第一篇：美國總統奧巴馬在 國家圣誕樹 亮燈儀式上的講話

美國總統奧巴馬在“國家圣誕樹”亮燈儀式上的講話 2013.12.18 Merry Christmas, everybody!Well, this show is always a great way to get in the holiday spirit.Every year, I rehearse my own little act, just in case.But it seems like, yet again, they couldn’t find space to squeeze me into the program.(Laughter.)You are lucky I’m not singing.大家圣誕快樂！亮燈活動一向是感受節日氣氛的很好的方式。每年我都要排練一下我自己的小節目，以防萬一。不過看起來，他們又一次無法把我安排到節目中。（笑聲）我不唱歌是大家的運氣。

First of all, let me thank Secretary Jewell and welcome her to her first Christmas Tree Lighting.She is doing a great job for our national parks.She used to run one of America’s biggest outdoor recreation companies, and now she’s charged with protecting the great outdoors for all of us.So we appreciate her and we want to thank Neil Mulholland and the whole National Park Foundation and National Park Service team for helping to put this beautiful production together.首先，讓我感謝朱厄爾部長，并歡迎她第一次參加圣誕樹亮燈活動。她為國家公園所做的工作極為出色。她過去執掌美國最大的戶外休閑活動公司之一，現在她負責為我們所有人保護我們的大戶外。所以，我們向她表示感謝，我們還要感謝尼爾·馬爾霍蘭和整個國家公園基金會及國家公園管理局團隊，他們幫助組織了這場美不勝收的表演。

Let’s also give it up for Jane Lynch and all the great performers who are doing an incredible job putting us in a festive mood tonight.(Applause.)And to all Americans who are here today and watching at home, we are so glad to be part of this wonderful holiday tradition.也讓我們為簡·林奇和所有出色的演員們鼓掌，今晚，他們令人贊嘆的表演讓我們沉浸在節日氣氛中（掌聲）。而且我們要對今天在這里和在家里觀看表演的所有美國人說，我們很高興地參加這一精彩的節日傳統活動。

For 91 years, the National Christmas Tree has stood as a beacon of light and a promise during the holiday season.During times of peace and prosperity, challenge and change, Americans have gathered around our national tree to kick off the holiday season and give thanks for everything that makes this time of year so magical--spending time with friends and family, and spreading tidings of peace and goodwill here at home and around the world.91年來，國家圣誕樹始終代表著節日期間的燈塔和希望。在和平和繁榮以及挑戰和變化的時代，美國人民匯聚在我們的國家圣誕樹下，慶祝節日的開始，并對讓每年的此時美妙無比的所有事物表達感恩——與親朋好友共度時光，并在國內和世界各地傳播和平及友善的喜訊。

And this year, we give a special measure of gratitude for Nelson Mandela, a man who championed that generosity of spirit.(Applause.)In his life, he blessed us with tremendous grace and unbelievable courage.And we are all privileged to live in a world touched by his goodness.今年，我們向倡導這一慷慨精神的納爾遜·曼德拉致以特別的謝意（掌聲）。他在一生中以高風亮節和難以置信的勇氣給我們帶來福祉。生活在被其美德觸動的世界中是我們所有人的殊榮。

Each Christmas, we celebrate the birth of a child who came into the world with only a stable’s roof to shelter Him.But through a life of humility and the ultimate sacrifice, a life guided by faith and kindness towards others, Christ assumed a mighty voice, teaching us lessons of compassion and charity that have lasted more than two millennia.He ministered to the poor.He embraced the outcast.He healed the sick.And in Him we see a living example of scripture that we ought to love others not only through our words, but also through our deeds.每年圣誕節，我們都慶祝一位在出生時只有馬廄的屋頂為他遮風擋雨的嬰孩的降生。但是，通過謙卑及付出最大犧牲的一生、由信仰及善待他人引領的一生，耶穌基督發出了強有力的聲音，給予我們同情和仁愛的教誨，這些教誨已持續了兩千多年。他扶助窮人。他接納被遺棄者。他治愈病人。在他身上，我們看到經文活生生的典范，教導我們不僅應當通過我們的言詞，還應當通過我們的行動去關愛他人。

It’s a message both timeless and universal--no matter what God you pray to, or if you pray to none at all – we all have a responsibility to ourselves and to each other to make a difference that is real and lasting.We are our brother’s keeper.We are our sister’s keeper.這是一條永恒、普世的啟示——不管具有何種信仰，亦或根本不信神——我們對自己和彼此都承擔著產生切實和持久的影響的責任。我們是我們的兄弟的守護者。我們是我們的姊妹的守護者。

And so in this season of generosity, let’s reach out to those who need help the most.In this season of reflection, let’s make sure that our incredibly brave servicemembers and their families know how much we appreciate their sacrifice.And there are several military families and servicemen and women here tonight.We are so grateful to you for all that you do.(Applause.)

因此，在這慷慨助人的時節，讓我們向那些最需要幫助的人伸出援手。在這反思自省的時節，讓我們確保我們無比英勇的軍人及其家屬知道我們是多么地感謝他們所作的犧牲。今晚在場的有幾家軍人家庭和男女軍人。我們非常感謝你們所付出的一切。（掌聲）

In this season of hope, let us come together as one people, one family to ensure that we’re doing everything we can to keep America the land of endless opportunity and boundless optimism for which we’re so thankful.在這希望的時節，讓我們匯集在一起，作為一國子民和一個大家庭，保證盡我們所能確保美國一直是充滿無限機會和無盡樂觀精神的土地，我們為此心存感激。

So on behalf of Malia, Sasha, Marian, the First Lady Michelle, plus Bo and Sunny, I want to wish everybody a Merry Christmas and a joyful holiday season.God bless you.God bless our troops.God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

在此，我代表瑪莉婭、薩莎、瑪麗安、第一夫人米歇爾，還有波和桑尼，謹祝大家圣誕快樂、節日愉快！愿上帝保佑大家。愿上帝保佑我們的軍隊。愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。（掌聲）

第二篇：美國總統奧巴馬在諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的講話

美國總統奧巴馬在諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的講話

美國總統奧巴馬12月10日美國總統奧巴馬在挪威首都奧斯陸市政廳發表獲得諾貝爾和平獎感言，他指出，這個獎表達出人類的最高理想，并戰爭有時無可避免，但人類應讓歷史朝著正義的方向前進，以下是講話全文：

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE Oslo City Hall, Oslo, Norway

December 10, 2009 奧巴馬總統在諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的講話 挪威奧斯陸市政大廳 2009年12月10日

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses，distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

國王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威諾貝爾委員會（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委員，美國公民及全世界公民們：

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility.It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations--that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate.Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.獲此殊榮，我深懷感激并深表謙恭。這個獎表達出我們的最高理想——盡管這個世界存在種種兇殘困苦，但我們并不任命運擺布。我們的行動是有作用的，能夠推動歷史向正義方向發展。

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated.(Laughter.)In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage.Compared to some of the giants of history who?ve received this prize--Schweitzer and King;Marshall and Mandela--my accomplishments are slight.And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice;those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering;the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics.I cannot argue with those who find these men and women--some known, some obscure to all but those they help--to be far more deserving of this honor than I.不過，如果不坦承你們這項厚愛有加的決定所引起的相當激烈的爭議，那我就有失疏忽了。（笑聲）其中部分原因是，我在世界舞臺上的奮斗才剛剛開始，而不是接近尾聲。與曾經獲此殊榮的一些歷史巨人相比——史懷哲（Schweitzer）和馬丁·路德·金(King)；馬歇爾(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)——我的成就微不足道。還有全世界為追求正義而遭到監禁和歐打的男女志士；那些為減輕苦難而在人道組織中艱辛工作的人；那千百萬默默無聞地以充滿勇氣和關愛的無聲行動讓最悲觀的憤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人們。我絕不反駁那些認為這樣的男女志士——有些知名，有些只為他們所幫助的對象所知 ——遠比我有資格獲此殊榮的看法。

