第一篇：英國首相布萊爾在美國國會演講全文(2003年7月17日)

英國首相布萊爾在美國國會演講全文(2003年7月17日)

議長先生、副總統先生、尊敬的國會議員先生們，我為所受到的熱情慷慨的歡迎深深感動。坦誠而言，我受之有愧，而且有違常規。

首先,我要最誠摯地感謝你們投票授予我國會金質獎章。但是你們像我一樣，知道誰是真正的英雄:那些英勇服役的男女們，你們的和我們的。他們在這次戰爭中奮斗并仍然處在危險境地。我們給予他們的獻詞應當以此方式來概括: 向他們和他們的家人證實,他們的奮斗和犧牲不是無謂的。他們的犧牲使后代可以生活在偉大的和平、繁榮和希望之中。（掌聲）

讓我也表達對布什總統的感激之情。經過自911災難時刻以來的我們世界的改變,我們成為盟邦和朋友。謝謝您的帶領,總統先生。（熱烈掌聲）

議長先生，先生們，我為獲此獎而受寵若驚的心情稍有淡化，唯一原因，是被告知第一個國會金質獎章授予了喬治.華盛頓。如國會所言，表彰他的“機智英勇的運作”，從而把英國人趕出了波士頓(笑聲、掌聲)。

在我們到這里來的時候,議員富瑞斯特（FRIST）親切地向我展示1814年戰爭的交火之地，英國人在那里火燒國會圖書館。我知道道歉有點晚了，但仍要說：對不起。(笑聲,掌聲，笑聲)事實上，你們知道，我的二兒子曾經學習18世紀歷史和美國獨立戰爭史,他對我說，“你知道，諾斯勛爵（Lord North, 十八世紀下半葉中期英國首相，美國獨立戰爭的對手。由于美國獨立而下臺----譯者注），爸爸，他就是那個讓我們丟了美國的英國首相。所以想想吧，無論你將犯多少錯誤，都不會比那個錯誤更糟糕。”(笑聲)

恐怖主義威脅世界自由

國會議員們，我對關于今日世界的使命有相當的緊迫感。

9月11日不是一個孤立的事件，而是一個悲劇的序言。在伊拉克的另一行動和許多未來的爭斗將在悲劇結束之前, 呈現在這個舞臺上。

歷史從來沒有像今天這樣，美國的力量如此必要卻如此被誤解。或者說, 在普通常識之外，歷史的研究沒有象今天這樣為當前提供如此少的指引。

我們來自尚武好戰、強國林立、軍力強大、意識形態不同的大陸，我們一度全都訴諸戰爭。那是爭奪領土或金錢的爭斗，而且軍事規模龐大。戰爭的統帥是公眾人物，結果是決定性的。

今天，我們沒有人期待自己的士兵在自己的領土上開戰。這個世界上最強大的國家都沒有差別地面對直接的威脅。為什么？因為我們都富有而容易失卻。因為科技、通訊、貿易和旅行讓我們彼此接近。因為過去50年來，類似你們美國和我們英國的國家將自己的產值和生活水平提高了三倍。因為甚至像俄國、中國或印度這樣的國家都可以清晰地看到遠景，看到未來的財富，并懂得他們正走在通往那里的堅實道路上。因為所有充分珍惜自由的國家，都將絕對捍衛自由，并都不希望踐踏他人的自由。

我們從未像今天這樣聯結在一起。這種聯結為我們提供空前的機會，但也使我們極易受攻擊。

威脅所以來臨，是因為在我們地球的另外一部分存有陰影和黑暗。那里沒有自由，那里千百萬人在殘酷專制下遭受痛苦；那里，我們星球上三分之一的人生活在極度匱乏之中，甚至我們社會可以想象的最貧窮的東西他們也沒有；那里極端主義宗教的盲目狂熱已經出現，那是伊斯蘭教真實而和平信仰的裂變。

