育。我們還需要能夠提供基本生活保障的福利和保護(hù)措施。如果說(shuō)在座的各位，是美國(guó)為數(shù)不多的能夠在同一個(gè)地方從事同一份工作30年，還能獲得健康和養(yǎng)老保障的人，也不算夸張。而對(duì)于其他人，特別是四五十歲的美國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)，為退休后的生存點(diǎn)錢或是在失業(yè)后重振旗鼓，已經(jīng)越來(lái)越困難。大家都認(rèn)識(shí)到，在他們職業(yè)生涯的某個(gè)時(shí)刻，他們不得不重新接受培訓(xùn)，重新學(xué)習(xí)技能。但是，他們不應(yīng)當(dāng)失去他們這么多年辛勤工作所獲得的東西。

That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever;we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them.And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today.That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about.It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage.Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far.Health care inflation has slowed.And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.這也是社會(huì)保障及醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度在今天尤為重要的原因；它們不該被弱化，而應(yīng)進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)。對(duì)于退休年齡較晚的美國(guó)人，基本福利應(yīng)與當(dāng)今的其他事物一樣盡可能移動(dòng)化。這就是《平價(jià)醫(yī)療法案》的意義所在，這個(gè)法案旨在填補(bǔ)基于雇主的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)系統(tǒng)的空缺，我們失業(yè)、返校求學(xué)或創(chuàng)業(yè)時(shí)，依然能享受醫(yī)療保障。目前為止，已有近1800萬(wàn)人受益。醫(yī)療費(fèi)用通脹也有所緩解。自法案實(shí)施起，我們的企業(yè)每個(gè)月都能創(chuàng)造新的工作崗位。

Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon.But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security.Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance;we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him.If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills.And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him.That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.我想我們?cè)诙唐趦?nèi)還無(wú)法就醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度達(dá)成共識(shí)。但兩黨可以在改進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)保障制度的問(wèn)題上采取一些新的措施。假設(shè)一位辛勤工作的美國(guó)人丟了工作，我們不該僅僅確保他能獲得失業(yè)保險(xiǎn)，而應(yīng)確保這個(gè)制度能夠支持他接受再培訓(xùn)以勝任新的工作。如果這份新工作的報(bào)酬不如上一份工作，那么就該有薪酬保障制度保證他能養(yǎng)活自己。即使他一直在換工作，也還能為退休儲(chǔ)蓄并能支配自己的積蓄。這就是我們讓大家更好地受益于新經(jīng)濟(jì)的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty.America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.我知道國(guó)會(huì)眾議院發(fā)言人保羅 瑞恩提到過(guò)他對(duì)解決貧困問(wèn)題的看法。美國(guó)是一個(gè)會(huì)給每個(gè)愿意工作的人機(jī)會(huì)的國(guó)家，我歡迎大家提出可行性戰(zhàn)略，如為無(wú)子女低收入人群減稅的方案。

But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations.And here, the American people have a choice to make.但在過(guò)去七年里還有其他難以達(dá)成一致的領(lǐng)域，比如，政府應(yīng)該扮演怎樣的角色，才能保證制度不向最富有的財(cái)團(tuán)和大公司傾斜。在此，美國(guó)人民需要做出選擇。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy.I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut.But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else;or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered.Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis;recklessness on Wall Street did.Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough;those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns.It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts.In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less.The rules should work for them.And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.蓬勃發(fā)展的私營(yíng)經(jīng)濟(jì)是我們國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)的命脈。我認(rèn)為，其有些過(guò)時(shí)的規(guī)則需要改變，有些繁文縟節(jié)需要摒棄。在企業(yè)連續(xù)多年利潤(rùn)破紀(jì)錄之后，如果讓大銀行、石油巨頭或?qū)_基金制定只對(duì)自己有利的規(guī)則，或者允許對(duì)集體談判的攻擊置之不理，工薪階層就無(wú)法獲得更多機(jī)會(huì)和更多薪水。引發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的不是那些領(lǐng)食物券的人，而是華爾街那些魯莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻礙薪酬上漲的原因；那些決議是由董事會(huì)的人提出的，他們經(jīng)常將季度分紅看得比長(zhǎng)期回報(bào)還重?？梢钥隙ǖ氖牵诳次已葜v的普通家庭不會(huì)通過(guò)離岸賬戶避稅。在新經(jīng)濟(jì)的形勢(shì)下，工人、新興企業(yè)和小型企業(yè)需要更多發(fā)言權(quán)。規(guī)則應(yīng)該使他們受益。今年，我計(jì)劃激勵(lì)那些善待工人的企業(yè)，這些企業(yè)明白只有善待工人才能讓股東、顧客和所在群體最終受益，這樣我們才能在全美推行這種良策。

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative.This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

事實(shí)上，我們有許多優(yōu)秀的企業(yè)公民都是極富創(chuàng)造力的。這也是美國(guó)要回答的第二個(gè)大問(wèn)題：如何重燃創(chuàng)新精神，迎接重大挑戰(zhàn)？

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget.We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.六十年前，俄羅斯人發(fā)射人造衛(wèi)星，在太空領(lǐng)域領(lǐng)先于我們，這點(diǎn)我們并未否認(rèn)。我們沒(méi)有就科學(xué)水平進(jìn)行爭(zhēng)論，或縮減我們的研發(fā)預(yù)算。我們?cè)诤芏痰臅r(shí)間內(nèi)制定了太空計(jì)劃，十二年后，我們已經(jīng)能在月球上行走。

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA.We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver.We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride.We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world.And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.探索精神存在于我們的基因里。我們是托馬斯 愛(ài)迪生、懷特兄弟、喬治 華盛頓 卡弗。我們是葛麗絲 霍普、凱瑟琳 約翰遜、莎莉 萊德。我們是從波士頓到奧斯丁再到硅谷的移民和企業(yè)家，我們力求建設(shè)更美好的世界。過(guò)去七年里，我們一直在培養(yǎng)這種精神。

We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online.We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.我們保護(hù)了開放的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，我們邁出了大膽的一大步，讓更多學(xué)生和低收入者加入互聯(lián)網(wǎng)這個(gè)大家庭。我們已經(jīng)開始建設(shè)新一代制造業(yè)中心，我們的網(wǎng)絡(luò)工具讓企業(yè)家在一天內(nèi)就能獲得創(chuàng)立一個(gè)企業(yè)所需的一切。

But we can do so much more.Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer.Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade.Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done.And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control.For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.但是，我們能做的還不止這些。去年，副總統(tǒng)拜登曾說(shuō)，要把治愈癌癥作為一項(xiàng)新的登月計(jì)劃去實(shí)現(xiàn)。上個(gè)月，他與國(guó)會(huì)通力合作，為國(guó)立衛(wèi)生研究院的科學(xué)家們提供了大量資源，這是10多年來(lái)科學(xué)家們獲得的最強(qiáng)有力的資源支持。今晚我宣布，我們將舉全國(guó)之力促成這項(xiàng)新計(jì)劃。在過(guò)去的40年里，喬為我們?cè)诒姸鄦?wèn)題上竭盡心力，因此，我任命他主管這一抗癌計(jì)劃。為了我們已逝去的親人，為了我們還能拯救的家庭，我們應(yīng)該攜手，讓美國(guó)成為一個(gè)徹底攻克癌癥的國(guó)家。

Medical research is critical.We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.醫(yī)學(xué)研究是重中之重。在發(fā)展清潔能源的問(wèn)題上，我們同樣需要全力以赴。

Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it.You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.如果你還要質(zhì)疑我們針對(duì)氣候變化進(jìn)行的科學(xué)研究，你可以試試。你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)自己孤立無(wú)援，因?yàn)檎驹谀銓?duì)面的是我們的軍方、絕大多數(shù)美國(guó)商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、大多數(shù)美國(guó)民眾、幾乎整個(gè)科學(xué)界，以及全世界200個(gè)國(guó)家，這些國(guó)家都意識(shí)到了問(wèn)題的嚴(yán)重性，想要著手解決它。

But even if the planet wasn't at stake;even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record – until 2015 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

就算我們的星球還沒(méi)到岌岌可危的地步，2014年也并非史上最熱的一年（因?yàn)?015年更熱），我們?yōu)槭裁匆艞壸屆绹?guó)企業(yè)生產(chǎn)并銷售未來(lái)能源的大好機(jī)會(huì)呢？

Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history.Here are the results.In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power.On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobs that pay better than average.We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support.Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.七年前，我們?cè)谇鍧嵞茉搭I(lǐng)域進(jìn)行了美國(guó)歷史上最大規(guī)模的一次投資。成果如下：從愛(ài)荷華州到德克薩斯州，現(xiàn)在風(fēng)能比污染環(huán)境的傳統(tǒng)能源價(jià)格低廉。從亞利桑那州到紐約州，每年太陽(yáng)能為美國(guó)民眾減少了上千萬(wàn)美元的能源支出，同時(shí)創(chuàng)造了多于煤炭行業(yè)的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，并且這些就業(yè)的收入高于平均水平。我們正在逐步采取措施，讓每家每戶都可以生產(chǎn)并儲(chǔ)存自己的能源——環(huán)保主義者和茶黨人士正為此事通力合作，為家庭自產(chǎn)能源提供支持。同時(shí)，我們的石油進(jìn)口量下降了近60%，減少的碳排放量居全球第一。

Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.2美元1加侖的油價(jià)也不算貴。

Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy.Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future –

especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet.That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.現(xiàn)在我們不得不加速實(shí)現(xiàn)從污染能源向清潔能源的過(guò)渡。我們不應(yīng)該補(bǔ)貼過(guò)去，而是應(yīng)該投資未來(lái)——尤其是在依賴化石燃料的社區(qū)。這就是我為什么要敦促改變石油和煤炭資源管理方式的原因，只有這樣才能更好地反映納稅人為此支付的稅款以及地球?yàn)榇烁冻龅拇鷥r(jià)。通過(guò)這種方式，我們把錢重新投入到這些社區(qū)，讓成千上萬(wàn)的美國(guó)人一起構(gòu)建21世紀(jì)的交通運(yùn)輸系統(tǒng)。

None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo.But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve – that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.所有這一切都不是一蹴而就的。誠(chéng)然，還有許多既得利益者想要維持現(xiàn)狀。但是，改變現(xiàn)狀能讓我們創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)，節(jié)省更多資金，我們的星球也得到了保護(hù)——這種未來(lái)才是我們應(yīng)該留給后代子孫的。

Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.在眾多問(wèn)題上，我們的安全與世界緊密相關(guān)，氣候變化只是其一。因此，我們需要回答的第三個(gè)大問(wèn)題是：怎樣在不被孤立、不充當(dāng)世界警察的情況下，保持美國(guó)的安全和強(qiáng)大？

I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air.Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker.The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth.Period.It's not even close.We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined.Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world.No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin.Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.剛才我說(shuō)了，所有認(rèn)為美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退的言論都是政治性的大話。所有你聽到的關(guān)于美國(guó)的敵人越來(lái)越強(qiáng)大、而美國(guó)卻越發(fā)虛弱的言論，都是逞口舌之能。美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)是世界上最強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家。無(wú)需其他任何廢話。而且我們還會(huì)一直強(qiáng)大下去。我們的軍費(fèi)投入比排在我們后面的八個(gè)國(guó)家的總和還多。我們的部隊(duì)是世界歷史上最精銳的戰(zhàn)斗力量。沒(méi)有任何國(guó)家敢攻擊美國(guó)或者美國(guó)的盟國(guó)，因?yàn)樗麄冎滥鞘亲匀缤?。有調(diào)查顯示，目前美國(guó)的國(guó)際地位高于我當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)之初。當(dāng)重大國(guó)際問(wèn)題出現(xiàn)時(shí)，世界人民不會(huì)指望中國(guó)或俄羅斯來(lái)領(lǐng)頭解決，他們會(huì)找我們。

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time.But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower.In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states.The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia.Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition.Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit.And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.我每天的工作從聽取情報(bào)簡(jiǎn)報(bào)開始，因此我知道現(xiàn)在是一個(gè)危險(xiǎn)時(shí)期。但這并不是因?yàn)槊绹?guó)力量的削弱，或者某個(gè)超級(jí)大國(guó)的崛起。在當(dāng)今世界，與其說(shuō)邪惡獨(dú)裁國(guó)對(duì)我們構(gòu)成威脅，不如說(shuō)經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退國(guó)對(duì)我們的影響更大。中東正在經(jīng)歷一場(chǎng)將持續(xù)二三十年的大變革，其發(fā)生的根源可追溯至一千年前的沖突。中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的轉(zhuǎn)型正在對(duì)我們產(chǎn)生沖擊。盡管面臨自身經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，俄羅斯依舊投入大量資源到烏克蘭和敘利亞——這兩個(gè)正脫離正常軌道的國(guó)家。二戰(zhàn)以后我們建立的國(guó)際體系如今難以適應(yīng)新形勢(shì)的需要。

It's up to us to help remake that system.And that means we have to set priorities.我們有責(zé)任重建國(guó)際體系。而這意味著，我們必須對(duì)事務(wù)進(jìn)行優(yōu)先排序。

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks.Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage.They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country;they undermine our allies.美國(guó)政府的首要任務(wù)是保護(hù)美國(guó)人民，打擊恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)?；亟M織和“伊斯蘭國(guó)”都直接威脅到美國(guó)人民的安全——在當(dāng)今世界，哪怕只有一小撮無(wú)視他人和自己生命的恐怖分子，也會(huì)造成巨大危害。他們利用網(wǎng)絡(luò)毒害美國(guó)境內(nèi)人們的思想；他們破壞我們和盟友的關(guān)系。