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars.One of these wars is winding down.The other is a conflict that America did not seek;one in which we are joined by 42 other countries--including Norway--in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.但與我獲獎有關的最深層的問題可能在于我是一個正打著兩場戰爭的國家的三軍統帥。其中一場戰爭已接近尾聲。另一場并非是美國挑起的沖突；有包括挪威在內的42個國家在與我們共同努力，為的是保護我們及其他所有國家不再遭受攻擊。

Still, we are at war, and I?m responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land.Some will kill, and some will be killed.And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict--filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.然而，我們仍處在戰爭時期，是我派遣成千上萬名美國年輕人遠赴戰場。有些人要殺射，有些人要被殺射。因此，我是帶著對武裝沖突的代價的敏銳感覺來到這里的——心中充滿有關戰爭與和平的關系以及我們為用和平取代戰爭而努力的難題。

Now these questions are not new.War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man.At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned;it was simply a fact, like drought or disease--the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.而這些問題并不新鮮。戰爭，以這樣或那樣的形式，隨著人類的誕生而出現。在歷史初期，戰爭的道義性無人質疑；它是如同干旱或疾病一樣的現實——是各個部落以及后來的各種文明謀求權力和解決分歧的方式。

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war.The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense;if the force used is proportional;and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.后來，隨著旨在控制群體內部暴力的規范的出現，哲學家、宗教領袖和政治家也紛紛致力于用條文限制戰爭的破壞力?！罢x戰爭”的概念由此形成，亦即認為，在符合以下幾個具體條件時，戰爭是正義的：如果戰爭是最后手段或是為自我防御；如果武力程度適當；以及在一切可能的情況下不對平民使用暴力。

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of “just war” was rarely observed.The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God.Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations--total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred.In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent.And while it?s hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.當然，我們都知道，在人類歷史的大部分時間內，這種“正義戰爭”的概念鮮被理會。人類顯然有無窮的能力不斷想出新的方式相互殘殺，同樣也有無窮的能力毫不憐惜那些外貌不同或信仰不同的人。軍隊之間的戰爭變成國家間的戰爭——模糊了戰斗人員與平民界線的全面戰爭。這種戰爭大屠殺曾在30年內兩度侵吞這塊大陸。雖然難以設想還有什么比擊敗第三帝國（Third Reich）和軸心國（Axis powers）更正義的事業，但在第二次世界大戰中死亡的平民總數超過了戰死疆場的軍人。

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to

victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war.And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations--an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize--America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.在這種毀滅之后，并且隨著核時代的到來，戰勝者與戰敗者同樣清楚地認識到，這個世界需要有防止另一次世界大戰的機制。為此，在美國參議院拒絕接受國際聯盟（League of Nations）的四分之一世紀后——而伍德羅·威爾遜（Woodrow Wilson）正因為提出成立國聯的設想而榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，美國帶動世界建起維護和平的體制：馬歇爾計劃(Marshall Plan)和聯合國，對發動戰爭的規范，以及保護人權、防止種族滅絕大屠殺和限制最危險武器的各項條約。

In many ways, these efforts succeeded.Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed.But there has been no Third World War.The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall.Commerce has stitched much of the world together.Billions have been lifted from poverty.The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced.We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.這些努力在很多方面獲得了成功。不錯，可怕的戰爭仍然發生，種種暴行依然出現，但第三次世界大戰沒有爆發。冷戰以興高采烈的人群推倒一堵墻而告結束；商貿將世界大片地區緊密連在了一起；數十億人口擺脫了貧困；自由、自決、平等和法治的理想斷斷續續地向前推進。我們是先輩們的堅韌精神和遠大目光的繼承人，這是我自己的國家有理由為之感到驕傲的業績。

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats.The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe.Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.然而，在進入新世紀已10年之際，這一舊有的架構正在越來越難撐新生威脅的重壓。世界或許不再為兩個超級核大國之間可能發生戰爭而顫栗，但核擴散可能會增加發生巨大災難的危險?？植乐髁x一貫是一種手段，但現代技術會使少數怒火超量的小人以可怕的規模殘殺無辜。

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations.The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts;the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states--all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos.In today?s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers;the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.而且，國與國的戰爭正在日益被國家內部的戰爭所取代。民族和宗派沖突的重新抬頭、分離主義運動、叛亂活動和失控國家的增加，都越來越將平民困于無休止的**中。在今天的戰爭中，平民的死亡大大超過軍人；埋下未來沖突的種子；破壞經濟；摧毀公民社會；形成大批難民；使兒童遭受創傷。

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war.What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those

men and women who acted so boldly decades ago.And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.我今天沒有帶來對戰爭問題的決定性解決辦法。但我確知，應對這些挑戰要求具有幾十年前那些英勇無畏的前輩所具有的遠見、勤勞和堅韌不拔。這需要我們從新的角度思考正義戰爭的含義和正義和平的必備條件。

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes.There will be times when nations--acting individually or in concert--will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.我們必須首先承認這個嚴峻的現實：在我們的有生之年，我們不會根除暴力沖突。會有一些時候，國家——不論是單獨或共同行動——發現使用武力不僅必要，而且為道義所需。

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr.said in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent peace.It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr.King?s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence.I know there?s nothing weak--nothing passive--nothing na?ve--in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.我說這番話時并沒有忘記馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在這同一儀式上說過的話：“暴力永遠不會帶來持久和平。它解決不了社會問題：只會制造新的、更復雜的問題”。我站在這里，作為金博士畢生奮斗的直接受益者，就是對非暴力的道義力量的活見證。我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和馬丁·路德·金的信念與人生中，絕無軟弱——絕無消極——絕無天真。

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone.I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people.For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world.A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler?s armies.Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda?s leaders to lay down their arms.To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism--it is a recognition of history;the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.但是，作為宣誓保衛自己國家的一國元首，我不能只以他們的榜樣為指南。我面對的世界是現實的世界，我不能面對美國人民遭到的威脅無動于衷。因為，切莫誤會：邪惡在世界上確實存在。一場非暴力運動不可能阻止希特勒的軍隊。談判不能說服基地（al Qaeda）組織的頭目放下武器。說武力有時是必要的并不是讓大家變得憤世嫉俗——這是承認歷史；是人類的不完美和情理的限度。

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause.And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world?s sole military superpower.我說起這一點，我以這一點開頭，因為今天在許多國家，對軍事行動，不管出于什么理由，都存在一種深深的矛盾心理。有時候，這種矛盾又摻雜著對美國，這個世界上惟一的超級大國的一種反射性的不信任。

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions--not just treaties and declarations--that brought stability to a post-World War II world.Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms.The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans.We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will.We have done so out of enlightened self-interest--because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others? children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.但世人必須記住，不簡單地是因為國際體制——不只是條約和宣言——才給二戰后的世界帶來穩定。不管我們犯了多少錯誤，一個明白的事實是：美利堅合眾國在60 多年里，以自己公民的鮮血和軍力，幫助維護和保證了世界的安全。我們的男女軍人的貢獻與犧牲促進了從德國到韓國的和平與繁榮，使民主能在像巴爾干這樣的地方扎根。我們承受這些重負并不是因為我們謀求強加我們的意志。我們這樣做是出于開化的自身利益——因為我們為我們的子子孫孫追求更美好的未來。我們相信如果別人的子子孫孫能生活在自由和繁榮中，他們的生活會更好。

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace.And yet this truth must coexist with another--that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy.The soldier?s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms.But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.所以，是的，戰爭的手段確實在保衛和平中具有作用。但這個事實必須同另一個事實共存——不管理由多么正當，戰爭導致人間悲劇。軍人的勇敢和犧牲無比光榮，表達了對國家、事業、戰友的忠誠。但戰爭本身決不光榮，我們決不能如此宣揚。

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths--that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly.Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago.“Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.” A gradual evolution of human institutions.因此，我們面對的挑戰部分來自于調和這兩個看似不可調和的事實——戰爭有時必要，戰爭在某種程度上是人類愚蠢的表現。具體說，我們必須把我們的努力放在肯尼迪總統（Kennedy）很久以前所指出的使命上。他說：“讓我們把注意力，集中在更實際，更能取得的和平上，這種和平不是基于人類本性的突發革命，而是基于人類體制的逐漸演進?！?/p>