由于這種扭曲折磨的化合，一種新的致命病毒浮現。這種病毒就是恐怖主義。它的毀滅意圖不受人性情感限制，它的破壞能量被科學技術所放大。

我們的終極武器：自由的信念

這是一場僅以軍隊無法開戰或贏得的戰爭。比之恐怖分子，我們在所有傳統方式方面是如此強大。但是盡管我們集所有力量之大成，我們卻慣于謙卑。

歸根結底，抵抗這個魔鬼的將不僅是我們的實力。我們終極的武器不是我們的槍桿子，而是我們的信念(長時間的熱烈的掌聲)。

有一種荒誕的說法：雖然我們愛自由，但別人不愛。認為我們對自由的依戀是我們文化的產物。自由、民主、人權、法治是美國價值或西方價值；而阿富漢婦女滿足于塔里班的鞭笞；薩達姆好歹為他的人民所愛戴；米洛舍維齊是塞爾維亞的救主。

議員先生們，我們所擁有的不是西方價值，無論在哪里，它都是人類精神的普遍價值。(掌聲)......無論在哪里、在什么時候老百姓擁有機會選擇，選擇都是相同的：自由，而不是暴政；民主，而不是專政；法治，而不是秘密警察制。

自由的傳播對于自由本身而言是最佳安全方式。它是我們防御的底線和進攻的第一線。

正是由于恐怖分子試圖以仇恨分裂人類，所以我們必須圍繞一個觀念結成聯盟，這個觀念就是自由。(長時間的掌聲)我們必須尋求為自由而戰的意志和使自由全球化的同道。

亞伯拉罕 林肯說，“那些否認他人自由的人不配擁有自由。”正是這個關于正義的認知產生了自由之愛的道德。

當我們的安全直接受到威脅時，在某種情況下我們求助于武力，在另外情況下我們求助于理性的壓力。但所有情況都指向一個終結：我們所追求的自由不是為若干人的而是為全人類的，因為這是在這場奮斗中真正獲勝的唯一正確的途徑。(掌聲)

歷史不能寬恕什么？

但是我們首先必須解釋面臨的危險。

我們的世界依存于秩序。危險則沒有秩序。在現今世界，它可以如傳染病一樣傳播。恐怖分子和那些支持恐怖的國家沒有強大的軍隊或精密武器，他們不需要。他們的武器是混亂。

恐怖主義的企圖不是任意毀壞的單一行動。它蓄意挑釁，尋求反動：經濟崩潰、動搖、仇恨、分裂、消滅寬容，直至社會解體而順從他們的倒行逆施，符合他們的意志。克什米爾、中東、車臣(Chechnya), 印度尼西亞、非洲，幾乎沒有人類大陸或國家民族逃脫此難。

風險在于恐怖主義及其國家聯合起來發展大規模殺傷性武器。當人們說“這種風險是幻覺”的時候，我說，我們知道塔里班支持艾.凱達(Al Qaida)，我們知道薩達姆治下的伊拉克支持恐怖分子并為他們提供避風港。我們知道中東一些國家積極搜尋并支持人們---這些人以神的意志為念---在自殺行為中脅迫眾多無辜生命走上他們的末日審判之路。其中一些國家正在拼命試圖獲得原子武器。我們知道一些公司和個人與專家一起將這些武器出售給高價買主；我們知道至少有一個國家，北韓，讓人民忍饑挨餓，卻花數十億美元發展原子武器、輸出有關技術。

這不是幻覺，這是21世紀的現實。我們目前被迫面對的現實。(掌聲)

我們能否確定恐怖主義和大規模殺傷武器合而為一？讓我們這么說：如果我們錯了，我們將粉碎一種威脅，這至少是對野蠻屠殺和苦難的負責反應。我自信，歷史會為此寬恕我們(掌聲)。

但是如果批評家們錯了，如果我們對了，---就如我每根神經纖維本能確 認并深信不疑的那樣我們對了----我們卻不采取行動，我們就會在應當采取

行動時，面對危機而猶豫不決。而這，將是歷史不能寬恕的(長時間的熱烈掌聲)。

重審外交觀念，重組外交格局

但是恰恰由于威脅始臨，它不明顯。我們關于如何行動、何時行動的概念被顛覆了，這種顛覆它跨越了許多國家疆界。所以，恰恰由于它重新定義我們的安全觀念，我們也必須審查我們的外交觀念。