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands.Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped.But they do not threaten our national existence.That's the story ISIL wants to tell;that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit.We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions.We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.但當(dāng)我們集中精力消滅“伊斯蘭國(guó)”時(shí)，卻有人言過(guò)其實(shí)地說(shuō)這是第三次世界大戰(zhàn)。這種說(shuō)法正中某些人下懷。許多武裝分子登上皮卡車，靈魂扭曲的人在公寓或車庫(kù)里謀劃著生命著——這些都對(duì)平民構(gòu)成巨大威脅，必須予以制止。但恐怖分子并沒(méi)有威脅到美國(guó)的“國(guó)家存在”。這就是“伊斯蘭國(guó)”想要透露出來(lái)的信息；這是他們招募恐怖分子時(shí)的宣傳伎倆。我們不能先壯大他們?nèi)缓箫@示我們可以來(lái)真的；也不能中了“伊斯蘭國(guó)代表世界最大宗教之一”的圈套，導(dǎo)致在這場(chǎng)斗爭(zhēng)中重要盟友離我們遠(yuǎn)去。我們要認(rèn)清他們的真面目——他們就是殺手、瘋子，必須予以追蹤、緝捕并摧毀。

That's exactly what we are doing.For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology.With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons.We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.而這恰恰是我們正在做的事情。過(guò)去一年多，美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著60多個(gè)國(guó)家的聯(lián)盟，切斷“伊斯蘭國(guó)”的資金來(lái)源，發(fā)掘他們的陰謀詭計(jì)，阻止武裝分子的人員流動(dòng)，消除他們邪惡意識(shí)形態(tài)的影響。我們發(fā)動(dòng)了近萬(wàn)次空襲，除掉他們的恐怖頭目，破壞他們的石油供給，搗毀他們的訓(xùn)練營(yíng)和武器。我們?yōu)檎谥鸩綂Z回伊拉克和敘利亞領(lǐng)土的武裝力量提供培訓(xùn)、武器裝備和其他支持。

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL.Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them.If you doubt America's commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden.Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell.When you come after Americans, we go after you.It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.如果本屆國(guó)會(huì)真的希望贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，同時(shí)向我們的軍隊(duì)和整個(gè)世界傳達(dá)反恐決心，你們就應(yīng)該授權(quán)軍事力量介入對(duì)抗“伊斯蘭國(guó)”?？梢酝镀北頉Q。但美國(guó)人民應(yīng)當(dāng)知道，無(wú)論國(guó)會(huì)是否行動(dòng)，伊斯蘭國(guó)也必將和以往的恐怖分子一樣，得到應(yīng)有的懲罰。如果你們懷疑美國(guó)或是我個(gè)人伸張正義的決心，不妨問(wèn)問(wèn)奧薩馬 本 拉登。問(wèn)問(wèn)去年被擊斃的也門基地組織頭目，或者已成階下囚的班加西事件主謀。如果你和美國(guó)過(guò)不去，美國(guó)絕不會(huì)放過(guò)你。這可能需要一些時(shí)間，但我們的記憶力很好，我們的打擊沒(méi)有時(shí)限。

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there.For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks;others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees.The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians.That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.我們的外交政策焦點(diǎn)是“伊斯蘭國(guó)”和基地組織的威脅，但并不僅限于此。因?yàn)榧词箾](méi)有“伊斯蘭國(guó)”，未來(lái)幾十年里，全球許多地區(qū)（包括中東、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地區(qū)、非洲和亞洲）仍將動(dòng)蕩不安。它們中的有些地方有可能變成新的恐怖主義溫床；有些則會(huì)深陷民族沖突或大饑荒，滋生新一輪難民潮。世界人民會(huì)指望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q這些問(wèn)題，我們的回應(yīng)不能只是嘴上功夫：不斷使用強(qiáng)硬的措辭，做給平民們看。這種回應(yīng)可能在電視新聞上起點(diǎn)作用，但世界人民感受不到切實(shí)的鼓舞。

We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis.That's not leadership;that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us.It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.我們也不能接管和重建每個(gè)陷入危機(jī)的國(guó)家。那不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力，那樣只會(huì)將我們拖入泥潭，白白浪費(fèi)美國(guó)人民的熱血和財(cái)富，最終削弱我們自己。這是越戰(zhàn)和伊戰(zhàn)給我們的教訓(xùn)——我們?cè)缭撱懹浽谛摹?/p>

Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power.It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies;but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.幸運(yùn)的是，我們有更明智的辦法。這是一個(gè)耐心、克制的策略，能充分發(fā)揮國(guó)家的每一分力量。這個(gè)策略就是：美國(guó)一定會(huì)采取行動(dòng)——必要時(shí)單獨(dú)行動(dòng)——以保護(hù)我們的人民和盟友；但在全球共同關(guān)注的問(wèn)題上，我們會(huì)動(dòng)員全世界與我們一起行動(dòng)，確保其他國(guó)家也盡到自己的職責(zé)。

That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.這就是我們應(yīng)對(duì)敘利亞等沖突時(shí)采取的方法：我們與當(dāng)?shù)剀婈?duì)合作，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)所有國(guó)際力量，共同幫助這個(gè)千瘡百孔的社會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)長(zhǎng)久和平。

That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.這就是為什么我們要建立全球聯(lián)盟，通過(guò)制裁和有原則的外交手段防止伊朗擁有核武器?，F(xiàn)在，伊朗已放棄核項(xiàng)目，運(yùn)出濃縮鈾儲(chǔ)備，世界避免了又一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的爆發(fā)。

That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.這也是我們?cè)谖鞣亲柚拱２├《緜鞑r(shí)采取的方法。我們的軍隊(duì)、醫(yī)生和研究人員先搭好平臺(tái)，然后集結(jié)其他國(guó)家加入抗擊埃博拉的戰(zhàn)役。

That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia.It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs.With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do.You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement.Give us the tools to enforce it.這還是我們建立跨太平洋伙伴關(guān)系協(xié)定（TPP）時(shí)采取的方法。該協(xié)定能打開市場(chǎng)、保護(hù)工人利益、保護(hù)環(huán)境，還能增強(qiáng)美國(guó)在亞洲的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。它將取消針對(duì)18000種美國(guó)制造商品征收的關(guān)稅，創(chuàng)造更多優(yōu)質(zhì)就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。在TPP協(xié)定下，中國(guó)不再是當(dāng)?shù)刭Q(mào)易規(guī)則的制定者，我們才是。你們想要美國(guó)在本世紀(jì)展現(xiàn)它的強(qiáng)大國(guó)力？那么就通過(guò)這一協(xié)議。給我們執(zhí)行協(xié)議的工具。

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America.That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people.You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over.Lift the embargo.孤立古巴的50年未能推進(jìn)這一地區(qū)的民主進(jìn)程，反而削弱了我們?cè)诶∶乐薜挠绊懥?。這就是為什么我們要恢復(fù)與古巴的外交關(guān)系，開啟旅游和經(jīng)商之門，幫助改善古巴人民的生活。你們想要鞏固我們?cè)谀习肭虻念I(lǐng)導(dǎo)力和可信度？那么就承認(rèn)冷戰(zhàn)已經(jīng)結(jié)束，解除禁運(yùn)吧。

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists;or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right.It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity.When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children.When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon.When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores.Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.21世紀(jì)，美國(guó)體現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的方式并非只有下面兩個(gè)選擇：除了打擊恐怖主義，再不關(guān)心其他世界事務(wù)；抑或，占領(lǐng)和重建每個(gè)正在土崩瓦解的社會(huì)。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力意味著明智地運(yùn)用武力，團(tuán)結(jié)全世界的力量實(shí)現(xiàn)偉大目標(biāo)。它意味著將海外援助視為國(guó)家安全的一部分，而非施舍。當(dāng)我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)近200個(gè)國(guó)家簽署史上最具雄心的氣候協(xié)議時(shí)，不僅幫助了易受氣候變化影響的國(guó)家，也在造福我們的后代。我們協(xié)助烏克蘭捍衛(wèi)民主，我們幫助哥倫比亞結(jié)束長(zhǎng)達(dá)十年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)——這同時(shí)也鞏固了我們賴以發(fā)展的國(guó)際秩序。當(dāng)我們幫非洲國(guó)家解決饑荒、抗擊病疫時(shí)，我們也防止了下一場(chǎng)大規(guī)模疫情危及美國(guó)。目前，我們正努力消除艾滋病帶來(lái)的危害，我們也有能力消滅瘧疾——這也是今年我會(huì)督促本屆國(guó)會(huì)資助的項(xiàng)目。

That's strength.That's leadership.And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example.That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.這才是國(guó)力，這才是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力需要美國(guó)做出表率。這就是為什么我一直致力于關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄：這一監(jiān)獄耗資巨大，沒(méi)有必要，只會(huì)為我們的敵人繼續(xù)招兵買馬提供說(shuō)辭。

That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion.This isn't a matter of political correctness.It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong.The world respects us not just for our arsenal;it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith.His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer.That's not telling it like it is.It's just wrong.It diminishes us in the eyes of the world.It makes it harder to achieve our goals.And it betrays who we are as a country.這就是我們不該在政治上以人種和宗教區(qū)分別人的原因。這不是政治正確性的問(wèn)題，而是我們必須知道美國(guó)強(qiáng)大的原因。世界敬重我們并非因?yàn)槲覀兾淞?qiáng)大，而是因?yàn)槲覀兊姆N族多樣性，因?yàn)槲覀兊陌莺蛯?duì)每種信仰的尊重。教宗方濟(jì)各曾站在這個(gè)講臺(tái)上和在座的議員說(shuō)過(guò)：“如果你像暴君和殺人犯一樣充滿仇恨和暴力，那你也會(huì)很快成為他們那樣的人。”有的政治家侮辱穆斯林，有人肆意破壞清真寺，有孩童受到欺辱……這些都不會(huì)讓我們的國(guó)家更安全。我們美國(guó)人不應(yīng)該是這樣的人。這種做法大錯(cuò)特錯(cuò)。它貶低了我們?cè)谑澜缪壑械男蜗?，讓我們更難達(dá)成目標(biāo)。而且它背離了美國(guó)的國(guó)家本質(zhì)。

“We the People.”

“我們合眾國(guó)人民”。

Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some;words that insist we rise and fall together.That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.我們的憲法以這三個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的詞開始，也是這三個(gè)詞讓我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，這里指的是所有人，而不是一部分人；這三個(gè)單詞堅(jiān)定地認(rèn)為我們應(yīng)該共進(jìn)退。這就是我想說(shuō)的第四點(diǎn)，也可能是今晚我想講的最重要的一點(diǎn)。

The future we want – opportunity and security for our families;a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach.But it will only happen if we work together.It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.我們期盼的未來(lái)：每個(gè)家庭都享有機(jī)遇和安全；生活水平得以提高，以及為孩子們創(chuàng)造一個(gè)可持續(xù)的、和平的星球，這些都是我們可以實(shí)現(xiàn)的。但是，要實(shí)現(xiàn)這些期盼，我們必須一起努力。只有經(jīng)過(guò)理性、且富有建設(shè)性的辯論，這些期盼才可能實(shí)現(xiàn)。

It will only happen if we fix our politics.要實(shí)現(xiàn)這一期盼，我們必須解決政治問(wèn)題。

A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything.This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests.That's one of our strengths, too.Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.更好的政治形態(tài)并不意味著意見(jiàn)始終統(tǒng)一。美國(guó)是一個(gè)大國(guó)，有不同的地區(qū)，不同的看法，不同的利益。這也是我們的優(yōu)勢(shì)之一。開國(guó)先驅(qū)們將權(quán)力分配給各個(gè)州，各政府部門，希望我們像他們一樣進(jìn)行辯論，探討政府的規(guī)模和形態(tài)，探討貿(mào)易和外交關(guān)系，探討自由的含義和安全的必要性。

But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens.It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic.Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us.Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention.Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter;that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.但民主確實(shí)需要公民之間的信任紐帶。如果我們認(rèn)為與自己觀點(diǎn)相左的人都心懷惡意，或者認(rèn)為我們的政敵都不愛(ài)國(guó)，那民主就無(wú)法實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果不愿意妥協(xié)，連最基本的事實(shí)都存在爭(zhēng)議，而我們只聽那些贊同的聲音，那么民主就會(huì)停滯不前。如果只有最極端的聲音受到重視，那我們的公共生活就會(huì)衰落。最重要的是，當(dāng)人民大眾覺(jué)得自己的呼聲無(wú)關(guān)緊要，而整個(gè)社會(huì)體制被有錢、有權(quán)或者個(gè)別人的利益所操控時(shí)，民主就將崩潰。

Too many Americans feel that way right now.It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better.There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.目前，很多美國(guó)人都有這種感受。這是我總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)的幾件憾事之一，各黨派之間的積怨和猜疑并未減弱，而是變得更深。毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，如果具備林肯或羅斯福那樣的才能，可能黨派之間的嫌隙會(huì)調(diào)和得好一些，我保證，在我任職期間，我會(huì)不斷努力，爭(zhēng)取做到更好。

But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any President's – alone.There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected.I know;you've told me.And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President;we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.但是，美國(guó)同胞們，這不僅僅是我的責(zé)任，也不僅僅是某位總統(tǒng)的責(zé)任。在座的當(dāng)中，有不少人期盼在更多方面相互合作，期盼在華盛頓有更高層次的辯論，但卻因?yàn)槭艿竭x舉利益的羈絆而無(wú)法做到。我知道這種情況，聽你們說(shuō)過(guò)。如果我們想優(yōu)化政治形態(tài)，僅換掉一個(gè)國(guó)會(huì)議員或參議員，甚至換掉一位總統(tǒng)是不夠的，我們必須改變整個(gè)體制，來(lái)展現(xiàn)更好的自己。