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

這種演進可能具有何種形式？哪些可能是切實可行的步驟？

To begin with, I believe that all nations--strong and weak alike--must adhere to standards that govern the use of force.I--like any head of state--reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation.Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don?t.首先，我認為所有國家，無論強弱，都必須遵循對使用武力的規范。與任何國家元首一樣，我保留在必要時采取單邊行動保衛自己國家的權利。然而，我確信遵循標準——國際標準——的國家更有力量，而那些不遵循標準的國家會陷于孤立，并且被削弱。

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in

Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense.Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait--a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.“9.11” 之后，全世界團結一致，與美國站在一起，并在今天繼續支持我們在阿富汗的努力，這是濫殺無辜的殘忍與公認的自衛原則使然。同樣，當薩達姆·侯賽因（Saddam Hussein）入侵科威特時，世界也認識到必須與其抗衡。這一共識發出的清晰信息是：侵略必須付出代價。

Furthermore, America--in fact, no nation--can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves.For when we don?t, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.另外，美國──以及任何國家──都不能在自己拒絕遵守規則時要求別人遵守規則。如果我們不以身作則，我們的行動就會表現為專橫武斷，使未來進行干預的合理性受到影響，無論理由多么充足。

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor.More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.當軍事行動的目的超越了自衛或幫助某一國抵抗侵略者的防衛行動時，這一點變得尤其重要。我們大家都越來越多地面對棘手的問題：如何防止一國政府屠殺本國的平民？如何制止一場其暴行和所導致的痛苦會殃及整個地區的內戰?

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war.Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later.That?s why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.我認為，基于人道理由的武力是正當的，例如在巴爾干地區或飽經戰亂的其他地區。不采取行動不僅折磨我們的良心，還會導致未來以更高的代價進行干預。因此，所有負責任的國家都必須相信使命明確的軍事行動所能夠發揮的維護和平作用。（音頻至此）

America?s commitment to global security will never waver.But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone.America alone cannot secure the peace.This is true in Afghanistan.This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering.And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.美國將矢志不渝地致力于確保全球安全。然而，在這個威脅日益蔓延、使命日趨復雜的世界里，美國不能獨自行動。美國獨自行動不能帶來和平。在阿富汗如此，在恐怖主義和海盜伴隨饑荒肆虐、人民受苦受難的索馬里等政府失控的國家也是如此。不幸的是，這種狀況在今后歲月里會繼續存在于動蕩地區。

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they?ve shown in Afghanistan.But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public.I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it.Peace requires responsibility.Peace entails sacrifice.That?s why NATO continues to be indispensable.That?s why we must strengthen U.N.and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries.That?s why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome;to Ottawa and Sydney;to Dhaka and Kigali--we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers--but as wagers of peace.在阿富汗，北約國家以及其他友邦和盟國的領導人和軍人以自身能力和勇氣證實了上述論斷?？墒?，在許多國家中，奉獻者作出的努力與公眾的矛盾心理之間存在脫節。我理解戰爭不受歡迎的原因，但我也知道：單憑向往和平的美好意愿很少能夠帶來和平。和平需要承擔責任。和平需要作出犧牲。這是繼續不能沒有北約的原因。這是我們必須加強聯合國及地區維和行動，不能將此重任推卸給少數幾個國家的原因。因此，無論是在奧斯陸或羅馬、渥太華或悉尼、達卡或基加利，我們都對那些完成維和行動與海外培訓任務歸來的軍人給予極大的榮譽，因為他們不是戰爭制造者，而是和平締造者。

Let me make one final point about the use of force.Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it.The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant--the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.請允許我對使用武力的問題最后再說明一點。即使我們對出兵參戰一事作出了艱難的決定，我們還必須認真考慮我們如何參加作戰。諾貝爾委員會在向亨利·杜南（Henry Dunant）頒發第一個和平獎時認識到這一點。亨利·杜南是紅十字會（Red Cross）創始人、《日內瓦公約》（Geneva Conventions）的幕后推動力量。

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct.And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war.That is what makes us different from those whom we fight.That is a source of our strength.That is why I prohibited torture.That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed.And that is why I have reaffirmed America?s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions.We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend.(Applause.)And we honor--we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it?s easy, but when it is hard.凡有必要使用武力的地方，我們出于道義與戰略上的考慮，需要受某些行為準則的制約。即使我們遇到不遵守任何規則的邪惡對手，我認為美利堅合眾國也必須一如既往成為遵守戰爭規范的楷模。這就是我們區別于作戰對手的地方。這就是我們力量的源泉。這就是我禁止酷刑的原因。這就是我下令關閉關塔那摩灣監獄的原因。這就是我重申美國堅決遵守《日內瓦公約》的原因。我們為保衛自己的理想而戰，如果我們放棄這些理想，我們就會自取其咎。（掌聲）我們維護——我們維護這些理想，不論如何順利，也不論如何艱難，都對這些理想恪守不渝。

I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war.But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.我剛才比較詳細地談到我們在選擇出兵參戰之際，必須深思熟慮的問題?，F在讓我轉而談一談我們為避免這類悲劇性的選擇進行的努力，談一談我們維護正義和締造持久和平的三個途徑。

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior--for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something.Those

regimes that break the rules must be held accountable.Sanctions must exact a real price.Intransigence must be met with increased pressure--and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.首先，對于那些不遵守規則和法律的國家，我認為我們必須采取一些除武力之外的其他方式，但需要有足以改變其行為方式的強硬措施——因為如果我們希望實現持久和平，那么國際社會說的話必須算數。不遵守規則的國家必須承擔責任。各種制裁必須迫使對方付出實際的代價。如果拒不悔改，則必須施加更大的壓力借以抗衡 ——全世界只有通力合作才有可能施加這樣的壓力。

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them.In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power;those without nuclear weapons will forsake them;and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament.I am committed to upholding this treaty.It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy.And I?m working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia?s nuclear stockpiles.舉例來說，努力防止核武器擴散，爭取一個沒有核武器的世界是一項迫在眉睫的工作。上世紀中葉，各國同意受一項條約的約束，其內容十分明確：各國都可以和平使用核能；沒有核武器的國家將不謀求核武器；擁有核武器的國家將努力裁減核軍備。我堅決支持這項條約。這是我采取的外交政策的核心。我正與梅德韋杰夫（Medvedev）總統為削減美國和俄羅斯的核軍備進行合作。

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system.Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted.Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia.Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.但我們大家也都有責任堅決不允許伊朗和北韓等國家玩弄這個制度。聲稱尊重國際法的人不能在這些法律遭到踐踏時視而不見。關心自己安全的人無法忽視中東或東亞地區軍備競賽的危險。希望和平的人不可在一些國家為發動核戰爭建立軍備時袖手旁觀。

The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people.When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma--there must be consequences.Yes, there will be engagement;yes, there will be diplomacy--but there must be consequences when those things fail.And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.同樣的原則也適用于那些違反國際法，殘酷壓榨本國人民的人。當達爾富爾地區出現種族大屠殺，當剛果發生層出不窮的強奸事件，當緬甸采取鎮壓行動的時候——必然會產生后果。是的，會進行接觸，也會有外交行動——但當這些做法無法奏效時，必然會產生后果。我們如果更密切地合作，就很少有必要在武裝干預和縱容專制壓迫之間進行選擇。

This brings me to a second point--the nature of the peace that we seek.For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict.Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.這就關系到我要講的第二點——我們所尋求的和平的性質。和平并不僅僅意味著沒有可見的沖突，只有基于每個人與

生俱來的權利和尊嚴正義的和平才是真正的持久和平。

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War.In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.在第二次世界大戰以后，正是這種真知灼見給了《世界人權宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）的起草者們以動力。在巨大的災難之后，他們意識到，如果人權得不到保護，那么和平只是空洞的承諾。

And yet too often, these words are ignored.For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation?s development.And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists--a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.但是，人權宣言被漠視的狀況屢見不鮮。某些國家將人權原則是西方原則、與當地文化格格不入、不符合國家發展階段等作為不維護人權的不實借口。在美國，那些自稱為現實主義者或理想主義者的人之間，長期以來也存在矛盾——它代表著在狹隘地謀求利益與無休止地在全世界推行我們的價值觀之間的僵化選擇。