在國際政治中，再也沒有比應當平衡美國與其它競爭對手國家之間的力量這種理論更加危險的理論了；不同的磁場周圍聚集不同的國家。這種理論也許可以解釋19世紀的歐洲。那是當時的必然形勢。今天，拋出傳統的安全理論是一個過時的錯誤。它同時是危險的，因為面對共同遭受威脅的事實，我們需要的是合作而不是競爭，我們需要共同意志和共同的決斷。

歐州轉變的可能，東歐國家的作用

我確信任何聯盟必須從美國和歐洲開始。如果歐洲和美國聯合，其它國家將和我們攜手努力。如果我們分裂，其它民族將自行其是，擯棄我們，這樣做只有災難性后果。

你們也許認為經過近來的爭論，上述結局可能兌現。但是歐洲的爭論已經開始。永遠不要忘記，伊拉克顯示許多歐洲國家支持我們的行動。而且當那些國家不同意聯合國1483號伊拉克重建決議的時候，這種支持依然如此。

今天，德國軍人進駐阿富汗，法國士兵進駐剛果，他們在那里維持和平，制止屠殺。所以我們不應小視這種不同，但我們也不應為此而困惑。

你們知道，上個月，當歐洲，比方說，小有緊張的時候，人們問我，“為什么你堅持把不合格的英國弄到歐洲中心來？”我說，“啊，如果大不列顛英國是距離曼哈頓20英里遠的一個島國，我也許感覺不同。但事實上，我們距加來(Calais，法國北部海港城市—譯者)20英里，而且跟它隧道相連。”

我們是歐洲的一部分。我們希望如此。但是我們也希望是變化中的歐洲的一部分。

歐洲有一個潛在的弱點。數種原因，十分明顯，大約一千年以來，我們相互殺戮，死者眾多。歐洲政治文化不可避免地、正確地建立在妥協之上。妥協是好事，除非有幻覺。但是我不相信你可以跟這個新型的恐怖主義妥協。(掌聲)

但是歐洲有一個優勢。它是一個了不起的政治成就。回顧過去，想想今日的聯合。想想它甚至正在準備向土耳其這樣一個文化、傳統、宗教全然不同的國家伸出手臂，歡迎它并接納它。

但是我真正想說的是：目前歐洲正處在變革環節中。明年，10個國家將加入進來。羅馬尼亞和保加利亞將步其后塵。為什么這些新的歐洲成員國會使歐洲轉化？因為他們傷口猶在，記憶猶新，他們仍舊熱烈擁抱自由而不是已經習慣了自由。

他們相信大西洋彼岸的聯盟。他們支持經濟改革。他們企盼一個多民族的歐洲而不是一個超級國家。他們是我們的同盟，也是你們的同盟。所以，不要放棄歐洲。與它攜手努力(掌聲)。

歐洲必須反“反美主義”，安理會應當改組

作為一個嚴肅的伙伴，歐洲必須開始并且擊敗愚蠢的反美主義。這種主義有時候被看作是它的政治說教。美國必須做的是，展現自己是一個建立在說服基礎上而非命令基礎上的同伴（掌聲）。

這樣我們世界其他偉大民族和弱小民族就將聚集起來而不是一盤散沙。他們就將認同我們對威脅的理解。聯合國將會變得名至實歸：不僅僅是一個展開爭論的工具，也是一個付諸行動的手段。

安理會應當改組。我們需要一個新的國際政體，以便防止核武器和大規模殺傷性武器的擴散（掌聲）。

我們需要對聯合國成員國清楚地說明：“如果你對這個系統承擔義務卻挑戰聯合國憲章，粗暴地踐踏人權，你就不能期待象遵守聯合國憲章的國家一樣，享有他們所享有的同樣權利。”（熱烈掌聲）