We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around.We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections – and if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution.We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now.And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.我們要取消劃分國(guó)會(huì)選區(qū)的做法，因?yàn)閯澐诌x區(qū)后，政客們會(huì)自己去選擇選民，而不是讓選民選擇他們。我們必須降低金錢對(duì)政治的影響，這樣就可以防止少數(shù)家族和幕后利益集團(tuán)用資金影響選舉。如果關(guān)于競(jìng)選資金的現(xiàn)行辦法未能獲得法院通過(guò)，我們就要共同努力，尋求真正的解決方案。我們要讓投票更容易，而不是更難，我們應(yīng)順應(yīng)現(xiàn)在的生活方式，使投票方式現(xiàn)代化。今年，我打算走遍全國(guó)，來(lái)推進(jìn)這些改革。

But I can't do these things on my own.Changes in our political process – in not just who gets elected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you.That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.但僅憑我一人之力，是無(wú)法做到這些的。政治進(jìn)程的變革，不是改變誰(shuí)當(dāng)選，而是改變當(dāng)選的方式。只有美國(guó)民眾要求進(jìn)行變革時(shí)，變革才會(huì)發(fā)生。這是由你們決定的。這就是“民有、民治、民享政府”的真正含義。

What I'm asking for is hard.It's easier to be cynical;to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter.But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future.Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure.As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.我所提出的要求絕非易事。相比而言，變得憤世嫉俗，認(rèn)為變革不可能發(fā)生、政治已經(jīng)無(wú)藥可救，并且認(rèn)定自己的呼聲和行動(dòng)毫無(wú)意義，這些事情更容易做到。但是如果我們現(xiàn)在放棄，那我們也放棄了更加美好的未來(lái)。擁有金錢和權(quán)力的人會(huì)在更大程度上左右重大決定，可能是將年輕士兵送往前線，可能是批準(zhǔn)會(huì)引起災(zāi)難的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，也可能是為了維持控制權(quán)，駁回歷代美國(guó)人民為之奮斗犧牲的平等權(quán)和投票權(quán)。如果這樣的倒行逆施持續(xù)下去，又會(huì)有人催促我們回到部落時(shí)代，讓那些與我們長(zhǎng)相不同，信仰不同，選舉方式不同，背景不同的同胞當(dāng)他們的替罪羊。

We can't afford to go down that path.It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.我們不能選擇那條道路，因?yàn)槁返谋M頭沒(méi)有我們追求的經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮，沒(méi)有社會(huì)安定，最重要的是，無(wú)法讓我們成為如今這樣令世人羨慕的國(guó)家。

So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen.To vote.To speak out.To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us.To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.我的美國(guó)同胞們，無(wú)論你信仰什么，無(wú)論你支持一黨制或無(wú)黨制，美國(guó)的未來(lái)掌握在你們手中，需要你們自愿履行好自己作為公民的義務(wù)。你們要參與選舉；你們要敢于發(fā)聲；你們要為他人，尤其是弱勢(shì)群體，爭(zhēng)取權(quán)利，要清楚知道我們能在這里就是因?yàn)橛腥嗽谀硞€(gè)地方支持著我們。你們要積極參與公共生活，讓美國(guó)人民的善良、禮貌以及樂(lè)觀滲透每個(gè)角落，就像我每天接觸到的美國(guó)民眾一樣。

It won't be easy.Our brand of democracy is hard.But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen – inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far.Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born;not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed.Voices Dr.King believed would have the final word – voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.這并不是一件容易的事。我們的民主道路也很艱難。但是，我能保證，一年之后，我已不再是美國(guó)總統(tǒng)，我將和你們一樣，是一個(gè)普通的美國(guó)公民，那些曾經(jīng)幫助美國(guó)前進(jìn)的公平與遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)之聲、堅(jiān)韌之聲，以及幽默與和善之聲，也會(huì)讓我倍受鼓舞。這些聲音告訴我們，每個(gè)人的身份，無(wú)論黑人還是白人，無(wú)論亞裔還是拉丁裔，無(wú)論性取向如何，無(wú)論是移民還是土生土長(zhǎng)的美國(guó)人，無(wú)論是民主黨還是共和黨，我們首先都是美國(guó)人，并且有著共同的信念。用馬丁 路德 金的話來(lái)總結(jié)就是：不靠武裝發(fā)聲的真理以及無(wú)條件的愛(ài)。

They're out there, those voices.They don't get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.這些人，這些聲音一直都在。寂靜無(wú)聲，不求關(guān)注，但卻一直在為這個(gè)國(guó)家奔忙。

I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours.I see you.I know you're there.You're the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future.Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.在美國(guó)這片熱土上，我所到之處都能看到這么一群美國(guó)人的身影。我看到了你們所有人，我知道你們都是其中的一員。正因?yàn)橛心銈?，我才能如此自信于美?guó)的未來(lái)。因?yàn)槲抑酪恢庇兄瑹o(wú)聞，堅(jiān)定勇敢的美國(guó)公民為美國(guó)的未來(lái)奮斗。

I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.有一位在裝配流水線上工作的工人，每天加班加點(diǎn)以確保公司正常運(yùn)營(yíng)，而他的老板也會(huì)給他加薪，讓他繼續(xù)堅(jiān)守崗位。

I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.有一個(gè)女孩有著自己的科學(xué)夢(mèng)想，為完成科學(xué)項(xiàng)目徹夜不休，而她的老師會(huì)提前進(jìn)教室給她上課，因?yàn)樗?，總有一天她?huì)成功發(fā)現(xiàn)某種治療疾病的良方。

I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over – and the business owner who gives him that second chance.The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.有一位美國(guó)人服完刑期，想要重新開始，而有位老板給了他第二次開始人生的機(jī)會(huì)；抗議者希望彰顯社會(huì)公平正義；年輕的警官在街上巡查，尊重他人，兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，默默守護(hù)我們的安全。

I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.有個(gè)士兵為救自己同胞不惜一切，身受重傷；有位護(hù)士悉心照料他，直至他痊愈參加馬拉松；而所在社區(qū)的人紛紛為他加油。

It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he's been taught.有這么個(gè)孩子勇敢地做自己，敢于出柜，而深愛(ài)他的父親也會(huì)放棄自己的舊觀念繼續(xù)愛(ài)他。

I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to;the new citizen who casts his for the first time;the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.有一位老婦人，只要自己還有選舉權(quán)，她都會(huì)親自排隊(duì)去投上一票；有位美國(guó)新公民第一次高興地投上自己的選票；選舉站的志愿者深信每一票都很重要，因?yàn)樗麄兌级眠@投票權(quán)的分量有多重。

That's the America I know.That's the country we love.Clear-eyed.Big-hearted.Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word.That's what makes me so hopeful about our future.Because of you.I believe in you.That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.這就是我所認(rèn)識(shí)的美國(guó)。這就是我們熱愛(ài)著的國(guó)家。人們明辨是非，慷慨善良，并且樂(lè)觀地相信，不靠武器發(fā)聲的真理和無(wú)條件的愛(ài)必將主導(dǎo)這個(gè)世界。因此我才如此堅(jiān)信美國(guó)的未來(lái)。因?yàn)橛心銈?，我相信你們。因?yàn)槊绹?guó)的強(qiáng)大，我才能如此自信地站在這里。

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.謝謝，上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

英文來(lái)源：medium.com

譯者：劉蒙霏 陶鑫黎 史敏 孫慧 張文林 王怡 金小薇 方正

審校&編輯：馬文英 陳丹妮 杜娟

第三篇：奧巴馬2011年國(guó)情咨文演講

奧巴馬2011年國(guó)情咨文演講

一、演講摘要

華盛頓當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間1月25日晚(北京時(shí)間1月26日上午)，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在國(guó)會(huì)發(fā)表2011年國(guó)情咨文。奧巴馬在演講中表示，解決短期的就業(yè)和長(zhǎng)期的美國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力問(wèn)題將成為未來(lái)政府工作的重點(diǎn)。另外，奧巴馬還講到了醫(yī)改、外交政策、軍事、政府機(jī)制改革等未來(lái)政府的工作內(nèi)容。

二、奧巴馬演講經(jīng)典語(yǔ)錄

1.不管我們是誰(shuí)、來(lái)自何方，我們中的每一個(gè)人都是一個(gè)更偉大事務(wù)的一部分，2.如果你努力工作，你可能會(huì)終身?yè)碛羞@個(gè)職位，這個(gè)工作會(huì)給你帶來(lái)體面的收入、好的福利，有時(shí)還會(huì)獲得升職。

3.世界已發(fā)生了變革。對(duì)于許多人來(lái)說(shuō)，變革是痛苦的。這就好像，在比賽進(jìn)行到一半時(shí)，表現(xiàn)出色而又頗感自豪的運(yùn)動(dòng)員發(fā)現(xiàn)規(guī)則突然改變了。

4.世界發(fā)生了變革，但這不應(yīng)當(dāng)使我們灰心，它應(yīng)當(dāng)成為激勵(lì)我們的動(dòng)力。

5.我們將贏得未來(lái)，但為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一點(diǎn)，我們不能原地踏步。正如羅伯特?肯尼迪所說(shuō)的那樣“未來(lái)不是一個(gè)禮物，它是一個(gè)成就?！本S持美國(guó)夢(mèng)從來(lái)不是墨守成規(guī)。它需要每一代人作出犧牲、斗爭(zhēng)，滿足新時(shí)代的要求。

6.現(xiàn)在輪到我們這一代人了。我們知道在我們的時(shí)代為工 作和行業(yè)進(jìn)行競(jìng)爭(zhēng)需要什么。

7.贏得未來(lái)的首個(gè)步驟是鼓勵(lì)美國(guó)人創(chuàng)新。

8.所有人都無(wú)法肯定地預(yù)言下一個(gè)主要行業(yè)將是什么行業(yè)或者新的就業(yè)崗位來(lái)自哪里。三十年前，我們不知道一個(gè)被稱作互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的東西會(huì)引發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)革命。我們所能做的是，爭(zhēng)取在這些方面比其它國(guó)家的人做得更好，激發(fā)美國(guó)人民的創(chuàng)造性和想像力。

9.創(chuàng)新不只改變我們的生活，更重要的是，這是我們賴以謀生的方法。

10.成功不是名氣或者公共關(guān)系所帶來(lái)的，它是由辛勞的工作和自律造就的。

11.贏得未來(lái)的最后一步最關(guān)鍵的一步是確保我們不會(huì)葬身于如山的債務(wù)之中。

12.要在這個(gè)不斷變化的新世界中取得成功，我們需改革、責(zé)任和創(chuàng)新。

13.我們圍繞一切事情展開爭(zhēng)論，這會(huì)使難度變得更高，14.美國(guó)人的思想活力仍在，我們的命運(yùn)依舊掌握在我們手中。

15.我們中的每個(gè)人都應(yīng)當(dāng)有機(jī)會(huì)來(lái)塑造自己的命運(yùn)。16.爭(zhēng)取在2035年之前使美國(guó)85%的電力供應(yīng)量來(lái)自清潔能源。

17.改革不僅僅是從上到下的指示。18.教育競(jìng)賽不會(huì)止步于高中畢業(yè)證。19.我們必須戰(zhàn)勝敵人，無(wú)論他們?cè)谀睦?，并建立跨越地區(qū)、種族和宗教界線的聯(lián)盟。

20.或許我們擁有不同的觀點(diǎn)，但我們都堅(jiān)信同一個(gè)承諾：這是一個(gè)只要嘗試就可能會(huì)成功的地方。又或許我們擁有不同的背景，但我們都堅(jiān)信同一夢(mèng)想：這是一個(gè)一切皆有可能的國(guó)家。

21.雖然我不確定我們將如何超越地平線到達(dá)更好的地方，但我知道我們將會(huì)到達(dá)那里。

22.這就是美國(guó)人在過(guò)去兩百多年里一直在做的事情--再造自我

23.與其向昨天的能源業(yè)提供補(bǔ)貼，我們不如投資于未來(lái)的能源

附：《奧巴馬國(guó)情咨文全文》奧巴馬2011年國(guó)情咨文演講全文內(nèi)容

今晚我想首先向美國(guó)第112屆國(guó)會(huì)的男女議員、你們的新議長(zhǎng)約翰?博納表示祝賀。在我們慶祝這一時(shí)刻時(shí)，我們?nèi)匀缓芮宄晃粐?guó)會(huì)議員的座位是空著的，讓我們?yōu)槲覀兊耐?、我們的朋友加布里埃?吉福茲的健康祈禱。

呼吁兩黨合作

我們這些今晚出席這一活動(dòng)的人在過(guò)去兩年曾存在分歧，這不是秘密。辯論是非常激烈的，我們?yōu)槲覀兏髯缘挠^點(diǎn)進(jìn)行了激烈的斗爭(zhēng)。這是一件好事，這是強(qiáng)有力的民主所要求的。這種爭(zhēng)論幫助美國(guó)成為區(qū)別于其它國(guó)家的民主國(guó)家。

但圖森市的悲劇給了我們一個(gè)停止?fàn)幷摰睦碛?。我們進(jìn)行的公共辯論引發(fā)了噪音、情緒、怨恨。圖森的悲劇提醒我們，不管我們是誰(shuí)、來(lái)自何方，我們中的每一個(gè)人都是一個(gè)更偉大事務(wù)的一部分，它比政黨或者政治傾向更具必然性。

我們是美國(guó)大家庭的組成部分。我們相信，在這個(gè)各種種族、信仰、觀點(diǎn)并存的國(guó)家，我們?nèi)允且粋€(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的民族。我們擁有共同的希望和信條，圖森小女孩的夢(mèng)想與我們自己孩子的夢(mèng)想沒(méi)有什么大的差別，這些夢(mèng)想都應(yīng)獲得實(shí)現(xiàn)的機(jī)會(huì)。

這也是使我們作為一個(gè)國(guó)家產(chǎn)生分歧的原因。

現(xiàn)在，簡(jiǎn)單地認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)本身將不會(huì)開啟一個(gè)合作的新時(shí)代。這一時(shí)刻所能產(chǎn)生的成果取決于我們。這一時(shí)刻所產(chǎn)生的成果將不會(huì)由我們是否今晚坐在一起而決定，它將被我們明 天是否合作所決定。