I reject these choices.I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please;choose their own leaders or assemble without fear.Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence.We also know that the opposite is true.Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace.America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens.No matter how callously defined, neither America?s interests--nor the world?s--are served by the denial of human aspirations.我拒絕這些選擇。我認為，在那些公民無權自由發表意見或按照自己的意愿信教、不能選擇自己的領導人或自由集會的地方，和平是不穩定的。被壓抑的不滿情緒會激起怨恨，壓制部族和宗教的認同可能引發暴力反抗。我們也知道其實相反的情況。歐洲在贏得自由之后才最終享有和平。美國從來沒有同民主國家交戰，我們最親密的友邦也都是保護其公民權利的政府。不管多么苛刻地界定，壓制人的理想不會有利于美國的利益，也不會有利于世界的利益。

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal.We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi;to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings;to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran.It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation.And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements--these movements of hope and history--they have us on their side.因此，即使在我們尊重不同國家的獨特文化和傳統的同時，美國仍將一如既往地為這些全人類共同的理想而大聲疾呼。我們將為昂山素季（Aung Sang Suu Kyi）那樣具有沉靜尊嚴的改革者見證；為不懼毆打而參加投票的津巴布韋人的勇氣見證；為成千上萬名在伊朗街頭默默游行的人見證。這些都說明，那些政府的領導人對本國人民的理想的畏懼甚于任何其他國家的力量。全世界所有自由的人民和自由的國家都有責任明確宣告，我們站在這些行動——希望和歷史的行動——的一邊。

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone.At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy.I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation.But I also know that sanctions without outreach--condemnation without discussion--can carry forward only a crippling status quo.No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.我還要這樣說：促進人權不能僅限于規勸告誡。有時還必須輔以艱苦的外交努力。我知道，與壓制性政權接觸沒有義憤填膺來得暢快。我也知道，如果一味制裁而沒有主動接觸，如果一味譴責而沒有對話，只能保持一個有害的現狀。任何壓制性政權都不可能改弦易轍，除非它們有可以選擇的出路。

In light of the Cultural Revolution?s horrors, Nixon?s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable--and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies.Pope John Paul?s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa.Ronald Reagan?s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe.There?s no simple formula here.But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.鑒于文化大革命的種種恐怖，尼克松與毛澤東的會晤似乎不可饒恕——但是，這確實幫助中國走上了另一條道路，千百萬中國人擺脫了貧困并與開放社會建立了聯系。教皇約翰·保羅（Pope John Paul）與波蘭的接觸不僅為天主教教會，也為列赫·瓦文薩（Lech Walesa）等工會領袖拓寬了空間。羅納德·里根（Ronald Reagan）為武器控制所作的努力以及對蘇聯改革的歡迎不僅與蘇聯改善了關系，也給整個東歐的持不同政見者增添了力量。這里并沒有一個簡單的公式，但我們必須盡可能在孤立與接觸、施壓與鼓勵之間找到平衡，以使人權和尊嚴能夠與時俱進。

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights--it must encompass economic security and opportunity.For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.第三，正義的和平不僅包括公民和政治權利——它還必須包括經濟安全保障與機會。因為真正的和平不僅擺脫恐懼，而且無乏匱之虞。

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security;it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive.It does not exist where children can?t aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family.The absence of hope can rot a society from within.無可置疑，如果沒有安全保障，發展難以扎根；同樣肯定的是，在人們缺少生存所需的衣食，凈水、醫藥和住所的地方，不會有安全。在孩子沒有希望受到良好教育或人們沒有可能得到工作養家的地方，不會有安全。無望會使社會從內部惡化。

And that?s why helping farmers feed their own people--or nations educate their children and care for the sick--is not mere charity.It?s also why the world must come together to confront climate change.There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement--all of which will fuel more conflict for decades.For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and

forceful action--it?s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.因此，幫助農民養活本國人民——或幫助一個國家教育本國兒童并照顧病患——不僅僅是慈善之舉。這也是全世界必須共同應對氣候變化的原因。幾乎毫無爭議的科學事實是，如果我們無所行動，我們將面臨更多的干旱、更多的饑荒、更大規模的流離失所——所有這一切都將在未來幾十年引發更大沖突。為此，不僅是科學家和環保人士呼吁采取迅速和有力的行動——我國和其他國家的軍事領袖也都知道，我們的共同安全處在緊要關頭。

Agreements among nations.Strong institutions.Support for human rights.Investments in development.All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about.And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more--and that?s the continued expansion of our moral imagination;an insistence that there?s something irreducible that we all share.各國間的協議。強有力的機制。對人權的支持。投資于發展。所有這一切都是實現肯尼迪總統所說的逐漸演進的至關重要的要素。然而，我認為，如果沒有另一個要素，我們就不會有意志、決心、持久力去完成這項工作——而這便是我們不斷擴展的道德想象力；一個對我們共同享有某種無法削弱的東西的堅定信念。

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are;to understand that we?re all basically seeking the same things;that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.隨著世界越來越小，人們可能認為，人類會更容易認識到我們是多么相似；懂得我們基本上都在追求同樣的東西；我們都希望在我們一生中，給我們自己和我們的家人帶來某種程度的幸福感和滿足感。

And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities--their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion.In some places, this fear has led to conflict.At times, it even feels like we?re moving backwards.We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden.We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.但是，由于全球化令人眩目的進程以及現代化帶來的文化趨同，人們擔心喪失他們所珍視的自身特征——他們的種族、部族，以及也許最強有力的，他們的宗教。在有些地方，這種擔心導致沖突。有時，我們甚至好像在倒退。在中東，隨著阿拉伯人與猶太人之間的沖突似乎深化，我們看到了這種情形。我們在因部族間的沖突而四分五裂的國家看到這種情形。

And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan.These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God;the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded.But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war.For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint--no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one?s own faith.Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it?s incompatible with the very purpose of

faith--for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.最危險的是，我們看到，宗教是怎樣被那些歪曲并玷污偉大的伊斯蘭教，以及那些從阿富汗向我國發動攻擊的人當作謀殺無辜的借口。這些極端分子不是第一批以上帝名義進行屠殺的人；對十字軍（Crusades）的暴行有大量記錄。但是這些提醒我們，圣戰絕不會是正義的戰爭。因為如果當人真的認為自己是在替天行道時，就根本不必有所收斂——不必對孕婦、對醫務人員、對紅十字會工作者、甚或有自身宗教信仰的人留情。這樣一種扭曲的宗教觀不僅與和平的理念不相容，而且我認為它與信仰的目的本身不相容——因為每一個主要宗教的核心教義都是，己所不欲，勿施于人。

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature.For we are fallible.We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil.Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.堅持愛的法則常常是人性掙扎的主要內容。人難免要犯錯誤，我們會做錯事，我們會受自負、權力、有時甚至邪念所誘。即使是我們中那些最懷善意的人們有時也未能改斜糾偏。

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected.We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place.The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached--their fundamental faith in human progress--that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.然而，即使我們知道人性不是完美的，我們仍然可以相信，人類的狀態是可以改善的；即使我們生活其中的世界不是個理想世界，我們仍然能夠追求讓它變得更美好的理想。甘地與馬丁·路德·金等人所實踐的非暴力也許不是在所有情形下都切合實際或者可行，但他們所宣揚的愛——即他們對于人類進步的基本信念——必須永遠是指引我們前行的北斗星。

For if we lose that faith--if we dismiss it as silly or na?ve;if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace--then we lose what?s best about humanity.We lose our sense of possibility.We lose our moral compass.因為，如果我們喪失了那個信念——如果我們覺得它愚蠢或過于天真而不屑一顧；如果我們在就戰爭與和平問題決策時拋開了它——那么我們就喪失了人性中最美好的東西，我們就失去了能為的信念，我們就失去了道德指南針。

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future.As Dr.King said at this occasion so many years ago, “I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history.I refuse to accept the idea that the ?isness? of man?s present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal ?oughtness? that forever confronts him.”