我相信，不是聯合決定我們的使命，而是使命決定我們的聯合。但是讓我們首先選擇聯合，如果必要，再單獨行動，舍此無它。

確然：以這種方式不易贏得戰爭，但是容易贏得和平。（掌聲）

實現民主承諾，推進永久和平

我們必須戰爭與和平雙贏。

你們在這方面有非凡的記錄。二戰后，是誰幫助日本更新？或者德國重建？或者歐洲再次挺立？美國。

所以當我們入侵阿富汗或伊拉克時，我們的責任沒有隨著軍事上的勝利而完結。（掌聲）

結束這場戰斗不等于結束這次任務。

所以，如果阿富汗人需要國際社會提供更多軍隊維持喀布爾外圍的治安，我們的義務是把軍隊送來。(掌聲)

讓我們幫助他們根除他們對罌粟的依賴，這種作物的惡劣的殘余出現在英國街頭，如同海洛因一樣損害英國年輕人的生命。正向阿富汗人的豐收損害了他們自己的生命。

我們允諾伊拉克一個民主政府。我們將交付這個政府。（長時間的掌聲）

我們應允他們用他們自己的石油財富為他們的全體公民，而不是腐敗的精英，建立繁榮的機會，我們將兌現諾言。我們將和這些需要我們幫助的民眾在一起，直到完成我們的任務。（掌聲）然后反思：當這些不成功的國家正在和持續地從恐怖政權向繁榮國家轉型、從專制政體向民主典范轉型、從騷亂的源泉向穩定的燈塔轉型的時候，有關“美國帝國主義”的指控是何等空洞！如果世界看到這些穆斯林民族依舊是穆斯林，但是卻擁有了未來的希望，沒有了假裝保護穆斯林卻使他們大量受難的殘酷政權的桎梏，----如果世界看到這一點，那么關于這場戰爭是對穆斯林戰爭的說法將是何等可笑！（長時間的掌聲）

對于自由的價值而言，這將我們能夠想象的最有利于觀察的廣告。當我們鏟除塔里班和薩達姆侯賽因的時候，這不是帝國主義。對于那些受壓迫的人民來說，這是他們的解放。

打跨恐怖主義，改變中東格局

為什么恐怖分子在穆斯林世界甚至可以發動一場爭論，說這不是他們的解放？因為恐怖統治把握了一個理由，一個他們并不信奉但可以操縱利用的理由。我想非常明白簡單地說：沒有中東地區以色列和巴勒斯坦之間的和平，恐怖主義不會被打垮。（掌聲）

這里是孵化毒素的地方。這里，極端主義者能夠攪亂數量巨大的人群的心智，以便服務于巴勒斯坦國并詆毀以色列，而且進一步將此轉嫁成為東方與西方之間，穆斯林、猶太教徒和基督徒之間的一場戰爭。

我們永遠不能以色列的國家安全做妥協。（掌聲）以色列國應當獲得整個阿拉伯世界的認同。慣于灌輸給孩子的、既攻擊以色列，也攻擊猶太教徒的卑鄙宣傳，必須終止。（掌聲）

你不能先教人們憎恨，然后要求他們實踐和平。但是你也不能教人們和平，卻不尊重他們，不給他們希望。（掌聲）無辜的以色列人遭受苦難。巴勒斯坦人同樣遭受苦難。

伊拉克的薩達姆政權的結束必然是中東重新組合的起點：伊拉克，自由而穩定；伊朗和敘利亞，援助暴力歹徒，他們應當明白，世界將不再遷就他們。唯有徹底改惡從善，才能獲得友誼。果真如此，友誼之手將向他們和他們的人民而伸出。整個地區將在幫助下走向民主。作為民主的總體象征，一個獨立、自治而民主的巴勒斯坦人的國家將與以色列國并肩而立。（掌聲）