我認(rèn)為我們能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)合作。我認(rèn)為我們必須這樣。這是那些把我們送到這里的人們所期望的。他們通過(guò)他們的選票決定，執(zhí)政將是兩黨共同的責(zé)任。新的法案只有在獲得民主黨和共和黨議員的支持下才能通過(guò)。在面對(duì)比黨派或者政治更大的挑戰(zhàn)面前，我們將一起前行，或者原地不動(dòng)。

現(xiàn)在的利害不是誰(shuí)將贏得下次選舉，畢竟，我們剛剛舉行完一次選舉?，F(xiàn)在的利害是新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)和新的行業(yè)是否會(huì)在美國(guó)生根或者在其它地方。這事關(guān)我們?nèi)嗣竦男羷诠ぷ骱托袠I(yè)是否能得到回報(bào)。這事關(guān)我們是否能繼續(xù)保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力，這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力使美國(guó)不只局限于地圖上的某一個(gè)地方，美國(guó)因?yàn)檫@種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力而成為世界的燈光。

我們作好了前進(jìn)的準(zhǔn)備。在我們大多數(shù)人經(jīng)歷最為糟糕的經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退兩年后，股市已再次大幅上升。公司贏利在增加。經(jīng)濟(jì)在再次增長(zhǎng)。

但我們從不只以這些標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)衡量進(jìn)展。我們以我們?nèi)嗣竦某晒?lái)評(píng)估進(jìn)展，通過(guò)他們所能找到的工作和這些工作所提供的生活質(zhì)量，通過(guò)小企業(yè)主把好點(diǎn)子的夢(mèng)想轉(zhuǎn)變成興旺發(fā)達(dá)的企業(yè)的前景，通過(guò)我們給我們孩子更好生活的機(jī)遇。

這是一個(gè)美國(guó)人民想讓我們從事的事業(yè)，美國(guó)人民想讓我們共同致力于這項(xiàng)事業(yè)。

我們?nèi)ツ?2月作了這方面的工作。由于我們通過(guò)的減稅法案，美國(guó)人今天收到的支票金額要比過(guò)去多。所有的企業(yè)都 可以把它今年所作投資的全部開支注銷。這些由民主黨人和共和黨人合作采取的措施將使經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，增加就業(yè)崗位，私人行業(yè)去年已創(chuàng)造的1百多萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。

但我們有更多的工作要做。我們?cè)谶^(guò)去兩年所采取的措施可能已克服了經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退的主要困難，但是為了贏得未來(lái)，我們必須直面應(yīng)對(duì)那些在過(guò)去數(shù)十年來(lái)一直積累起來(lái)的挑戰(zhàn)。

許多收看這一講演的人可能還記得那個(gè)找到好工作意味著在附近工廠或者市中心商業(yè)區(qū)就業(yè)的時(shí)候。你并不總是需要獲得一個(gè)學(xué)位，你的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)基本只限于你的鄰居。如果你努力工作，你可能會(huì)終身?yè)碛羞@個(gè)職位，這個(gè)工作會(huì)給你帶來(lái)體面的收入、好的福利，有時(shí)還會(huì)獲得升職。你可能還會(huì)擁有看到你的孩子在同一公司工作的自豪感。

世界已發(fā)生了變革。對(duì)于許多人來(lái)說(shuō)，變革是痛苦的。在曾經(jīng)一度業(yè)務(wù)繁忙工廠面臨關(guān)閉時(shí)，我透過(guò)百葉窗看到了這種痛苦；在一度繁忙的商業(yè)街道空空如也的店門前，我看到了這種痛苦；在那些看到收入不斷縮水或者失業(yè)美國(guó)人的絕望言論中，我聽到了這種痛苦。這就好像，在比賽進(jìn)行到一半時(shí)，表現(xiàn)出色而又頗感自豪的運(yùn)動(dòng)員發(fā)現(xiàn)規(guī)則突然改變了。

他們是正確的，規(guī)則發(fā)生了變化。僅僅用了一代人的時(shí)間，技術(shù)革命已改變了我們的工作、生活和做生意的方式。一度需要1000名工人的鋼鐵廠現(xiàn)在用100名工人就可以完成同樣的工作。今天，任何一家公司都可以設(shè)立商店、雇傭員工、把產(chǎn)品銷售給有互聯(lián)網(wǎng)連接的所有地方。與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)和印度等國(guó)已意識(shí)到，它們?cè)谧鞒鲆恍┳兏锖髮⒛軌蛟谛率澜?10.69,0.13,1.23%)里與其它國(guó)家進(jìn)行競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。所以，他們開始對(duì)他們的孩子進(jìn)行更早和更長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的教育，更加重視數(shù)學(xué)和科學(xué)。他們投資于研發(fā)和新技術(shù)。就在不久之前，中國(guó)已擁有世界上最大的私營(yíng)太陽(yáng)能研究設(shè)施，世界上運(yùn)行速度最快的計(jì)算機(jī)。

所以，是的，世界發(fā)生了變革。就業(yè)崗位的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)是真實(shí)存在的，但這不應(yīng)當(dāng)使我們灰心，它應(yīng)當(dāng)成為激勵(lì)我們的動(dòng)力。請(qǐng)記住，盡管我們?cè)谶^(guò)去幾年遭受到了巨大打擊，盡管所有的悲觀者預(yù)言美國(guó)在衰落，但美國(guó)仍是世界上最大、最繁榮的經(jīng)濟(jì)體。我們工人的勞動(dòng)生產(chǎn)率是最高的，我們的公司是最成功的，我們的投資者和企業(yè)家所擁有的專利數(shù)是最多的。我們擁有世界上最好的院校和大學(xué)，來(lái)美國(guó)就讀的學(xué)生超過(guò)任何其它國(guó)家。

更為重要的是，我們是首個(gè)以思想立國(guó)的國(guó)家，這個(gè)思想是我們中的每個(gè)人都應(yīng)當(dāng)有機(jī)會(huì)來(lái)塑造自己的命運(yùn)。這就是為什么先驅(qū)們和移民們數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)不惜冒著失去一切的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)來(lái)到美國(guó)的原因。這就是我們的學(xué)生不只是記住方程式，而是會(huì)提出“你認(rèn)為這個(gè)想法如何？你想如何改變世界？當(dāng)你長(zhǎng)大后你想成為什么樣的人”等問(wèn)題。

我們將贏得未來(lái)，但為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一點(diǎn)，我們不能原地踏步。正如羅伯特?肯尼迪所說(shuō)的那樣“未來(lái)不是一個(gè)禮物，它是一個(gè)成就。”維持美國(guó)夢(mèng)從來(lái)不是墨守成規(guī)。它需要每一代人作 出犧牲、斗爭(zhēng)，滿足新時(shí)代的要求。

現(xiàn)在輪到我們這一代人了。我們知道在我們的時(shí)代為工作和行業(yè)進(jìn)行競(jìng)爭(zhēng)需要什么。我們需要在創(chuàng)新、教育和建設(shè)方面超越其它國(guó)家。我們要使美國(guó)成為商業(yè)環(huán)境最好的國(guó)家。我們需要對(duì)我們的赤字負(fù)責(zé)任，對(duì)我們的政府進(jìn)行改革。這就是我們的人民實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮的方法。這就是我們?nèi)绾乌A得未來(lái)的方法。今晚，我想談?wù)勎覀內(nèi)绾巫鞯竭@些。

激勵(lì)創(chuàng)新

贏得未來(lái)的首個(gè)步驟是鼓勵(lì)美國(guó)人創(chuàng)新。

我們所有人都無(wú)法肯定地預(yù)言下一個(gè)主要行業(yè)將是什么行業(yè)或者新的就業(yè)崗位來(lái)自哪里。三十年前，我們不知道一個(gè)被稱作互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的東西會(huì)引發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)革命。我們所能做的是，爭(zhēng)取在這些方面比其它國(guó)家的人做得更好，激發(fā)美國(guó)人民的創(chuàng)造性和想像力。我們是一個(gè)將車開到車道上、把計(jì)算機(jī)放在辦公室的國(guó)家，是一個(gè)擁有愛(ài)迪生、萊特兄弟的國(guó)家，是一個(gè)擁有谷歌和Facebook的國(guó)家。在美國(guó)，創(chuàng)新不只改變我們的生活，更重要的是，這是我們賴以謀生的方法。

我們的自由企業(yè)制度驅(qū)動(dòng)著創(chuàng)新，但是由于公司投資基礎(chǔ)研究并不總是有利可圖，在歷史上，我們的政府向一流的科學(xué)家和發(fā)明家提供了他們所需要的支持。這些支持種下了互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的種子，這些支持幫助制造出計(jì)算機(jī)芯片和全球定位儀這樣的東西。

想想所有的好工作，從制造業(yè)到零售業(yè)都來(lái)自于這些突 破。

半個(gè)世紀(jì)之前，當(dāng)蘇聯(lián)人發(fā)射一顆名為“伴侶號(hào)”的人造衛(wèi)星從而在太空競(jìng)賽領(lǐng)域擊敗我們時(shí)，我們不知道我們?nèi)绾卧诘窃路矫鎿魯∷麄儭Ｄ欠矫娴目茖W(xué)當(dāng)時(shí)還不存在，美國(guó)宇航局當(dāng)時(shí)甚至都還未組建。但在更好的研究和教育方面投資后，我們不僅超過(guò)了蘇聯(lián)人，我們還推動(dòng)了一系列的創(chuàng)新，這些創(chuàng)新創(chuàng)造了新的行業(yè)和數(shù)百萬(wàn)個(gè)新就業(yè)崗位。

這是我們那一代人創(chuàng)造的“伴侶號(hào)”走在世界前沿的時(shí)刻。我在兩年前說(shuō)過(guò)，我們需要將研發(fā)拓展到自太空競(jìng)賽高峰后再也沒(méi)有出現(xiàn)過(guò)的新層次上。我將在未來(lái)幾周內(nèi)向國(guó)會(huì)提交一份預(yù)算案，它將幫助我們實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)。我們將投資于生物醫(yī)藥研究、信息技術(shù)，尤其是清潔能源技術(shù)，這一投資將會(huì)強(qiáng)化我們的安全、保護(hù)我們的地球、為我們的人民創(chuàng)造無(wú)數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位。

我們已看到了可再生能源的潛力。羅伯特?阿倫和加里?阿倫是一對(duì)在密歇根州經(jīng)營(yíng)屋頂公司的兄弟。他們?cè)凇??11”恐怖襲擊事件后志愿派出他們最好的裝修屋頂員工來(lái)幫助維修五角大樓，但是他們工廠的半個(gè)廠區(qū)沒(méi)有開工，經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退重創(chuàng)了他們的工廠。今天，在政府貸款的幫助下，空閑的廠房被用于制造銷往全球各地的太陽(yáng)能電池板。用羅伯特的話說(shuō)：“我們?cè)僭炝俗约??！?/p>

這就是美國(guó)人在過(guò)去兩百多年里一直在做的事情，再造自我。為了推動(dòng)更多像阿倫兄弟這樣的成功故事，我們已開始再 造我們的能源政策。我們將不只提供款項(xiàng)，我們還將提供挑戰(zhàn)。我們將告訴美國(guó)的科學(xué)家和工程師，如果他們組建他們領(lǐng)域最好的科學(xué)家小組，致力解決清潔能源最困難問(wèn)題，我們將向我們時(shí)代的“阿波羅項(xiàng)目”提供資金支持。

在加州理工學(xué)院，科學(xué)家正在尋找一種將太陽(yáng)光和水轉(zhuǎn)換成汽車燃料的方法。在橡樹嶺國(guó)家實(shí)驗(yàn)室，科學(xué)家們正在通過(guò)超級(jí)計(jì)算機(jī)以使從我們的核設(shè)施獲得更多能量。在進(jìn)行更多的研究和激勵(lì)措施后，我們可以用生物燃料來(lái)打破我們對(duì)石油的依賴，成為在2015年前首個(gè)擁有一百萬(wàn)電動(dòng)汽車上路的國(guó)家。

我們需要找到創(chuàng)新背后的要素。為了向創(chuàng)新提供經(jīng)費(fèi)支持，我將請(qǐng)求國(guó)會(huì)取消向石油公司所提供的數(shù)十億美元稅款補(bǔ)貼。我不知道你是否注意到這一情況，但石油公司自身運(yùn)營(yíng)得很不錯(cuò)。所以，與其向昨天的能源業(yè)提供補(bǔ)貼，我們不如投資于未來(lái)的能源。

現(xiàn)在，清潔能源領(lǐng)域的技術(shù)突破只有在業(yè)界知道有銷售市場(chǎng)的情況下才會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)變成清潔能源業(yè)的工作崗位。所以，今晚，我想讓你們和我一起來(lái)制訂一個(gè)新目標(biāo)：爭(zhēng)取在2035年之前使美國(guó)85%的電力供應(yīng)量來(lái)自清潔能源。一些人想要風(fēng)力和太陽(yáng)能，其它人想要核電、清潔煤炭和天然氣。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，我們將需要所有這些清潔能源。我呼吁民主黨人和共和黨人通過(guò)合作來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)。

發(fā)展教育

保持我們?cè)谘芯亢图夹g(shù)領(lǐng)域的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位對(duì)于美國(guó)的成功 至關(guān)重要。如果我們想擁抱未來(lái)，如果我們想讓創(chuàng)新在美國(guó)而不是海外創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位，那么我們必須贏得教育我們孩子的競(jìng)賽。

思考一下吧，在未來(lái)十年，近半數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位將需要擁有高中以上的教育程度。雖然如此，美國(guó)仍有近四分之一的學(xué)生甚至未完成中學(xué)教育。我們教育和科學(xué)的教育質(zhì)量落后于許多國(guó)家。美國(guó)年輕人擁有大學(xué)學(xué)位比例的排行已降至世界第九位。所以問(wèn)題是，我們所有的人，作為公民，作為父母，是否愿意做那些必要的事情以便讓每個(gè)孩子都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)？