和以往世世代代的人們一樣，我們必須拒絕接受這樣的未來。多年前，金博士在同樣的場合曾經說道：“我拒絕接受以絕望作為對歷史含糊性的最后反應。我拒絕接受所謂反映人類現實狀況的‘實然’(isness)使其無法從道義上達到永遠需要面對的終極‘應然’（oughtness）?！?/p>

Let us reach for the world that ought to be--that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls.(Applause.)

讓我們努力達到世界應該達到的境界——神圣的火花仍然在我們每一個人的靈魂中激蕩。（掌聲）

Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he?s outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace.Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on.Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school--because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child?s dreams.今天，在某一個地方，此時此刻，在現實的世界上，一名士兵知道自己勢薄力單，但仍然堅定地維護和平。今天，在某一個地方，在這個世界上，一位年輕的示威者知道將受到政府的殘酷鎮壓，但她仍然有勇氣大步前進。今天，在某一個地方，一位母親受盡貧困的折磨，但仍然不惜花時間教育自己的孩子，湊集僅有的一些零錢送孩子上學——因為她相信，在這個殘酷的世界上，仍然有一線空間可以實現孩子的夢想。

Let us live by their example.We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice.We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity.Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace.We can do that--for that is the story of human progress;that?s the hope of all the world;and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.讓我們以他們為榜樣生活。我們可以承認，壓迫將經常伴隨著我們，但我們仍奮力爭取正義。我們可以認為，腐化難以消除，但我們仍積極要求獲得尊嚴。保持清醒的頭腦，我們可以知道，戰爭將會爆發，但我們仍努力爭取和平。我們可以做到——因為這是人類進步的歷程；這是全世界的希望；在當前面臨挑戰的時刻，這必須是我們在全球從事的工作。

Thank you very much.(Applause.)

多謝諸位。（掌聲）

第三篇：美國總統奧巴馬在聯合國大會上的講話

2009年9月3日，在第64屆聯合國大會開始一般性辯論之際，美國總統奧巴馬出席會議并發表講話。以下是講話全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美國總統奧巴馬在聯合國大會上的講話 聯合國總部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘書長先生、各位代表，女士們、先生們：我榮幸地作為美國第44任總統首次在這里發表講話。（掌聲）站在各位面前，美國人民賦予我的重任令我不勝榮幸；我深知我們這個歷史時期所面臨的巨大挑戰；并決意為了國內外的正義和繁榮而采取大膽的集體行動。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任總統只有9個月——但在有些日子里這段時間卻顯得漫長。我深知全世界對我就任總統的矚望。在我看來，這些矚望并非針對我個人，而是植根于一種對現狀的不滿，因為我們越來越被分歧所左右，疲于應付種種問題。但這些矚望亦植根于希望——希望真正的變革有可能實現，希望美國在推動這種變革的過程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任總統時，全世界有很多人用懷疑和不信任的眼光看待美國，其中部分原因是對我國的誤解和信息失實，還有一部分原因是對具體政策的反對，認為美國在某些關鍵問題上采取單邊行動，不考慮他人的利益。這滋長了一種幾乎是反射性的反美主義，而這種情緒又往往成為我們不采取集體行動的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一樣，我的職責是采取符合本國和本國人民利益的行動，我絕不會為捍衛這些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，與人類歷史上任何一個時期相比，在 2009年各個國家及其人民之間都更具有共同的利益。我們心中懷有的宗教信念能夠在人民之間締結新的紐帶，也能在我們之間制造隔閡。我們掌控的技術能夠照亮通向和平的道路，也能永遠將其籠罩在黑暗之中。我們使用的能源能夠維持我們這個星球的生存，也能造成它的毀滅。如何對待每一個兒童心中的希望——無論在任何地方——能使我們的世界變得富饒，也能使之變得貧瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在這個大廳里，我們來自四面八方，卻擁有一個共同的未來。我們再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延誤我們必須共同從事的工作。從倫敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），從西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），從阿克拉（Accra）到開羅（Cairo），我到處傳播一個信息，并將在今天予以重申——因為現在是全世界向一個新方向邁進的時候了。我們必須迎接一個在共同利益和相互尊重的基礎上進行接觸的新紀元，我們的工作必須現在開始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我們知道，開創未來不能僅憑言詞，還要有行動。光靠演說不能解決我們的問題——必須要有堅持不懈的行動。因此，對那些質疑我國的品格和事業的人，我請你們看一看我們在短短9個月中所采取的具體行動。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任總統的第一天，我宣布美國毫無例外、堅定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌聲）我下令關閉設在關塔那摩灣（Guantanamo Bay）的關押設施，我們正在從事在法治范圍內制定一個打擊極端主義的框架的艱巨工作。每個國家都必須明白：美國將信守其價值觀，我們將發揮表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我們制定了堅定不移的明確目標：同聯合國所有成員共同努力，打擊、摧垮并擊潰基地組織（al Qaeda）及其極端主義同伙——這個網絡殺害了持不同信仰、來自不同國家的成千上萬的民眾，并曾策劃炸毀這座大樓。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我們和在座的很多國家正在幫助這兩個國家的政府建設主導這項行動的能力，同時努力為這兩個國家的人民增進機會和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我們正在負責任地結束這場戰爭。我們已將美國作戰部隊撤離伊拉克各個城市，并確定了到明年8月將我國所有作戰部隊撤離伊拉克領土的期限。我還明確表示，我們將幫助伊拉克人為掌握他們的未來向全面行使權力過渡，并將履行到2011年年底將全部美國軍隊撤離的承諾。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一項綜合議程，尋求實現一個沒有核武器的世界的目標。在莫斯科，美國和俄羅斯共同宣布大幅度削減我們的戰略彈頭和發射器。在裁軍會議（Conference on Disarmament）上，我們贊同一項工作計劃，通過談判終止用于制造核武器的可裂變物質的生產。這個星期，我國國務卿將成為出席性《全面禁止核試驗條約》締約國會議（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高層美國代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中東和平事務特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美國一直在穩步地、積極地推進以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）兩國并存的方針——讓和平與安全扎下根基，讓以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的權利同時得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.為應對氣候變化，我們已投資800億美元發展清潔能源。我們大幅度提高了燃料效率標準。我們制定了新的鼓勵節能的措施，在美洲國家中發起了一項能源合作計劃，并在國際氣候談判中從一個旁觀者變成了一名領袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.為度過一場波及全世界各個角落的經濟危機，我們與G20成員國共同制定了相互協調的國際性舉措，以超過2萬億美元的刺激計劃挽救了瀕臨崩潰的全球經濟。我們調動資源，幫助阻止這場危機進一步波及發展中國家。我們還與其他一些國家共同發起了一項200億美元的全球糧食保障計劃，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并幫助他們進行能力建設。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我們還重新參與聯合國事務。我們支付了會費。我們加入了理事會（Human Rights Council）。（掌聲）我們簽署了《殘疾利公約》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我們全面采納了千年發展目標（Millennium Development Goals）。我們在這里，在這個機制內提出我們的重點議題——例如通過我明天將主持的有關核不擴散和裁軍問題的安理會（Security Council）會議，以及通過我今天要談到的一系列問題。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.這就是我們已經做的。但只是一個開端。我們采取的一些行動已經取得進展。另外一些行動已為未來取得進展奠定了基礎。但必須指出的是，這不僅僅是美國的事務。過去有人嚴厲抨擊美國在全球單獨行動，如今他們也不能袖手旁觀，等待美國單獨解決世界面臨的問題。我們通過自己的言辭和行動，希望開辟與全世界進行接觸的新時代。現在我們需要共同承擔責任，做到全球一致努力應對全球性挑戰。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.為此，我們如果實事求是，就必須承認我們還沒有完全履行這項職責。如果我們不能扭轉目前的現狀，請設想一下我們今后面對的局面：極端主義分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持續不斷的沖突永無休止；種族滅絕；大規模屠殺；越來越多的國家擁有核武器；冰峰融化，人類飽受災難；貧困持續存在，疾病蔓延。我所說的并非聳人聽聞，而是說明一個事實：我們面臨巨大的挑戰，但我們的行動尚未能與之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