總統目前在中東所作所為，艱難而正確。

在這一點上，為我們把和平帶給北愛爾蘭的嘗試，讓我感謝總統的支持，感謝他之前的克林頓總統的支持，感謝在座國會議員們所提供的支持。（掌聲）

你們知道，關于和平的進程，我學到一件事：總有沮喪，常有苦惱，并且偶爾看似無望。但無論如何，推動和平比不推動它好。

實行經濟援助，開展自由貿易

為什么一個巴勒斯坦解決方案引起如此強烈的遍及世界的興趣？因為它具體化為一種可操作的走向公正的途徑。就象你們總統提議、你們國會支持的，追加一百五十億美元費用，幫助世界上最貧窮國家防治免疫系統/愛滋病毒一樣，它是一個關注的表示，立即在世界各地獲得回聲。

沒有公正就沒有非洲的自由；沒有對非洲貧窮、疾病和饑饉的宣戰，就沒有公正。這種宣戰的決心正如我們鏟除暴君和恐怖主義分子的決心一樣堅定。(掌聲)

9月份在墨西哥，世界應該團結起來實施貿易圈，打開我們的市場。我是為了自由貿易，我告訴你為什么：因為我們不能對世界上最貧困的人們說，“我們希望你們自由，但就是不準備在我們的市場賣你們的產品。”(掌聲)

因為自從世界打開大門，繁榮昌盛緊隨其后。而這種繁榮昌盛也必須擁有一個可以持久的環境。(掌聲)

你們知道，我記得在我們最早的一次國際會議上，一個歐洲總理告訴布什總統，解決方案相當簡單：把美國的汽油稅加一倍。(笑聲)

你們的總統意味深長地看了他一眼。(笑聲)這使我想起20世紀早期我的黨的第一位領袖，基爾 哈迪(Keir Hardy)......（此處刪節關于哈迪與潘克赫斯特(Pankhursts)就婦女投票問題的一段歷史回顧----譯者）

但是坦白說，我們需要到遠方的京都（曾是日本古都）去，我們需要依靠科學和技術。

氣候改變，森林砍伐，我們不能忽略對自然資源的貪婪采掘。這些未加限制的破壞將阻礙經濟的發展，首先影響最易受傷害的國家，最終波及所有國家。所以我們必須展示給世界，我們愿意迎接環繞世界的和來自自家后院的挑戰（掌聲）。

自由是人類價值，美國不必道歉

國會議員們，如果恐怖與大規模殺傷武器的威脅看起來漫長持久，只需要再說一次：沒有全球人類團結一心，世界安全就沒有保障。所以，美國不僅要帶領，美國也必須傾聽。

但是，議員先生們，永遠不要為你們的價值而道歉（熱烈掌聲）。

告訴世界為什么你們為美國而自豪。

告訴他們，當星條旗開始飄揚的時候，美國站了起來：西班牙人、愛爾蘭人、中歐人、東歐人、猶太人、穆斯林人、白人、亞洲人、黑人，那些早年到此定居的、英語跟某些我接觸過的紐約出租車司機一個水平的人，但是他們的兒子女兒可以競選國會議員。

告訴他們，為什么美國人，一個人乃至全體，筆直挺立而且謙恭有理。不是因為某些國家官員告訴他們這樣做，而是因為無論他們屬于什么種族、膚色、階層或職業，做一個美國人就意味著自由。

這就是他們自豪的理由。（長時間的熱烈的掌聲，歡呼聲）

美國歷史使命：留贈世界自由之光

如同英國人所知，一切偉大的能量似乎都一度無可戰勝，但事實上那是短暫的。問題是，你在身后留下了什么？

你們能夠留贈給這個焦渴世界的，是自由之光。

這就是這次對恐怖組織或國家奮力抗爭的意義。盡管我們希望這個世界是一個美國能夠與之輕松相處的世界，但是我們并非為贏得獨裁而戰，我們并非為一個美國的世界而戰。我們并非為基督教而戰，我們僅僅是反對一切種類的宗教狂熱。

這不是一場文明之間的戰爭，因為每一種文明都有獨特能力豐富人類遺產的寶庫。我們是為人類不可剝奪的權利而戰，為黑人或白人、基督徒或非基督徒、左派、右派，乃至百萬不同的人的自由權利而戰。自由：在愛和希望中養育家庭的自由、生存并由自己努力獲得酬勞的自由、不在恐懼中向任何人下跪的自由、做你自己---在不侵犯別人自由的情況下做你自己的自由。