這一責(zé)任不僅是在我們的教室內(nèi)開始的，也是在我們的家庭和社區(qū)里開始的。是家庭首先培養(yǎng)了孩子愛(ài)好學(xué)習(xí)的習(xí)慣，只有父母在確保關(guān)掉電視的情況下，孩子的家庭作業(yè)才會(huì)完成。我們需要教育我們的孩子，不僅是超級(jí)碗比賽的獲勝者值得慶祝，那些科學(xué)大賽的贏家也應(yīng)當(dāng)值得慶祝。成功不是名氣或者公共關(guān)系所帶來(lái)的，它是由辛勞的工作和自律造就的。

我們的學(xué)校也有責(zé)任。當(dāng)一名兒童步入教室，它就應(yīng)當(dāng)是一個(gè)被寄以厚望和擁有很高教學(xué)能力的地方。但是太多的學(xué)校未能達(dá)到這一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。這就是為什么我們沒(méi)有向教育系統(tǒng)注入大筆資金原因，我們啟動(dòng)了一個(gè)名為“沖頂賽跑”的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。我們對(duì)所有50個(gè)州說(shuō)：“如果你們能夠向我們展示提高教師質(zhì)量和學(xué)生成就的最具創(chuàng)新力的方案，我們將向你們提供款項(xiàng)?！?/p>

“沖頂賽跑”是我們公共學(xué)校在十年內(nèi)所進(jìn)行的最有意義的改革。它只使用了不到我們每年教育開支的1%的經(jīng)費(fèi)，但它 已使40個(gè)州提高了教學(xué)和學(xué)習(xí)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。這些標(biāo)準(zhǔn)不是由華盛頓所決定的，它是由美國(guó)各個(gè)州的共和黨和民主黨州長(zhǎng)們所決定的。“沖頂賽跑”應(yīng)當(dāng)成為我們今年所采取的方法。我們今年將用一個(gè)更為靈活、專注于用給我們的孩子帶來(lái)最大益處的法律來(lái)取代《不讓一個(gè)兒童落后法》。

你們應(yīng)該知道，當(dāng)改革不僅僅是從上到下的指示時(shí)，我們的孩子所能夠取得的成績(jī)有多大。改革措施將由當(dāng)?shù)氐慕處熀托ｉL(zhǎng)、校董事會(huì)和社區(qū)來(lái)決定。

以丹佛的布魯斯?蘭多夫?qū)W校為例，它在三年前被評(píng)為是科羅拉多州最差的學(xué)校之一，它位于兩個(gè)敵對(duì)黑幫爭(zhēng)奪的地盤內(nèi)。但在去年五月，該校97%的高三學(xué)生獲得了畢業(yè)證，大多數(shù)人將是他們家庭中上大學(xué)的第一人。在學(xué)校實(shí)現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)變后的第一年，一位學(xué)生的話使這一切成為現(xiàn)實(shí)的校長(zhǎng)流下了眼淚。這個(gè)學(xué)生說(shuō)： “感謝你，威特斯女士，感謝你向我們表明，我們是聰明的，我們能夠成功?！?/p>

讓我們也記住，除了父母之外，對(duì)一個(gè)孩子成功的最大影響來(lái)自于站在教室前的男女教師們。在韓國(guó)，教師們被稱作“國(guó)家建造者”。在美國(guó)，現(xiàn)是我們?cè)撘酝瑯映潭鹊淖鹬貙?duì)待那些教育我們孩子的人的時(shí)候了。我們應(yīng)當(dāng)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)好教師，停止為糟糕的教師找借口。在未來(lái)十年，由于非常多的嬰兒潮一代教師將退休，我們將需要準(zhǔn)備10萬(wàn)名科學(xué)、技術(shù)、工程和數(shù)學(xué)學(xué)科教師。

事實(shí)上，對(duì)于今晚收聽講演的、正在考慮職業(yè)選擇的年輕 人，如果你想讓我們國(guó)家前途有所不同，如果你想讓一個(gè)孩子的生命有所不同，成為一位教師吧。你的國(guó)家需要你。

當(dāng)然，教育競(jìng)賽不會(huì)止步于高中畢業(yè)證。為了競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，必須讓每位美國(guó)人都有接受高等教育的機(jī)會(huì)。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁唇Y(jié)束向銀行提供沒(méi)有充分根據(jù)的稅款補(bǔ)貼，用節(jié)省下來(lái)的錢來(lái)使數(shù)百萬(wàn)學(xué)生能有能力上大學(xué)。我今年將請(qǐng)求國(guó)會(huì)采取進(jìn)一步措施，使我們的學(xué)費(fèi)稅收抵免永久化，對(duì)一個(gè)人四年的大學(xué)來(lái)說(shuō)，這筆錢相當(dāng)于1萬(wàn)美元。

由于人們需要在今天快速變化的經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域里接受新工作和職業(yè)的培訓(xùn)，我們也將重新使美國(guó)的社區(qū)學(xué)院恢復(fù)活力。我上個(gè)月看到了北卡羅來(lái)納州福費(fèi)斯社區(qū)技術(shù)學(xué)院的潛力，學(xué)院的許多學(xué)生曾在現(xiàn)在已搬離城鎮(zhèn)的附近工廠就業(yè)。凱西?普羅克托是一位兩個(gè)孩子的母親，她18歲就開始在家具業(yè)工作。她告訴我，現(xiàn)年 55歲的她正在攻讀生物技術(shù)學(xué)位，不只是因?yàn)榧揖邩I(yè)的工作沒(méi)有了，而是因?yàn)樗牍膭?lì)她的孩子也追求他們的夢(mèng)想。凱西說(shuō)：“我希望這將能教會(huì)他們永不放棄。”如果我們采取這些措施，如果我們提高對(duì)每個(gè)孩子的期待值，給他們?cè)诮逃矫孀詈玫臋C(jī)遇，從他們出生至他們上一次的就業(yè)崗位，我們將實(shí)現(xiàn)我在兩年前確定的目標(biāo)：在這個(gè)十年結(jié)束的時(shí)候，美國(guó)將再度成為擁有大學(xué)生比例最高的國(guó)家。

非法移民問(wèn)題

有關(guān)教育的最后一點(diǎn)。今天，我們的學(xué)校里有數(shù)百萬(wàn)學(xué)業(yè)優(yōu)秀的非美國(guó)公民。一些人是非法工人的孩子，他們與他們父 母的行為沒(méi)有任何關(guān)系。他們是以美國(guó)人的身份長(zhǎng)大的，宣誓效忠美國(guó)，但卻每天生活在將被驅(qū)逐的威脅之下。其它人來(lái)自海外，在我們的院校和大學(xué)里學(xué)習(xí)，但他們一旦獲得學(xué)位，我們就把他們送回國(guó)和我們進(jìn)行競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。這沒(méi)有道理。

現(xiàn)在，我強(qiáng)烈地認(rèn)為，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)一下子解決非法移民的問(wèn)題。我作好了與共和黨人和民主黨人合作以保護(hù)我們邊境的準(zhǔn)備，執(zhí)行我們的法律，解決數(shù)百萬(wàn)生活在陰影之下的非法移民問(wèn)題。我知道，這方面的辯論將是艱難的，將需要時(shí)間。但是今晚，讓我們就開始作出努力達(dá)成共識(shí)。停止驅(qū)逐那些有才能、負(fù)責(zé)任的年輕人，他們可以在我們的實(shí)驗(yàn)室工作、創(chuàng)業(yè)、給美國(guó)帶來(lái)新的財(cái)富。

重建基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施

贏得未來(lái)的第三步是重建美國(guó)。為了吸引新的行業(yè)來(lái)到美國(guó)，我們需要運(yùn)送人員、商品、信息最快捷、最可靠的方法，從高速鐵路至高速互聯(lián)網(wǎng)等基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施。

我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施曾經(jīng)是世界上最棒的，但現(xiàn)在我們的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢(shì)已經(jīng)下滑。韓國(guó)家庭的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)接入比例已超過(guò)了美國(guó)。歐洲國(guó)家和俄羅斯在公路和鐵路的投資額超過(guò)了美國(guó)。中國(guó)正在建造更快的火車和新機(jī)場(chǎng)。與此同時(shí)，當(dāng)我們自己的工程師給我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施打分時(shí)，他們給我們打了一個(gè)“D”。

我們必須做得更好，美國(guó)是一個(gè)建設(shè)了州際鐵路、將電力輸往鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)、建設(shè)了州際高速公路的國(guó)家。這些項(xiàng)目創(chuàng)造的工作不只來(lái)自于鋪設(shè)鐵軌或者路面，工作機(jī)會(huì)也來(lái)自在鎮(zhèn)里新 建火車站或者新外匝道附近開設(shè)的行業(yè)。

在未來(lái)兩年，我們已開始為21世紀(jì)進(jìn)行重建。這個(gè)項(xiàng)目已為遭到沉重打擊的建筑業(yè)帶來(lái)了數(shù)千個(gè)好工作。今晚，我提議我們加倍這方面的努力

我們將讓更多的美國(guó)人從事修理年久失修的道路和橋梁工作。我們將確保這方面的工作有充分的經(jīng)費(fèi)保證，吸引私人投資，根據(jù)項(xiàng)目對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)而不是對(duì)政治家的最佳益處來(lái)選擇項(xiàng)目。

在未來(lái)二十五年內(nèi)，我們的目標(biāo)是使80%的美國(guó)人能夠擁有高速鐵路，這將使你乘高速鐵路出行的時(shí)間比開車出行的時(shí)間減少一半。對(duì)于一些旅程來(lái)說(shuō)，它將比乘飛機(jī)出行更快，而且沒(méi)有嚴(yán)格的安檢措施。在我們講話之時(shí)，加州和中西部地區(qū)的高鐵線路已在建設(shè)之中。

在未來(lái)五年內(nèi)，我們將使業(yè)界向98%的美國(guó)人提供下一代高速無(wú)線網(wǎng)絡(luò)連接成為可能。這并不只是更快的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和更少的漏接電話。這事關(guān)使美國(guó)的各個(gè)地區(qū)都進(jìn)入數(shù)字化時(shí)代。這事關(guān)衣阿華州或者阿拉巴馬州鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)的農(nóng)民和小企業(yè)主能夠向全世界出售他們的產(chǎn)品，這事關(guān)消防隊(duì)員能夠用手持裝臵來(lái)下載著火建筑物的設(shè)計(jì)圖。這事關(guān)一名學(xué)生可以用數(shù)字教科書進(jìn)行上課或者一位病人能夠與她的醫(yī)生進(jìn)行面對(duì)面的視頻聊天。

所有這些投資，在創(chuàng)新、教育、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施方面的投資將為美國(guó)帶來(lái)更好的商業(yè)環(huán)境并且創(chuàng)造就業(yè)。但是為了幫助我們的 公司競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，我們還必須打破那些阻礙它們成功的障礙物。

稅收調(diào)整

多年以來(lái)，眾多的游說(shuō)人士利用稅法來(lái)為某些公司和行業(yè)謀利，那些在這一系統(tǒng)中就業(yè)的會(huì)計(jì)師或者律師最終什么稅都不交，而所有其他人則要承受世界上最高的公司稅率。這毫無(wú)道理，這需要改變。

所以，今晚，我請(qǐng)求民主黨和共和黨人簡(jiǎn)化稅率，根除漏洞，實(shí)現(xiàn)公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。用這些節(jié)省下來(lái)的錢來(lái)降低公司稅率，這將是25年來(lái)的第一次，而且是在不增加我們赤字的情況下。

促進(jìn)國(guó)際貿(mào)易增加就業(yè)

為了幫助商業(yè)界向海外出售更多的產(chǎn)品，我們確定了在2014年將出口額翻一倍的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)槲覀兂隹诘脑蕉?，在?guó)內(nèi)創(chuàng)造的就業(yè)崗位就會(huì)越多。我們的出口額已經(jīng)開始上升。我們最近與印度和中國(guó)簽署了協(xié)議，這些協(xié)議將為美國(guó)25萬(wàn)多個(gè)就業(yè)崗位提供支持。我們上個(gè)月與韓國(guó)完成了貿(mào)易協(xié)議的最后文本，它將支持至少7萬(wàn)個(gè)美國(guó)就業(yè)崗位。這一協(xié)議獲得來(lái)自行業(yè)和勞工組織、民主黨人和共和黨人前所未有的支持。我請(qǐng)求國(guó)會(huì)盡早通過(guò)這一協(xié)議。

在我就職之前，我明確表示，我們將執(zhí)行我們的貿(mào)易協(xié)議。我將只會(huì)簽署那些對(duì)美國(guó)工人有信心、增加美國(guó)就業(yè)崗位的協(xié)議。我們與韓國(guó)簽署協(xié)議時(shí)就是這樣做的，我想在與巴拿馬和哥倫比亞尋求簽署類似協(xié)議時(shí)也會(huì)這樣做，在繼續(xù)與我們的亞太和全球貿(mào)易會(huì)談時(shí)持同樣立場(chǎng)。為了降低增長(zhǎng)和投資的障礙，我已下令對(duì)政府規(guī)則進(jìn)行重新評(píng)估。當(dāng)我們發(fā)現(xiàn)那些給行業(yè)帶來(lái)不必要負(fù)擔(dān)的規(guī)則時(shí)，我們將會(huì)修改這些規(guī)則。但我將不會(huì)毫不遲疑地設(shè)立或者強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行常識(shí)性的保護(hù)性規(guī)則，以保護(hù)美國(guó)人民。我們?cè)谶^(guò)去一個(gè)多世紀(jì)一直是這樣做的。這就是為什么我們的食物、水、空氣是安全的。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁慈ツ陮?duì)信用卡公司隱藏資費(fèi)和懲罰規(guī)定采取消費(fèi)者保護(hù)措施，為了避免新的金融危機(jī)采取新規(guī)則的原因。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁醋罱K通過(guò)改革法案以防止醫(yī)保行業(yè)剝削病人的原因。