聯合國的建立以世界各國能夠共同解決問題的信念為基礎。富蘭克林?羅斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他設想的這個機構成為現實。羅斯福曾經表示——以下是我引用他的話：“世界和平的大廈不可能是一個人、一個政黨或一個國家的產物??。不能只有大國的和平——或只有小國的和平。和平必須以全世界同心協力為基礎?！?/p>

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心協力。今天,這些話語尤其重要，不僅為了實現和平，而且為了我們共同的興旺與繁榮。然而，我們也了解，這個機構由主權國家組成。令人感到遺憾但并不意外的是，這個機構經常成為相互紛爭的場所，而不是達成共識的場所；成為玩弄政治和利用不滿情緒發難的場所，而不是解決問題的場所?？偠灾?，走上這個講臺相互指責——相互指責，助長，并不困難。將自己的問題歸咎于他人，或者采取逃避責任的態度對待自己的選擇和自己的行動，沒有什么比這更容易。誰都能這樣做。但是21世紀的責任和領導作用要求有更大的作為。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于這個時代，我們的命運息息相關，權力不再依從你死我活的法則。沒有哪一個國家能夠或應該試圖主宰另一個國家。任何將一個國家或一個群體置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能獲得成功。強權的均勢也不可能得到維持。在一個相互依存的世界上，傳統上以南北方劃分國家的方式已經毫無意義；在冷戰早已結束的情況下，國家以陣營劃分的格局也不再有意義。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.現在，應該認識到舊的慣例、舊的觀點與各國人民面臨的挑戰已毫無關聯。這些陳規陋習引導各國采取的行動往往與自身要求實現的目標背道而馳——各國采取的投票行動，包括經常在這個機構進行的投票，也往往違背了本國人民的利益。這些陳規陋習在我們與各國人民追求的未來之間筑起一道道墻，現在是拆除這些墻的時候了。我們必須同心協力建立有助于消除舊的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念組成的同盟；由南方與北方、東方與西方、黑人與白人和黃種人組成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我們必須做出選擇。我們這一代人可留給后人這樣的記憶：把20世紀的爭議帶入21世紀，推遲做出艱難的選擇，拒絕往前看，落后于時代，因為我們忙于設置障礙，而無暇創造未來。我們這一代人亦可留給后人另一種記憶：讓我們的視野越過洶涌的波濤投向大洋彼岸，為了人類共同利益而走到一起，最終使聯合國名稱所蘊涵的希望開始變成現實。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.這就是美國渴望的未來，一個和平與繁榮的未來，我們只有在承認所有國家擁有權利但同時又承擔責任的時候才能如愿以償。這是成功的必要條件，也必須是國際合作的指導原則。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我謹在此提出四大要素，我認為這些要素對我們希望為后代所創造的未來至關重要：不擴散與裁軍；促進和平與安全；保護我們的地球；以及為全體人民增進機會的全球經濟。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我們必須停止核武器的擴散，尋求一個沒有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.聯合國成立于原子時代的初期，在一定程度上是為了遏制人類自相殘殺的能力。幾十年來，即使在超級大國對峙的陰影下，我們避免了災難。然而，今天，擴散的威脅正在蔓延，也變得復雜化。我們如果不采取行動，就意味著鼓勵各地區的核武器競賽，戰爭陰影和恐怖行動蔓延的范圍將超出我們的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一個脆弱的共識防范著這一令人恐懼的結局，那就是構成《核不擴散條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本條件。條約指出，所有國家有權發展和平用途的核能；擁有核武器的國家有責任向銷毀武器邁進；沒有核武器的國家有責任不發展核武器。該條約是得到加強還是被逐漸解除，今后十二個月可能至關重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美國愿意堅持我們的承諾。我們將尋求與俄羅斯達成新協議，大幅度削減我們的戰略彈頭和發射器。我們將為爭取《禁止核試驗條約》(Test Ban Treaty)的批準而努力，并將與其他方面合作使條約生效，永遠禁止核試驗。我們將完成《核態勢審議》(Nuclear Posture Review)，從而為進一步削減核武器和減少其作用打開大門。我們將呼吁各國從明年一月開始談判一項協議，以終止可用于武器的裂變材料的生產。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我還將在明年四月主持一次高峰會議，該會議將重申各國有責任在自己國土內保障核材料安全，并為那些無法提供該保障的國家提供幫助——因為我們必須確保永遠不會有一個核裝置落在暴力極端分子的手中。我們將致力于加強那些打擊核走私與核盜竊活動的機制和計劃。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有這一切都必須支持加強《不擴散核武器條約》的努力。凡是拒絕履行自己義務的國家必須面對各種后果。我謹在此申明，這不是要向某些個別國家興師問罪–而是維護所有履行義務的國家的權利。因為一個逃避國際原子能機構（IAEA）核查、無視聯合國要求的世界將會使所有的人更不安全和所有的國家更沒有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韓和伊朗政府迄今為止采取的行動構成一種威脅，可能把我們推下這個危險的斜坡。我們尊重他們作為國際社會成員的權利。我以前曾經說過，¤í在還要再說一遍：如果他們履行自己的義務，我將努力通過外交為這兩個國家開辟一條通往更大繁榮和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韓政府決意無視國際準則；如果他們把謀求核武器置于地區安全穩定和本國人民的機遇之上；如果他們將東亞和中東地區核軍備競賽升級的危險置之不顧–那么他們必須對此承擔責任。全世界必須站在一起，表明國際法不是空洞的許諾，各項條約必將執行。未來不能屬于恐懼，我們必須堅持這一立場。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我現在談一下我們的未來的第二項要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.聯合國的建立是基于這樣一種信念：全世界人民都能夠正常生活，養育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我們知道，這個理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一種抽象的概念–一種遙不可及的空想。我們面臨兩種選擇：要么接受這樣的結果，把它視為不可避免的現實，容忍造成嚴重損害的經常性沖突；要么認識到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下決心去結束世界各地的沖突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.這種努力必須始于一種不可動搖的決心：絕不容忍對無辜的男女老少進行屠殺。關于這一點，沒有人能–不可能有任何的爭辯。通過扭曲信仰來加劇沖突的暴力極端分子已經敗壞了自己的名聲并孤立了自己。他們帶來的只是仇恨和破壞。在與他們作斗爭時，美國將打造持久的伙伴關系，以便把目標對準恐怖分子，分享情報，協調執法行動和保護人民。我們絕不允許“基地”組織有任何庇護所，并借此從阿富汗或任何其他國家發動襲擊。我們將與我們的朋友共同站在第一線，正如明天我們和許多國家將要做的那樣，保證為巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我們將尋求具有積極意義的接觸，使這種接觸在各種信仰之間架起橋梁，并建立帶來機遇的新伙伴關系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我們促進和平的努力不能局限于戰勝暴力極端分子，因為在我們的武器庫內最有力的武器是人類的希望——相信未來屬于從事建設而不進行破壞的人們；深信沖突能夠結束、新的一天能夠開始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我們將支持–我們將增強我們對有效維和活動的支持；與此同時，在沖突形成之前竭力防止沖突發生。我們將通過支持達爾富爾地區的人民和《全面和平協議》的實施在蘇丹尋求持久和平，這樣我們將為蘇丹人民獲得應有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躪的國家–從海地到剛果到東帝汶–我們將與聯合國及其他合作伙伴協作，支持實現持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我還將繼續尋求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之間建立公正和持久的和平。（掌聲）我們將繼續在這個問題上作出努力。昨天，我與內塔尼亞胡(Netanyahu)總理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席舉行了一次建設性的會議。我們取得了一些進展。巴勒斯坦人加強了他們在安全方面的努力。以色列方面則擴大了巴勒斯坦人的行動自由。在雙方作出這些努力后，約旦河西岸的經濟已開始增長。但是，還需要取得更大的進展。我們繼續呼吁巴勒斯坦人結束針對以色列的挑釁行為，我們也繼續強調美國不接受以色列繼續擴大定居點這一做法的合法性。（掌聲）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