這就是我們戰斗的理由。這是一場值得為之奮斗的抗爭。

我知道這在美國并不易。在這個廣袤大地的一些小角落，內華達州（Nevada）或者愛達荷州（Idaho）或一些我從來沒有去過但總想光顧地方（笑聲），我知道在那里有一個伙計過著自己的日子，全然幸福逍遙，自我關照自己生意，對你們，你們這些本國政治領袖說，“為什么是我？為什么是我們？而且為什么是美國？”

唯一的回答是，“因為命運把你們放在了歷史的這個位置、時間長河中的一時刻，把這樣的任務交給你們完成。”（長時間的熱烈的掌聲、呼聲）

英國將支持美國為自由而戰

我們的任務----我的國民看這你們發展，你們過去孤軍奮戰，現在我們并肩作戰。在這個共同體中，我們為我們的聯盟和偉大友情倍感驕傲----我們的任務就是跟你們在一起。(掌聲)你們將不孤獨。(熱烈掌聲)我們將跟你們在一起，（熱烈掌聲中斷講演）為自由而戰。(熱烈掌聲)我們將跟你們在一起，為自由而戰。

如果我們的正念正行并且勇敢堅定，世界將跟我們在一起。

謝謝你們。(經久不息的掌聲)

(注：1，根據實況直播錄音整理；2，內文略有刪節；3，全文正標題和文內小標題為譯者所加)

第二篇：英國首相布萊爾演講(10)

英國首相布萊爾演講（10）

I'm sometimes asked why so much of a Prime Minister's time is spent on foreign affairs when there are so many pressing problems here at home.And I've got some sympathy with this point of view, not least because I know more than anyone what needs to be done here.But I also know that in a world which is increasingly interdependent, building good relationships between countries has never been more important.For Britain's national interests.Next week I will meet Vladimir Putin, the Acting President of the Russian Federation here in London.When I was growing up, like many of you, the Cold War was at its height.Our relations with Russia and the old Soviet Union were characterised by hostility and mutual suspicion.Since then, we have witnessed a transformation which few people would have believed possible.President Putin arrives here as the democratically-elected leader of a country in the midst of a massive transformation.He was the overwhelming choice last month of the people of Russia in free and fair elections.And while much has changed, Russia remains a great and powerful country-and an increasingly important partner for us in business.It's a country with which we share a continent and many common concerns and interests.Russia is the European Union's largest trading partner.Many British firms are already playing their part in rebuilding and modernising its economy and many more firms want to follow their example.Russia is also a country, freed of the shackles of communism and dictatorship, which has the potential to make a huge contribution for good in the world.Its soldiers serve alongside ours in Bosnia and Kosovo, and we work closely with Russia in the United Nations Security Council where we are both Permanent Members.All of this explains why the decision to continue building a strong relationship with the new democratic Russia must be the right one.And it is a relationship that Russia is keen to foster as well.Britain is here seen as having something of a pivotal role, because of our place in Europe, the close relationship with our European partners but also the fact that we've got a close partnership with the United States of America.However I understand why there is some controversy about President Putin's visit, just as there was over my decision to accept his invitation to meet him in St.Petersburg last month.Off course there is real concern over what is happening in Chechnya.Last month when I met President Putin, we talked this over in detail together.I can understand Russia's need to respond to the threat of force from extremists and terrorists.But I am also clear that the measures taken should be proportionate and consistent with its international obligations.Russia should allow full access to international organisations which have a role to play in Chechnya and I hope that Russia will act on the clear lesson from similar such conflicts around the world: that there are no purely military solutions.Political dialogue is essential.So of course I will take the opportunity of the visit to London to repeat our concerns, clearly and frankly to President Putin.But I believe that the best way to ensure that Russia responds to these international anxieties is through engagement not isolation.And this chance to talk directly and frankly about matters of difference as well as issues of shared concern demonstrates why meetings of this kind are so important.It's a fact that today problems and solutions rarely stop at national borders.Events in one country quickly spill over to their neighbours.We live in a global economy.Economic decisions made in one country have an impact on the other side of the world as we saw with the Asian economic crisis a couple of years ago.Politics too, however, is becoming increasingly globalised.So it is more vital than ever that we maintain friendships between countries and leaders, build new ones and share experiences and views for the benefits of our citizens.It is in the end only by building alliances and winning arguments that Britain, for example, was able to help shape a new economic agenda agreed at last month's European summit which focussed the whole direction of European economic policy far more strongly, rightly so, on jobs and future prosperity and economic reform.It's only through our ties with the United States and European partners that we were able to act successfully together to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and allow one million people who otherwise would be refugees in Europe, allow them to return home.We have already seen greater co-operation between Russia and this country than anyone could have forecast just fifteen years ago.But we have to build on this, consign the Cold War relationship to the past and grasp the opportunity for real partnership in the future.A partnership from which not just both our countries, but also Europe as a whole, can benefit.And we can see this already despite our differences.We have worked together, in bringing stability to the Balkans.There is increasingly close co-operation, for instance, between our security forces in tackling international organised crime and drugs.This co-operation has to be in the best interests of our two countries and our citizens.And like all such relationships, it can only be enhanced by direct and personal contact.For some Britain is an island, and as a result of being an Island, and we should almost try to isolate ourselves as much as possible from the world around us.But this inward-looking view is not the true lesson of British history.My belief, passionate belief, is that our historic role has been of a Nation outward-looking and engaged.For me Britain thrives when we make allies, argue our corner;take our case out to the world.That's why we will be having this meeting with President Putin in London next week and why I will continue working at home and abroad to do all I can to protect our security, promote British interests, British jobs and British prosperity.