醫(yī)療改革

現(xiàn)在，我聽說(shuō)了有關(guān)你們中的一些人對(duì)新的醫(yī)保法律有一些擔(dān)心的傳聞。所以讓我來(lái)首先說(shuō)，所有的事情都有改善的可能。如果你有使醫(yī)療護(hù)理更加高質(zhì)量或者更便宜的想法，我很愿意與你合作。我們現(xiàn)在可以著手開始解決法案中給小企業(yè)帶來(lái)不必要記帳負(fù)擔(dān)的缺陷。

但我不愿意去做的事情是，重返保險(xiǎn)公司以先決條件為由來(lái)否決一些人獲得醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的時(shí)代。我不愿意告訴來(lái)自得州的腦癌患者詹姆斯?霍華德，醫(yī)保公司可能不會(huì)支付他的治療費(fèi)用。我不愿意告訴俄勒岡州的小企業(yè)主吉姆?豪斯，他還得多支付5000美元來(lái)使他的雇員獲得醫(yī)保。就在我們講話時(shí)，這一法案正使給老年人所開的處方藥更為便宜，使沒(méi)有醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的學(xué)生有繼續(xù)享受他們父母醫(yī)保的機(jī)會(huì)。所以，與其重開過(guò)去兩年在這方面的斗爭(zhēng)，不如讓我們糾正需要糾正的地方，向前 走。

削減赤字

現(xiàn)在，贏得未來(lái)的最后一步最關(guān)鍵的一步是確保我們不會(huì)葬身于如山的債務(wù)之中。

幾乎從10年前開始，赤字財(cái)政幾乎就一直與我們形影相隨。在金融危機(jī)爆發(fā)后，這在一定程度上對(duì)于保持銀行流動(dòng)性、保護(hù)就業(yè)以及增加人民收入來(lái)說(shuō)是必要的。

但現(xiàn)在經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退的最糟時(shí)刻已經(jīng)結(jié)束，我們必須直面政府財(cái)政入不敷出的現(xiàn)實(shí)。這是不可持續(xù)的。每天，美國(guó)的家庭在節(jié)衣縮食以保證營(yíng)收平衡。他們的政府也應(yīng)如此。

所以今天晚上，我建議從今年開始，凍結(jié)未來(lái)五年部分國(guó)內(nèi)項(xiàng)目支出。這將使美國(guó)財(cái)政赤字在未來(lái)十年減少4000多億美元，進(jìn)而使政府可自由支配的開支所占經(jīng)濟(jì)的比例降低到艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)時(shí)期以來(lái)的最低水平。

凍結(jié)需要進(jìn)行痛苦的削減。我們已經(jīng)凍結(jié)了未來(lái)兩年辛勞工作的聯(lián)邦雇員的工資水平。我也建議削減我一直非常關(guān)注的一些項(xiàng)目的支出，比如社區(qū)行動(dòng)項(xiàng)目。國(guó)防部長(zhǎng)也已同意削減他與他的將軍們認(rèn)為對(duì)我們軍事影響不大的數(shù)百億美元的軍費(fèi)支出。

我承認(rèn)，在座各位中有些人已提出了進(jìn)一步削減開支的提案，我愿意刪除任何的確可節(jié)省的開支。不過(guò)，我們必須確保不加重最脆弱的民眾的負(fù)擔(dān)。而且，我們還要確保所削減開支屬真正超重部分。通過(guò)減少對(duì)改革和教育的投資來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)赤字削 減，就相當(dāng)于拆除發(fā)動(dòng)機(jī)以實(shí)現(xiàn)超載飛機(jī)減重的目的。這樣做或許可能讓你一開始覺(jué)得飛得很高，但沒(méi)過(guò)多久，你就會(huì)感受到?jīng)_擊。

現(xiàn)在，我提出的大部分削減和節(jié)省提案只包括在國(guó)內(nèi)支出中，而這種開支僅占我國(guó)預(yù)算的12%多一點(diǎn)。為了取得進(jìn)一步進(jìn)展，我們必須停止僅削減此類開支就已足夠的臆測(cè)。這還不夠。

去年我組建的兩黨聯(lián)立財(cái)政委員會(huì)已經(jīng)明確了這一點(diǎn)。我并不認(rèn)同他們的全部提案，但他們的確取得了重大進(jìn)步。他們的結(jié)論是，解決我國(guó)赤字問(wèn)題的唯一辦法是削減我們能夠發(fā)現(xiàn)的所有過(guò)度消費(fèi)，包括國(guó)內(nèi)項(xiàng)目開支、國(guó)防開支、醫(yī)療開支等等。

這就意味著，進(jìn)一步降低衛(wèi)生保健開支，包括像醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)和醫(yī)療補(bǔ)貼我國(guó)長(zhǎng)期赤字最大單一來(lái)源這樣的項(xiàng)目。醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)改革將減緩這些開支的上升，這就是無(wú)黨派經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家認(rèn)為廢止衛(wèi)生保健法會(huì)使我國(guó)赤字增加2500億美元的部分原因。我很愿意看到其他降低開支的想法，包括去年共和黨的一項(xiàng)提案：進(jìn)行醫(yī)療事故改革，降低草率的醫(yī)療訴訟發(fā)生率。

為了構(gòu)建堅(jiān)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)，我們還應(yīng)制定兩黨解決方案，強(qiáng)化后代社會(huì)保障。在這一點(diǎn)上，我們不應(yīng)危及當(dāng)前退休人員(最易受到傷害的人群)或殘疾人，不應(yīng)有損后代利益，不應(yīng)使美國(guó)退休收入保障受制于充滿不確定性的股市。

如果我們真的關(guān)心我們的赤字，我們就不能允許永久延長(zhǎng) 有關(guān)2%最富裕美國(guó)人的減稅法案。在削減學(xué)校資金或?qū)W生的獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金之前，我們應(yīng)該讓那些百萬(wàn)富翁們放棄他們的減稅優(yōu)惠。

這不是懲罰他們所取得的成功。而是要促進(jìn)美國(guó)的成功。實(shí)際上，在稅收方面，我們能為所有美國(guó)人做的最好的事莫過(guò)于簡(jiǎn)化個(gè)人稅碼(individual tax code)。這將會(huì)是一項(xiàng)艱巨的工作，不過(guò)兩黨成員已經(jīng)表示有意從事這項(xiàng)工作，而且我也準(zhǔn)備加入他們。

所以，現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候采取行動(dòng)了?，F(xiàn)在是時(shí)候兩黨及國(guó)會(huì)兩院在原則上做出讓步，共同從事這項(xiàng)工作了。如果我們現(xiàn)在做出這一艱難決定，從而嚴(yán)加控制我們的赤字，那么我們便能夠進(jìn)行贏得未來(lái)所需的投資。

政府改革

更進(jìn)一步的說(shuō)，我們的政府不能負(fù)擔(dān)得更多。我們應(yīng)該給人民一個(gè)更強(qiáng)有力、更高效的政府。過(guò)去的政府無(wú)法贏得未來(lái)。

我們生活和工作在信息時(shí)代，但上一次政府大規(guī)模重組卻還是在黑白電視機(jī)的時(shí)代。涉及出口的有12個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)。涉及住房政策的則至少有5個(gè)實(shí)體。我常舉的一個(gè)例子是：大馬哈魚在淡水中時(shí)由內(nèi)政部負(fù)責(zé)，而在咸水中時(shí)則由商業(yè)部負(fù)責(zé)。而我聽說(shuō)一旦被熏烤之后情況就更復(fù)雜。

現(xiàn)在，我們已經(jīng)在過(guò)去的兩年里，在利用技術(shù)以及消滅浪費(fèi)方面實(shí)現(xiàn)了突飛猛進(jìn)。退伍軍人現(xiàn)在點(diǎn)一下鼠標(biāo)，就能下載他們的電子病歷。我們正在出售幾英畝數(shù)年都未曾使用的聯(lián)邦辦公地點(diǎn)，而且我們將去除繁文縟節(jié)以便擺脫更多負(fù)擔(dān)。不過(guò)，我們需要考慮更多。未來(lái)的幾個(gè)月里，我的政府將會(huì)提出一項(xiàng)建議，以最有助于實(shí)現(xiàn)打造更具競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力美國(guó)的目標(biāo)的方法，合并、鞏固并整頓聯(lián)邦政府。我將會(huì)把這一建議提交給國(guó)會(huì)進(jìn)行投票，我們將會(huì)推動(dòng)這一建議的通過(guò)。

未來(lái)一年里，我們將繼續(xù)努力重建人民對(duì)政府機(jī)構(gòu)的信任。因?yàn)槟銈儜?yīng)當(dāng)確切知道你們所繳的稅花在哪里，花了多少，你們也將能夠在第一時(shí)間登陸網(wǎng)站獲得這些信息。因?yàn)槟銈儜?yīng)當(dāng)知道自己選出的官員何時(shí)會(huì)見(jiàn)游說(shuō)團(tuán)體，我已要求國(guó)會(huì)按照白宮已經(jīng)在做的將這些信息公布上網(wǎng)。而且因?yàn)槊绹?guó)人民應(yīng)當(dāng)知道，特殊利益不能穿插在小項(xiàng)目的立法中，國(guó)會(huì)中的兩黨議員應(yīng)該知道這一點(diǎn)：如果呈現(xiàn)在我案頭的法案中存在“特殊?？睢?一般是指國(guó)會(huì)議員各自根據(jù)其選區(qū)或者集團(tuán)需要，插入預(yù)算報(bào)告中的“相關(guān)項(xiàng)目?？睢?，我將會(huì)予以否決。

一個(gè)具備公開和競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的21世紀(jì)政府。一個(gè)量入為出的政府。一個(gè)由新技術(shù)與理念驅(qū)動(dòng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系。要在這個(gè)不斷變化的新世界中取得成功，我們需改革、責(zé)任和創(chuàng)新。這還需要我們?cè)谕饨皇聞?wù)中通過(guò)新方法接觸世界。

所以，我們必須戰(zhàn)勝敵人，無(wú)論他們?cè)谀睦?，并建立跨越地區(qū)、種族和宗教界線的聯(lián)盟。美國(guó)的道德榜樣必需始終照耀著渴望自由、正義和尊嚴(yán)的所有人。因此我們已經(jīng)開始了這項(xiàng)工作，所以今晚我們能夠說(shuō)美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層已經(jīng)復(fù)興，美國(guó)的地位已經(jīng)恢復(fù)。

外交政策 看看伊拉克，我們近十萬(wàn)勇敢的男女士兵已經(jīng)昂首挺胸撤離伊拉克，美國(guó)的戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)也已經(jīng)結(jié)束。在那里，暴力現(xiàn)象已經(jīng)開始下降，新政府已經(jīng)組建。今年，我們的民眾將與伊拉克人民建立持久伙伴關(guān)系，與此同時(shí)，我們從伊拉克撤軍的工作也將結(jié)束。美國(guó)遵守了承諾，伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)即將結(jié)束。

當(dāng)然，誠(chéng)如我們所言，基地組織及其附屬組織仍在計(jì)劃攻擊我們。感謝我們的情報(bào)和執(zhí)法人員，我們正在挫敗他們陰謀，保護(hù)我們的城市和天空。對(duì)于極端分子激發(fā)我們國(guó)內(nèi)暴力行動(dòng)的企圖，我們正以社區(qū)力量、對(duì)法規(guī)的尊重，以及對(duì)美國(guó)穆斯林是我們美國(guó)大家庭一份子的堅(jiān)定信仰，作出回應(yīng)。

我們也同基地組織及其海外盟友展開了戰(zhàn)斗。在阿富汗，我們的軍隊(duì)已經(jīng)占據(jù)了塔利班的根據(jù)地，并且訓(xùn)練了阿富汗安全部隊(duì)。我們的目標(biāo)很明顯：通過(guò)阻止塔利班再次壓榨阿富汗人民，我們將會(huì)阻止基地組織獲得充當(dāng)9?11起點(diǎn)的避風(fēng)港。

經(jīng)過(guò)英雄部隊(duì)及平民的奮戰(zhàn)，只剩下少數(shù)阿富汗人仍處于塔利班這一叛亂組織的控制下。擺在前面的將會(huì)是激烈的戰(zhàn)斗，而且阿富汗政府需要進(jìn)行更好的管制。不過(guò)，我們正在增強(qiáng)阿富汗人民的力量，并與他們構(gòu)建持久的伙伴關(guān)系。今年，我們將會(huì)同近50個(gè)國(guó)家一起，開始向由阿富汗主導(dǎo)的狀態(tài)過(guò)渡。今年7月，我們將開始撤軍。

在巴基斯坦，基地組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層承受著比2001年以來(lái)任何時(shí)候都要大的壓力。他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人及特務(wù)正逐漸遠(yuǎn)離戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，他們的避風(fēng)港正在收縮。而且，我們已經(jīng)從阿富汗邊境向阿拉 伯半島直至全世界發(fā)出了信息：我們不會(huì)憐憫、我們不會(huì)動(dòng)搖、我們會(huì)打敗你們。

美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人也在努力確保最厲害戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)武器的安全。因?yàn)楣埠忘h和民主黨通過(guò)了新《削減戰(zhàn)略武器條約》，可部署的武器和發(fā)射器會(huì)更少。因?yàn)槲覀円卣袷澜纾诟鞔笾尴拗坪瞬牧希悦饴淙肟植婪肿邮种小?/p>

因?yàn)槊绹?guó)也在通過(guò)外交努力堅(jiān)持要求伊朗履行其義務(wù)，所以伊朗政府現(xiàn)在面臨著比以往更加嚴(yán)厲的制裁。在朝鮮半島上，我們與盟國(guó)韓國(guó)站在一起，堅(jiān)持朝鮮踐行其放棄核武器的諾言。