這樣的時刻已經來臨–不預設條件重啟談判解決以色列人與巴勒斯坦人的安全、邊界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位問題的時刻已經來臨。目標很明確：兩個國家在和平與安全中并存——一個是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列猶太國；另一個是獨立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦國，它將重獲從1967年開始被占領的大片領土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潛能得到發揮。（掌聲）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.當我們尋求這項目標時，我們還將尋求以色列與黎巴嫩、以色列與敘利亞、以色列與其許多鄰國之間的更廣泛的和平。在尋求這項目標時，我們不僅要利用雙邊談判，還將制定多方參與的地區性行動計劃。

Now, I am not na?ve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道這件事并非輕而易舉。但我們大家–不僅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我們大家–必須決定我們是否真正希望實現和平，還只是口惠而實不至。為了打破舊有的模式，打破不安全和絕望的循環，我們大家必須公開說出我們私下承認的事實。美國如果不把對以色列的安全所作的堅定承諾與堅持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法訴求與權利這兩者結合在一起，就等于沒有向以色列提供任何幫助。（掌聲）如果聯合國的成員國只是對以色列猛烈抨擊，而不是本著建設性的態度承認以色列的合法性及其在和平與安全中生存的權利，這些國家也就沒有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何幫助。（掌聲）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我們必須記住，為這場沖突付出最大代價的并不是我們，也不是政客們，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她驚恐萬分，閉上自己的眼睛，害怕會被半夜襲來的火箭彈奪走生命。付出代價的還有加沙（Gaza）地帶的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干凈的水，也沒有自己的祖國。他們都是上帝的子民。在種種政治較量和種種姿態背后，最根本的是每個人都有權過有尊嚴和安全無虞的生活。這是將地球上這一小塊地方稱為圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教誨。正因為如此，盡管會面臨挫折、出師不利的局面和艱難的時期，我都會毫不動搖地尋求和平。（掌聲）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我們必須認識到，在21世紀，除非我們承擔起保護我們的星球的責任，否則就不會有和平。為此，我感謝秘書長昨天主持氣候變化問題會議。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.氣候變化構成的威脅不可否認。我們絕不能推諉應對這一威脅的責任。如果我們繼續走現在這條道路，聯大每一個會員國都將在本國境內看到無可補救的變化。我們制止沖突的努力將被因難民和爭奪資源引發的戰火耗盡。干旱和饑荒將斷送促進發展的事業。人類世世代代生活的土地將會消失。子孫后代將回顧歷史，責問我們為什么不采取行動；我們為什么沒有留下——我們為什么沒有留下一個值得為之驕傲的環境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美國在這個問題上步履遲緩的時期結束了。我們將向前邁進，投資于我國能源經濟的轉型，同時通過鼓勵措施使清潔能源變成有益的能源。我們將積極推行大幅度減排，實現我們到2020年要實現的目標，并最終實現2050年的既定目標。我們將繼續提倡可再生能源和節能，并同世界各國分享新技術。我們將抓住一切尋求進展的機會，同全世界同心協力應對這一威脅。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.對于所有在20世紀給環境造成了如此嚴重破壞的富裕國家，我們必須盡自己的義務，率先采取行動。但責任不限于此。盡管我們必須承認，應對行動應該區別對待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必須將碳排放量增長迅速的國家包括在內，這些國家能在不阻礙發展的情況下為降低空氣污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面幫助最貧困的國家應對氣候變化已經造成問題，另一方面幫助它們走上清潔發展的道路。如果無法兩者兼顧，則根本無法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改變我們使用能源的方式是一個基本問題，做到這一點并不容易。我知道這一點。在全球陷入衰退的時期這樣做，甚至更加困難。當然，難免會有坐等他人首先采取行動的想法。但除非我們所有的人共同行動，否則就無法踏上這一征程。在我們準備出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）會議之際，讓我們痛下決心，集中精力去做我們每個人能為我們共同的未來所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.現在，我將談到支撐我們的未來的最后一個要素：為所有的人增進機會的全球經濟。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界經歷了自大蕭條（Great Depression）以來最嚴重的一場經濟危機，目前還在復蘇之中。在美國，我們看到增長的引擎開始轉動，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我們看到了可喜的跡象，但前景仍無定數。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑戰人生的艱辛之中——饑腸轆轆，頓生絕望；供水短缺，干渴難熬；疾病可治，但患病兒童卻死于不公正；或者出現產婦在生育過程中死亡的慘劇。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹茲堡（Pittsburgh），我們將同全世界最大的經濟體共同開辟一條均衡的、可持續增長的道路。這意味著高度負責，毫不松懈，直到我們的人民獲得重新就業。意味著采取措施重新促進需求，保證全球復蘇持續進行。這還意味著確立新的行為準則，并增強對所有金融中心的監管，以便鏟除將我們帶進這場災難的貪婪、無節制和瀆職行為，杜絕這樣的危機再度發生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在這個如此相互依存的時代，我們在更寬泛的發展問題上有著道義上和實際的利益——有關發展的種種問題在這場危機爆發前就已經存在。因此，美國將繼續發揚歷史傳統，幫助人民吃飽穿暖。我們已撥款630億美元繼續進行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋?。℉IV/AIDS）的工作，挽救結核病和瘧疾患者的生命，根治小兒麻痹癥，并增強公共醫療體制。我們同其他國家共同向世界衛生組織（World Health Organization）捐贈H1N1疫苗。我們將幫助更多的經濟體加入全球貿易體系。我們將支持千年發展目標，并將在明年的峰會上提出一項實現這些目標的全球計劃。我們還將力爭在我們這個時代根除極端貧困的現象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.現在是我們所有的人盡力而為的時候了。只有所有國家都承擔起責任，才能實現可持續增長或共同增長。這意味著富裕國家必須向更多的商品開放市場，并向不太富裕的國家伸出援手，同時改革國際機制，使更多的國家擁有更大的發言權。發展中國家必須根除阻礙進步的腐敗現象——因為在人民遭受壓迫、工商企業不得不行賄的地方不會出現機遇。這因為如此，我們支持廉正的警察和獨立的法官；支持公民社會和一個欣欣向榮的民營部門。我們的目標簡單明了：全球經濟實現可持續增長，讓所有的人都享有機會。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，實現我今天談到的種種變革不可能一蹴而就。這些變革也不可能僅僅因為我們這些領導人在這里舉行會議就能實現，盡管這些會議能發揮有益的作用。因為不論什么組織舉行什么樣的會議，真正的變革只能通過我們代表的人民才能得到實現。這也是為什么我們必須艱苦努力，在我們各國首都為取得進展奠定基礎。這就構成了我們達成共識的基礎，從而可以結束沖突，從而可以為和平的目的利用技術，從而可以改變我們使用能源的方式，從而可以促進可持續的共同增長。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望為自己的孩子爭取這樣的未來。這也是我們必須捍衛上述原則的原因，因為這些原則要求各國政府必須體現人民的意志。這些原則并非可有可無—民主和對于實現我今天談到的各項目標必不可少，因為民有和民治的政府更有可能根據本國人民更廣泛的利益采取行動，不必屈從于當權者狹隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.對我們領導能力的檢驗不表現于助長人民的恐懼感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正領導能力的尺度不是壓制異己或恫嚇騷擾國內政治反對派的力量。世界人民希望變革。他們不會長期忍耐與歷史背道而馳的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大會憲章責成我們每個成員——我在此引述——“重申他們對基本、人格尊嚴和價值以及男女平等權利的信念”。這些權利包括，表達自己觀點的自由和信仰自由；種族平等的保證；婦女和女童發展潛力的機會；公民對自身管理的發言權以及對司法公正的信心。正如任何國家都不應被迫接受另一國家的專制一樣，任何人都不應被迫接受對本國人民的專制。（掌聲）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作為一個非洲裔美國人，我決不會忘記，若不是我的國家對一個更加完美的聯邦的堅定追求，我今天不會站在這里。它使我相信，無論眼前看似多么黑暗，選擇站在正義一邊的人們是能夠促成變革的。我保證，美國將永遠同捍衛自身尊嚴與權利的人們在一起——同努力求學的學生；同要求發出聲音的選民；同渴望自由的無辜者；同期盼平等的受壓迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能從外部強加給任何國家。每個社會必須尋求自身的道路，而沒有一條路會盡善盡美。每個國家都將謀求一條基于自身民族文化和歷史傳統的道路。我承認，美國在推動民主時曾過于經常地帶有選擇性。但這并不減少我們的承諾，而是使之更加堅定。一些基本原則是舉世皆準的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利堅合眾國將永遠毫不動搖地支持各地人民決定自己命運的權利。（掌聲）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，憂心忡忡的富蘭克林?羅斯福向美國人民發表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就職演說。他對多年戰爭造成的可怕苦難和人們作出的巨大犧牲所能帶來的教訓作了如此概括：“我們學會了做世界公民，做人類社會的成員?！?/p>