第三篇：英國首相布萊爾的演講

I make no apologies for returning to the subject of drugs so soon.As I said three weeks ago, the threat drugs pose to our children is something which terrifies all parents.Some of you may have seen the TV programme on Wednesday night about the death of Leah Betts after taking ecstasy.Not long ago, I sat downset up as one of the first priorities of the new Scottish Parliament.Its an exciting initiative intended to co-ordinate action against drugs north of the border and one we will be watching closely.But whether we do things slightly differently in Scotland to England, or in the UK to the rest of the Europe, or indeed in Europe to the rest of the world, the real lesson for all of us is that we can only win this war against drugs together.There is a great deal of good work already going on internationally particularly in Europehelping those countries that want to join us.We are already helping them economically to prepare for European Union membership.But we must also help them in the fight against international crime and drugs.Not just for their own sakes now but for the future of an enlarged European Union.Britain will be setting a lead by expanding our own anti-drugs programmes with these countries.Increasing the assistance, for instance, we already give in training police and customs officers.Providing the extra resources they need from sniffer dogs to computer software to spot money laundering.So we are going to set a lead internationally.Keith Hellawell is doing this with INTERPOL and the United Nations.But we are also going to do more at home.In the next few days, we will be unveiling the new Criminal Justice Bill.This will give police new powers to help break the link between drugs and crime.For the first time, they will be able to test for drugs suspects they have arrested for a whole range of offences.Its a controversial move but one that I am convinced is right.Because I know you expect us to do all we can to combat the threat drugs pose to our families, our communities and our country.And that's what we will continue to do, whether at home or abroad.

第四篇：英國首相布萊爾演講(7)