這僅是我們重塑世界、維護(hù)世界和平和繁榮所作出努力的一部分。我們與歐洲同盟一道，在努力恢復(fù)北約的活力，增加從反恐到導(dǎo)彈防御等各方面的合作。我們已經(jīng)重新設(shè)定了與俄羅斯的關(guān)系，強(qiáng)化亞洲同盟，并與印度等國(guó)家建立了新的伙伴關(guān)系。今年三月，我將訪問(wèn)巴西、智利和薩爾瓦多，打造美洲新的進(jìn)步同盟。在全球，我們與那些負(fù)責(zé)任的國(guó)家一道，幫助農(nóng)民生產(chǎn)更多的糧食，支持醫(yī)治傷患的醫(yī)生，并與敗壞社會(huì)風(fēng)氣和掠奪人民財(cái)富的腐敗行為作斗爭(zhēng)。

最近的事件告訴我們，使我們與眾不同的，不僅是我們的力量，也必然還有其后的目的。在我們的幫助下，南蘇丹人民在經(jīng)歷了多年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)后，最終能夠投票選擇自己的獨(dú)立。他們?cè)诶杳髑芭牌鹆藬?shù)千人的長(zhǎng)隊(duì)，人民在大街上歡舞。一名在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中失去了四名兄弟的男子在描述他身邊的景象時(shí)這樣說(shuō)到： “這曾是我生命大多時(shí)間中的戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，現(xiàn)在我們希望自由”。

軍人保障、軍隊(duì)同性戀問(wèn)題

我們絕對(duì)不能忘記我們?yōu)橹Α橹畩^斗、所有人都銘記心中的事情。我們必須永遠(yuǎn)記住，在這場(chǎng)斗爭(zhēng)中負(fù)擔(dān)最為沉重的美國(guó)人正是那些報(bào)效我們祖國(guó)的男男女女。

今晚，讓我們共同重申，我們的國(guó)家會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)一致地支持我們的軍隊(duì)及其家人。讓我們?yōu)樗麄兎?wù)，就像他們?yōu)槲覀兎?wù)那樣，給予他們需要的裝備、為他們提供應(yīng)得的保健和福利、并在建設(shè)祖國(guó)的偉大任務(wù)中，為退伍軍人提供支持。

我們的軍人來(lái)自這個(gè)國(guó)家的每一個(gè)角落。他們是黑人、白人、拉丁裔、亞裔和印第安人。他們是基督教教徒、印度教教徒、猶太教教徒和穆斯林。的確，我們知道，其中有一些人是同性戀。從今年開始，美國(guó)人都不會(huì)因?yàn)樗麄兊膼?ài)人而被禁止報(bào)效其所愛(ài)的國(guó)家。接下來(lái)，我呼吁所有大學(xué)校園向我們的軍方征兵人員和后備軍官訓(xùn)練隊(duì)敞開大門?，F(xiàn)在，是時(shí)候和過(guò)去的分裂斗爭(zhēng)說(shuō)再見(jiàn)了。我們應(yīng)該作為一個(gè)民族向前邁進(jìn)。

美國(guó)夢(mèng)

我們不應(yīng)該對(duì)擺在我們面前的工作心存任何幻想。改革學(xué)校、改變能源使用方式、減少赤字，這一切都并非易事，這需要時(shí)間。我們會(huì)圍繞一切事情展開爭(zhēng)論，這會(huì)使難度變得更高，成本、細(xì)節(jié)、每一個(gè)法律條文。

自然，一些國(guó)家沒(méi)有這種問(wèn)題。

盡管我們民主有時(shí)會(huì)出現(xiàn)爭(zhēng)議、挫敗及混亂，但我知道在 場(chǎng)的各位都不愿意與世界上其他任何國(guó)家的人做交換。

或許我們會(huì)存在政策分歧，但我們都堅(jiān)信我國(guó)憲法所昭示的正義?；蛟S我們擁有不同的觀點(diǎn)，但我們都堅(jiān)信同一個(gè)承諾：這是一個(gè)只要嘗試就可能會(huì)成功的地方。又或許我們擁有不同的背景，但我們都堅(jiān)信同一夢(mèng)想：這是一個(gè)一切皆有可能的國(guó)家。

正是這個(gè)夢(mèng)想讓我今晚站在這里，站在大家面前。正是這個(gè)夢(mèng)想讓來(lái)自斯克蘭頓的工人階級(jí)成為了我后盾。也正是這個(gè)夢(mèng)想讓一個(gè)從父輩開始在辛辛那提的酒吧掃地的人，成為了這個(gè)世界上最強(qiáng)國(guó)家的眾議院議長(zhǎng)。

這個(gè)夢(mèng)想(美國(guó)夢(mèng))驅(qū)使著艾倫兄弟為了一個(gè)新時(shí)代而徹底改造了他們的屋頂工程公司。這個(gè)夢(mèng)想驅(qū)使著那些在佛塞斯技術(shù)社區(qū)學(xué)院求學(xué)的學(xué)生們學(xué)習(xí)新技術(shù)，為了未來(lái)努力奮斗。這個(gè)夢(mèng)想也驅(qū)使一個(gè)名為布蘭登?費(fèi)舍爾的小企業(yè)主有了自己的故事。

布蘭登在賓夕法尼亞州的柏林市開設(shè)了一家公司，專攻新型鉆探技術(shù)。去年夏季的一天，他看到新聞，智利礦井中有33人被困，無(wú)人知道如何營(yíng)救。但布蘭登認(rèn)為他的公司可以幫忙。他設(shè)計(jì)了一套營(yíng)救方案，稱為B計(jì)劃。他的員工24小時(shí)工作，生產(chǎn)所需的鉆探設(shè)備。然后布蘭登前往智利。

他同其他人一起鉆了一個(gè)2000英尺的洞，連續(xù)不眠不休工作了三四天。37天后，B計(jì)劃成功，礦工獲救。但布蘭登不想引起注意，礦工升井后，他并沒(méi)有在那里。他已經(jīng)回家開始 致力于下一個(gè)項(xiàng)目了。

后來(lái)，他的一名員工提到了這次營(yíng)救，“Center Rock是一家小公司，但我們做的卻是大事情。”

我們做大事

自建國(guó)初期以來(lái)，美國(guó)便充滿了由敢于追夢(mèng)的普通人所譜寫的故事。我們就是這樣贏得了未來(lái)。

我們是一個(gè)會(huì)這樣說(shuō)話的民族：“我或許沒(méi)有巨款，但是我有成立一家新公司的高見(jiàn)。我或許沒(méi)有出生在一個(gè)擁有大學(xué)學(xué)歷的家庭，但我將會(huì)成為這個(gè)家庭里第一個(gè)獲得大學(xué)學(xué)歷的人。我或許并不認(rèn)識(shí)那些處于困境中的人們，但我認(rèn)為我能夠幫助他們，而且我需要試一試。”

雖然我不確定我們將如何超越地平線到達(dá)更好的地方，但我知道我們將會(huì)到達(dá)那里。我知道我們能夠做到。

我們?cè)诔删蛡I(yè)

美國(guó)人的思想活力仍在，我們的命運(yùn)依舊掌握在我們手中。今晚，兩個(gè)多世紀(jì)后，因?yàn)槲覀兊娜嗣瘢覀兊奈磥?lái)變得充滿希望，我們的旅程不斷向前，我們的國(guó)家變得強(qiáng)大。

謝謝大家。愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

第四篇：奧巴馬國(guó)情咨文演講語(yǔ)錄

奧巴馬國(guó)情咨文演講語(yǔ)錄

Text of President Barack Obama's first State of the Union speech[ 2010-01-28 11:42 ] 當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間周三晚9時(shí)，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬發(fā)表上任后的首次國(guó)情咨文演講。他在講話中宣布政府計(jì)劃向銀行收費(fèi)，以彌補(bǔ)政府為救助金融機(jī)構(gòu)及汽車業(yè)而蒙受的損失，補(bǔ)償納稅人的利益。

奧巴馬在發(fā)言中多次重復(fù)：“我不愿意救助銀行”，隨后宣布將向銀行收費(fèi)。以下是其演講語(yǔ)錄及全文： I hated it.You hated it.It was about as popular as a root canal.(Speaking of the bank bailout)“我痛恨它。你們也痛恨它。它就像牙根管一樣普及。”（說(shuō)到救助銀行）

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills.(Speaking to “naysayers”in Congress)在此，我想提醒民主黨人，我們?nèi)匀粨碛袛?shù)十年來(lái)最大范圍的多數(shù)支持，大家希望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q問(wèn)題，而不是倉(cāng)皇落逃。（對(duì)議會(huì)反對(duì)派說(shuō)）

Right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change or at least, that I can deliver on it.(Referring to his campaign promises)我知道現(xiàn)在很多美國(guó)人懷疑他們是否還可以相信我們能夠改變，或者至少我是否還能履行諾言。（談到競(jìng)選承諾）

By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.Millions will lose it this year.Our deficit will grow.Premiums will go up.Patients will be denied the care they need.Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether.I will not walk away from these Americans and neither should the people in this chamber.(Speaking of the health-care overhaul)到我結(jié)束今晚的講話之時(shí)，更多的美國(guó)人正在失去醫(yī)保，病人得不到應(yīng)有的治療，小企業(yè)主繼續(xù)放棄為員工提供醫(yī)保，我不會(huì)不管這些沒(méi)有醫(yī)保的美國(guó)人，在座的各位也不應(yīng)該如此。（談到醫(yī)療改革）Jobs must be our number one focus in 2010.People are out of work.They are hurting.They need our help.And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.(Referring to his top priority to stabilize the economy)就業(yè)將成為2010年我們工作的重中之重。人們正在失去工作，經(jīng)受痛苦。他們需要我們的幫助，我希望盡快在我的辦公桌上看到一個(gè)刺激就業(yè)的計(jì)劃。（談到穩(wěn)定經(jīng)濟(jì)的首要任務(wù)）

Let's seize this moment — to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.讓我們抓住這個(gè)時(shí)刻——重新開始，追逐夢(mèng)想，重振美國(guó)。

If we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize our recovery.(Referring to fears about the US trade balance and the national debt)如果我們不采取有效措施控制債務(wù)，勢(shì)必危及市場(chǎng)、增加借貸成本、影響經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇。（談及對(duì)美國(guó)貿(mào)易平衡和國(guó)債的擔(dān)心）

Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the president shall give to Congress information about the state of our union.For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty.They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility.And they have done so in the midst of war and depression;at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable, that America was always destined to succeed.But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain.These were times that tested the courage of our convictions and the strength of our union.And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation and one people.Again, we are tested.And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse and a government deeply in debt.Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression.So we acted immediately and aggressively.And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains.One in 10 Americans still cannot find work.Many businesses have shuttered.Home values have declined.Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard.For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades — the burden of working harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now.They're not new.These struggles are the reason I ran for president.These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Ind., and Galesburg, Ill.I hear about them in the letters that I read each night.The toughest to read are those written by children asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough.Some are frustrated;some are angry.They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't, or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems.They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness.They know we can't afford it.Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges.And what the American people hope what they deserve is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences, to overcome the numbing weight of our politics.For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same.The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills, a chance to get ahead.Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity.After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school.They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors.As one woman wrote me, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.” It is because of this spirit, this great decency and great strength that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.Despite our hardships, our union is strong.We do not give up.We do not quit.We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency, that embodies their strength.And tonight, I'd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis.It was not easy to do.And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it's that we all hated the bank bailout.I hated it.You hated it.It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for president, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular — I would do what was necessary.And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today.More businesses would certainly have closed.More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program.And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable.As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks.I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible and help Americans who had become unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA and passed 25 different tax cuts.Let me repeat: we cut taxes.We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families.We cut taxes for small businesses.We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers.And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person.Not a single dime.Because of the steps we took, there are about 2 million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed — 200,000 work in construction and clean energy, 300,000 are teachers and other education workers, tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers and first responders.And we are on track to add another one-and-a-half-million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act.That's right — the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill.Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster.But you don't have to take their word for it.Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its work force because of the Recovery Act.Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created.Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America.And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again.Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value.Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from — who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response.That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses.But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.We should start where most new jobs do — in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow.But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pa., or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies.But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat.I am also proposing a new small business tax credit — one that will go to over 1 million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages.While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow.From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete.There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Fla., where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act.There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services and information.We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs.And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it's time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America.The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same.People are out of work.They are hurting.They need our help.And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the 7 million jobs we've lost over the last two years.The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We cannot afford another so-called economic expansion like the one from last decade — what some call the lost decade — where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion, where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs, where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious — that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked and that we should just put things on hold for awhile.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse.Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its economy;Germany's not waiting;India's not waiting.These nations aren't standing still.These nations aren't playing for second place.They're putting more emphasis on math and science.They're rebuilding their infrastructure.They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.Well I do not accept second place for the United States of America.As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.One place to start is serious financial reform.Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I'm interested in protecting our economy.A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs.It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes.But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle class families have the information they need to make financial decisions.We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes.And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it.Well, we cannot let them win this fight.And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.Next, we need to encourage American innovation.Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history — an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched.And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy.You can see the results of last year's investment in clean energy — in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries, or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives.That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country.It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development.It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies.And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year.This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy, and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change.But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future — because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy.And America must be that nation.Third, we need to export more of our goods.Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America.So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support 2 million jobs in America.To help meet this goal, we're launching a national export initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports and reform export controls consistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are.If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores.But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules.And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools.The idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success.Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform — reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner cities.In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education.In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states.Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job.I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans.Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants.And let's tell another 1 million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years — and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service.Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college.And it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs — because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class.That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle class families.That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg.That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment — their home.The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear — I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt.And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage, patients who've been denied coverage and families — even those with insurance — who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans.The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry.It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market.It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.And by the way, I want to acknowledge our first lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan.It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses.And according to the Congressional Budget Office — the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress — our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became.I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people.And I know that with all the lobbying and horse trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for them.But I also know this problem is not going away.By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.Millions will lose it this year.Our deficit will grow.Premiums will go up.Patients will be denied the care they need.Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether.I will not walk away from these Americans and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed.There's a reason why many doctors, nurses and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo.But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors and stop insurance company abuses, let me know.Here's what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform.Not now.Not when we are so close.Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves.It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion.By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade.Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts and an expensive prescription drug program.On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget.That was before I walked in the door.Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit.But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do.But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions.The federal government should do the same.So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years.Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security will not be affected.But all other discretionary government programs will.Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't.And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work.We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year.To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts.But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers and those making over $250,000 a year.We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office.More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security will continue to skyrocket.That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad.This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem.The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission.So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans.And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting.I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger.But understand — if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize our recovery — all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument — that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away.The problem is, that's what we did for eight years.That's what helped lead us into this crisis.It's what helped lead to these deficits.And we cannot do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new.Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt.Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here.Let's try common sense.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now.We face a deficit of trust — deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years.To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists;to do our work openly and to give our people the government they deserve.That's what I came to Washington to do.That's why — for the first time in history — my administration posts our White House visitors online.And that's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.But we can't stop there.It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or Congress.And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests — including foreign corporations — to spend without limit in our elections.Well, I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities.They should be decided by the American people, and that's why I'm urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform.You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change.But restoring the public trust demands more.For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online.Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.Now, I am not naive.I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony and some post-partisan era.I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched.And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways.These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over 200 years.They are the very essence of our democracy.But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is election day.We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent — a belief that if you lose, I win.Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can.The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game.But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people.Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government.So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics.I know it's an election year.And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual.But we still need to govern.To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills.And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well.Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership.We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions.So let's show the American people that we can do it together.This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans.And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership.I know you can't wait.Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security.Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated.We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I am not interested in relitigating the past.I know that all of us love this country.All of us are committed to its defense.So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough.Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values.Let's leave behind the fear and division and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future — for America and the world.That is the work we began last year.Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation.We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives.We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence.We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula.And in the last year, hundreds of al-Qaida's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed — far more than in 2008.In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011 and our troops can begin to come home.We will reward good governance, reduce corruption and support the rights of all Afghans — men and women alike.We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose.There will be difficult days ahead.But I am confident we will succeed.As we take the fight to al-Qaida, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people.As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as president.We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August.We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity.But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform — in Iraq, Afghanistan and around the world — must know that they have our respect, our gratitude and our full support.And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home.That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades.That is why we are building a 21st century VA.And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people — the threat of nuclear weapons.I have embraced the vision of John F.Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them.To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades.And at April's nuclear security summit, we will bring 44 nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons.That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation and stronger sanctions — sanctions that are being vigorously enforced.That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated.And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences.That is the leadership that we are providing — engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people.We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery.We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation.We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change.We are helping developing countries to feed themselves and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS.And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease — a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores.But we also do it because it is right.That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild.That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan, we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran, and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea.For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals.The same is true at home.We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it, that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.We must continually renew this promise.My administration has a civil rights division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination.We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate.This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are.We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws — so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work.And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system — to secure our borders, enforce our laws and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America — values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe, values that drive our citizens still.Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers.Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country.They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit.These aren't Republican values or Democratic values they're living by, business values or labor values.They are American values.Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions — our corporations, our media and, yes, our government — still reflect these same values.Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper.But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow.Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith.The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.No wonder there's so much disappointment.I campaigned on the promise of change — change we can believe in, the slogan went.And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change — or at least, that I can deliver it.But remember this — I never suggested that change would be easy or that I can do it alone.Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated.And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy.That's just how it is.Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths.We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago or 100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight.The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard, to do what was needed even when success was uncertain, to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren.Our administration has had some political setbacks this year and some of them were deserved.But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year.And what keeps me going — what keeps me fighting — is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism — that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people — lives on.It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, “None of us,” he said, “are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.” It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong.We are resilient.We are American.” It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go some place they've never been and pull people they've never known from rubble, prompting chants of “USA!USA!USA!” when another life was saved.The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.We have finished a difficult year.We have come through a difficult decade.But a new year has come.A new decade stretches before us.We don't quit.I don't quit.Let's seize this moment — to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.Thank you.God Bless You.And God Bless the United States of America.

第五篇：奧巴馬2016國(guó)情咨文演講 雙語(yǔ)全文

奧巴馬2016國(guó)情咨文演講

雙語(yǔ)全文

奧巴馬2016國(guó)情咨文演講

| 雙語(yǔ)全文President Obama's final state of the Union address 當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間12號(hào)晚間，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在華盛頓發(fā)表了任上最后一次國(guó)情咨文，這也是他第八次進(jìn)行國(guó)情咨文演講。

Mr.Speaker, Mr.Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 議長(zhǎng)先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國(guó)會(huì)議員和美國(guó)同胞們：Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union.And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter.I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在這里做國(guó)情咨文的第八個(gè)年頭，也是最后一次。我將盡量簡(jiǎn)而言之。我知道你們中有些人急著回愛(ài)荷華州（譯者注：兩黨黨內(nèi)預(yù)選進(jìn)行地）。I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low.Still, Mr.Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families.So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse.We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此時(shí)正當(dāng)大選之季，因此公眾對(duì)我們今年成就的期望并不高。但是，議長(zhǎng)先生，您以及其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人去年年末通過(guò)了建設(shè)性的預(yù)算決議，使得工薪家庭減稅計(jì)劃能夠長(zhǎng)久實(shí)施下去，我對(duì)此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年兩黨能夠在一些重要事務(wù)上同心協(xié)作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，幫助那些與處方藥濫用行為抗?fàn)幍娜藗?。我們很可能?huì)讓質(zhì)疑者們?cè)俅未蟪砸惑@。But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead.Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients.And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing.Fixing a broken immigration system.Protecting our kids from gun violence.Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage.All these things still matter to hardworking families;they are still the right thing to do;and I will not let up until they get done.但在今晚，我打算少談些像往年那樣的發(fā)展計(jì)劃。別擔(dān)心，我還是有很多計(jì)劃要談，比如，幫助學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)編寫計(jì)算機(jī)代碼，以及對(duì)病人進(jìn)行個(gè)性化治療。我將繼續(xù)推動(dòng)這些未竟事業(yè)的進(jìn)步。完善有漏洞的移民體系。保護(hù)我們的孩子們免遭槍械暴力。繼續(xù)推行同工同酬及帶薪休假，并提高最低工資水平。所有的這一切對(duì)于努力工作的家庭們來(lái)說(shuō)依然至關(guān)重要；這些仍是我們要做的對(duì)的事情。我絕不會(huì)放松這些工作，直至他們完成為止。But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year.I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.但這是我最后一次在此發(fā)表講話，我不想只談?wù)搧?lái)年的事宜。我想關(guān)注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久遠(yuǎn)的事情。I want to focus on our future.我更關(guān)注我們的未來(lái)。We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world.It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families.It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away.It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality.And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.我們生活在一個(gè)充滿巨變的時(shí)代，這場(chǎng)巨變改變了我們的生活、工作方式，改變了我們的星球和我們?cè)谑澜缟系牡匚弧＿@種巨變預(yù)示著醫(yī)學(xué)將出現(xiàn)重大突破，也會(huì)帶來(lái)困擾著工薪家庭的經(jīng)濟(jì)動(dòng)蕩。它為生活在邊遠(yuǎn)山區(qū)的女孩們帶去教育的希望，卻也使遠(yuǎn)距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一氣策劃陰謀。這場(chǎng)巨變能夠帶來(lái)機(jī)遇，也會(huì)擴(kuò)大不公。無(wú)論我們喜歡與否，這場(chǎng)巨變的進(jìn)度只會(huì)越來(lái)越快。America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights.Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future;who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control.And each time, we overcame those fears.We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew.We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people.And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.美國(guó)曾經(jīng)歷過(guò)種種巨變——戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，蕭條，移民涌入，工人運(yùn)動(dòng)，以及民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。每一次，總有人告訴我們要畏懼未來(lái)。每當(dāng)美國(guó)受到某些組織或者言論威脅，將要失控，這些人就告訴我們要停止變革，并承諾恢復(fù)往日的輝煌。但每一次，我們都能夠克服恐懼。用林肯的話來(lái)說(shuō)，我們并未遵循“平靜的過(guò)去時(shí)代的信條”。相反地，我們能夠用新的思維思考，以新的方式行事。我們巧妙地利用變化，始終將美國(guó)的潛力擴(kuò)展至更廣闊的前沿，惠及更多的民眾。正緣于此——因?yàn)樗搜壑械娘L(fēng)險(xiǎn)在我們看來(lái)是機(jī)遇——我們變得比以前更強(qiáng)更好。What was true then can be true now.Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.過(guò)去的真理，現(xiàn)在亦未曾改變。我們的樂(lè)觀主義與職業(yè)道德，我們的發(fā)現(xiàn)與創(chuàng)新精神，我們種族多樣化和法治信條，這些都是我們作為一個(gè)國(guó)家所擁有的獨(dú)一無(wú)二的優(yōu)點(diǎn)，使我們具備了世代繁榮昌盛、國(guó)泰民安的一切條件。In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible.It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations.It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector;how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.事實(shí)上，正因有了這種精神力量，我們過(guò)去七年才可能取得進(jìn)步。它使我們得以從幾代以來(lái)最嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中恢復(fù)；是我們改革醫(yī)療體系、改造能源部門的動(dòng)力；保證了我們給予軍人和老兵更多關(guān)心和福利。也正因?yàn)榇耍覀兡軌蜃屆總€(gè)州的人都獲得了與所愛(ài)的人結(jié)婚的自由。But such progress is not inevitable.It is the result of choices we make together.And we face such choices right now.Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together? 但是，這些進(jìn)步并不是注定會(huì)發(fā)生的，而是我們共同選擇的結(jié)果。我們當(dāng)下正面臨著這樣的選擇。面對(duì)時(shí)代的變化，我們是將以恐懼對(duì)之，閉門造車，各自為戰(zhàn)？還是自我肯定，堅(jiān)持立場(chǎng)，相信我們能共創(chuàng)奇跡？

So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.讓我們先來(lái)談?wù)勎磥?lái)，以及美國(guó)需要回答的四個(gè)大問(wèn)題——無(wú)論下一屆美國(guó)總統(tǒng)是誰(shuí)，無(wú)論哪個(gè)黨派掌控國(guó)會(huì)。First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy? 首先，我們?nèi)绾卧谛陆?jīng)濟(jì)中給每個(gè)人公平的機(jī)會(huì)和保障？Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change? 第二，我們?nèi)绾巫尲夹g(shù)為我們服務(wù)，而不是與我們對(duì)抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應(yīng)對(duì)的挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候？Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman? 第三，我們?nèi)绾伪Ｕ厦绹?guó)的安全，同時(shí)，在不充當(dāng)世界警察的前提下，引領(lǐng)整個(gè)世界？And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst? 最后，我們?nèi)绾沃贫ㄕ撸蛊浞从吵雒绹?guó)的好，而不是美國(guó)的惡？Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world.We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history.More than 14 million new jobs;the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s;an unemployment rate cut in half.Our auto industry just had its best year ever.Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years.And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.我先說(shuō)說(shuō)經(jīng)濟(jì)，基本的事實(shí)是這樣的：現(xiàn)在，在全球范圍內(nèi)，美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)是最為強(qiáng)大且堅(jiān)固的。縱觀歷史，我們現(xiàn)在處于私營(yíng)部門連續(xù)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)最長(zhǎng)的一段時(shí)期中。我們創(chuàng)造了逾1400萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位；這是自20世紀(jì)90年代以來(lái)就業(yè)增長(zhǎng)最為強(qiáng)勁的兩年；失業(yè)率下降了一半。汽車行業(yè)也創(chuàng)造了最輝煌的一年。在過(guò)去的六年里，制造業(yè)創(chuàng)造了將近90萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位。而且，我們?cè)谌〉眠@些成績(jī)的同時(shí)，還將赤字減少了近四分之三.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction.What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated.Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition.As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise.Companies have less loyalty to their communities.And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.任何聲稱美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在衰落的說(shuō)法都是在傳播虛構(gòu)事實(shí)。實(shí)際情況——同時(shí)也是許多美國(guó)人感到焦慮的原因——是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在經(jīng)歷巨大變革，而且這變革早在大蕭條發(fā)生之前就已經(jīng)開始，到現(xiàn)在還沒(méi)有結(jié)束。今天，能夠被高科技取代的工作崗位并不僅限于生產(chǎn)線，還包括任何可以實(shí)現(xiàn)自動(dòng)化的崗位。在經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化中，公司可以落戶于世界任何地方，也會(huì)面臨更加激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。其結(jié)果是，雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對(duì)其所在群體的忠誠(chéng)度更低。同時(shí)，越來(lái)越多的財(cái)富和收入積聚到社會(huì)頂層階級(jí)手中。All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs;even when the economy is growing.It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to.And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.這些變化趨勢(shì)擠壓了雇員的生存空間，即使他們擁有工作，即使美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)一直在增長(zhǎng)。工薪家庭想要通過(guò)努力工作，擺脫貧困，年輕人想要開創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，雇員想要適時(shí)退休，都已經(jīng)不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國(guó)，但是這些的確違背了獨(dú)有的美國(guó)式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫焦酱?。For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress.But we need to make more.And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.在過(guò)去的七年中，我們的目標(biāo)一直都是，保持經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，以造福每一個(gè)人。我們已經(jīng)取得了一些進(jìn)步。但是，我們需要繼續(xù)努力。盡管在過(guò)去的一些年中，我們有過(guò)許多政治上的爭(zhēng)論，但是在一些領(lǐng)域，我們?nèi)〉昧似毡榈墓沧R(shí)。We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job.The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early c