英國首相布萊爾演講（7）

I want to talk today about a subject on which I've probably spent almost as much time as anything else since I became Prime Ministeron government, on decommissioningthe best for a generationthe most important Agreement that has happened and a historic achievement in relations between Britain and Ireland since the Treaty 80 years ago.I believe that we, during that week of two years ago, got the balance right and the institutions were working extremely well, responding to the real needs of real people.All sides were beginning to reach out to each other.Tragically therefore the institutions are in suspension.Above all else, the Prime Minister and myself and all of the Parties are determined to put them back in place at the earliest possible date.It's our highest priority to do that.We believe that the institutions are working for Loyalists and Republicans, for Unionists and Nationalists and can make Northern Ireland prosperous.The economic prosperity in the North is beginning to grow.Peace is at its strongest ever.Violence thankfully has practically stopped in all its respects.And if we can continue to renew our collective commitment to the Good Friday Agreement we can restore the institutions and bring forward the implementation of all the Agreements and all its aspects.I agree fully with the Prime Minister that on issues of human rights, on equality, of the implementation of many parts of the Agreement, that it's worked extraordinarily well.We are seeing peaceful cooperation between communities.We are seeing greater cooperation North and South and in the period that the north south bodies were operating, we saw the prosperity of the islands moving forward.And what is true of our excellent economic relations holds good for cooperation in sports and politics, in culture and social life.I am proud of the quality of the relationships between Ireland and Britain that's been built up by Tony Blair and I over the last two years.And I wanted to publicly acknowledge the role which everybody plays to do that and particularly what the British Government have done.I believe that strong Anglo-Irish relations are a great source to our country and I am determined to make them stronger in every way moving forward.The relations between Ireland and Britain on the economic front have never been better.And the level of economic inter-dependence between us has never been greater.And for all of these reasons, and the fact that our people are now again travelling across the sea-an enormous part of tourism and an enormous part of investment, last year 3.4 million people visited Ireland from Britain, this new relationship which we have built up together can be completed and we can see the Good Friday Agreement in all its respects in an inclusive way with all of the parties working together successfully implemented.I look forward on the other side of the Easter break to continuing this work with the British Prime Minister and thank him for the enormous amount of involvement and commitment and dedication he's given to it over the last three years.

第五篇：英國首相布萊爾的演講

英國首相布萊爾演講（4）

I want to speak today about the devastating outbreak of foot and mouth disease, to say what we are doing to control and eradicate it, and how everyone can play their part in ensuring this can be achieved as quickly as possible.The situation is indeed grave for British farming.The funeral pyres of farm animals are the worst nightmare for the livestock farmers.And it is not just the financial loss, massive as that is, which is the cause of so much pain for farmers, the heartbreak also comes from all the hard work and planning, often over many years, that has ended with their animals being slaughtered and burned.This also explains why there is such a tremendous feeling of dread and anxiety throughout farming, an industry which has suffered difficult times in recent years.I want to offer my sympathy to all those farmers whose livestock has been infected.I also promise them and the wider industry that the government will do what it can to help over this very difficult period.I can also reassure all farmers and the general public that everything possible is being done to contain this disease, to eliminate it, and in the longer term to put in place any new controls needed to prevent it happening again.It is why we imposed the total ban on the movement of livestock last Friday, and have placed exclusion areas around the farms affected.It is likely there will be more cases in animals already incubating the disease, but we hope however that the controls that have been put in place will prevent the further spread of the disease.I want too to pay tribute to the tremendous efforts of the State Veterinary Service in identifying, tracing and controlling this disease.But for their work we would now be facing an even bigger problem than we are.I also want to thank the farming and livestock industry itself for the way it has reacted to this crisis, for their advice and their co-operation in putting in place the tough controls needed.Everything we have done has been in full consultation with the National Farmers Union.I can understand too why there may be general concern in the public at large.The scenes of burning carcasses on our farms are disturbing.But it is important to remember that foot and mouth disease has no implications for human health or food.But though we are not at direct risk from this disease, we can play a part, unknowingly, in spreading it.Foot and mouth disease is a highly infectious virus which can be picked up by us on our boots, clothes and cars and carried many miles.By staying away from farmland, by keeping off any footpaths through or next to farms or open land with livestock, we can help the efforts to eradicate this disease.We are giving local authorities today the power to enforce the temporary closure of footpaths and rights of way, but we hope people will voluntarily stay away in any case.Farmers, of course, are not producers of our food simply, they are also guardians of our countryside.Their hard work and dedication has created and protects the countryside we cherish and enjoy visiting.So by staying away from farmland areas, unless we have good reason, we can show our support for farmers in these difficult times and help contain and then eradicate the disease from Britain as soon as possible.Thank you.