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but na?ve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.從非洲到亞洲、從歐洲到美洲——聯合國是由世界各地像羅斯福這樣的男女志士創建起來的。這些國際合作建筑師們的理想絕非天真，而是基于來之不易的戰爭教訓和這樣一個智慧，即各國可以通過一道行動而不是來促進自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降臨于我們——這個機構的作用將取決于我們。聯合國在全球功績卓著——解饑救病，修復創傷。但是，聯合國也在貫徹自身意愿和實踐奠基理念的過程中步履艱難。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，這些缺憾不能構成背棄這個機構的理由，而是一個要求我們加倍努力的呼喚。聯合國這個地方，既能夠使我們為宿怨爭吵不休，也可以讓我們奠定共同基礎；既能夠使我們盯住分歧不放，也可以讓我們攜手共進；既能夠使人縱容專制，也可以產生道義權威?？傊摵蠂瓤梢耘c事關我們公民性命的事務不相干，也可以成為推動我們為之服務的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我們已到達一個關鍵時刻。美國為打開國際合作的新篇章作好了準備——這種合作認識到所有國家的權利與責任。因此，滿懷對我們事業的信心和對我們價值觀的信念，我們呼呼所有國家與我們一道建設一個我們的人民應充分享有的未來。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感謝你們，所有各位。（掌聲）

第四篇：美國總統奧巴馬2014年父親節講話

美國總統奧巴馬2014年父親節講話

Hi, everybody.Sunday is Father’s Day.If you haven’t got Dad a gift yet, there’s still time.Just barely.But the truth is, what we give our fathers can never match what our fathers give us.大家好。周日是父親節。如果你還沒有給爸爸準備禮物，現在還來得及。大大方方地。但是事實上，我們給父親們的永遠比不上父親們給我們的。

I know how important it is to have a dad in your life, because I grew up without my father around.I felt the weight of his absence.So for Michelle and our girls, I try every day to be the husband and father my family didn’t have when I was young.And every chance I get, I encourage fathers to get more involved in their children’s lives, because what makes you a man isn’t the ability to have a child – it’s the courage to raise one.我深知你們一生中有個父親是何等重要，因為我從小到大沒有父親。我深知沒有他我們的艱難。所以對米切爾和我們的兩個女兒，我每天都努力做一個好丈夫和好爸爸，這是我這時候家里沒有的。我總是利用一切機會鼓勵父親們更多地融入孩子們的生活，因為這使你成為一個不止是有能力生孩子的男人，而是有撫養孩子的勇氣的男人。

Still, over the past couple years, I’ve met with a lot of young people who don’t have a father figure around.And while there’s nothing that can replace a parent, any of us can do our part to be a mentor, a sounding board, a role model for a kid who needs one.Earlier this year, I launched an initiative called My Brother’s Keeper – an all-hands-on-deck effort to help more of our young men reach their full

potential.And if you want to be a mentor to a young man in your community, you can find out how at WhiteHouse.gov/MyBrothersKeeper.還有，在過去的幾年里，我遇到很多沒有父親的年輕人。盡管沒有什么可以取代一個家長，我們中的任何人都可以盡自己的努力成為導師，一個傾聽者和孩子需要的任何角色。今年早些時候，我推出了一個叫做―弟弟的監護人‖的動議--一個人人盡責的努力旨在幫助我們的年輕人發揮他們的潛能。如果你想成為你們社區的任何一個年輕人的導師，你可以在WhiteHouse.gov/MyBrothersKeeper網站得知如何做。

Now, when I launched this initiative, I said that government can’t play the

primary role in a young person’s life.Taking responsibility for being a great parent or mentor is a choice that we, as individuals, have to make.No government program can ever take the place of a parent’s love.Still, as a country, there are ways we can help support dads and moms who make that choice.當我推出這個動議的時候，我說政府不能在任何年輕人的生活中起主導作用。擔起作為偉大的父母或導師的責任是我們作為個人必須做出的選擇。沒有一 1

個政府項目可以取代父母的愛。還有，作為一個國家，我們有很多方式幫助父親們和母親們做出這個選擇。

That’s why, earlier this week, we brought working dads from across America to the White House to talk about the challenges they face.And in a few weeks, I’ll hold the first-ever White House Working Families Summit.We’ve still got too many workplace policies that belong in the 1950s, and it’s time to bring them up to date for today’s families, where oftentimes, both parents are working.Moms and dads deserve affordable child care, and time off to care for a sick parent or child without running into hardship.Women deserve equal pay for equal work – and at a time when more women are breadwinners for a family, that benefits men, too.And because no parent who works full-time should have to raise a family in poverty, it’s time for Congress to follow the lead of state after state, get on the bandwagon, and give America a raise.這就是為什么本周早些時候，我們邀請了一些來自全美各地的工薪父親們來到白宮討論我們面對的挑戰。在今后幾周里，我將在白宮舉辦白宮工薪家庭峰會。我們現在有很多職場政策還是1950年代的，現在是使它們跟上今天的家庭的時候了，這些家庭通常是雙親都工作。母親們和父親們理應得到可承受的兒保，可以請假照顧生病的父母或孩子而不至于陷入困境。婦女理應得到同工同酬待遇--當更多婦女成為家庭支柱時，男人也從中受益。因為我們不允許任何全職父母支撐一個家庭就要陷入貧困，所以現在是國會緊跟一個又一個州的潮流，給美國一個提升。

Dads work hard.So our country should do what we can to make sure their hard work pays off;to make sure life for them and their families is a little less stressful, and a little more secure, so they can be the dads their kids need them to be.Because there’s nothing more precious in life than the time we spend with our

children.There’s no better feeling than knowing that we can be there for them, and provide for them, and help give them every shot at success.父親們勤奮工作。所以我們的國家應該盡力讓他們的努力得到回報；們和他們的家庭的生活更加成功一點，更加安全一點，以使他們成為他們的孩子們想要的父親們。因為人生中沒有什么比他們花在孩子們身上的時間更加珍貴了。沒有什么比知道我們就在他們的身邊，為他們提供他們需要的，給他們任何成功的機會更加幸福的感覺了。

Let’s make sure every dad who works hard and takes responsibility has the chance to know that feeling, not just on one Sunday, but every day of the year.讓我們保證每個辛勤工作承擔責任的父親有機會不僅在一個周日，而是年年月月日日有這種感覺。

Thanks everybody, happy Father’s Day, and have a great weekend.謝謝，父親節快樂，周末快樂。

美國總統奧巴馬2013年父親節講話

Hi, everybody.This Sunday is Father’s Day, and so I wanted to take a moment to talk about the most important job many of us will ever have – and that’s being a dad.大家好，周日是父親節，所以我想花一點兒時間談談那許多我們都有的重要工作——當一個爸爸。

Today we’re blessed to live in a world where technology allows us to connect instantly with just about anyone on the planet.But no matter how advanced we get, there will never be a substitute for the love and support and, most importantly, the presence of a parent in a child’s life.And in many ways, that’s uniquely true for fathers.今天，我們有幸生活在這樣一個世界，何人即時地保持聯絡。不管我們多么地先進，都沒有什么可以把孩子生命中的愛、支持、最重要的是父母的存在，進行替代。在許多情況下，對父親來說這尤為正確。

I never really knew my own father.I was raised by a single mom and two wonderful grandparents who made incredible sacrifices for me.And there are single parents all across the country who do a heroic job raising terrific kids.But I still wish I had a dad who was not only around, but involved;another role model to teach me what my mom did her best to instill – values like hard work and integrity;responsibility and delayed gratification – all the things that give a child the foundation to envision a brighter future for themselves.我從沒真正地了解我自己的父親，我由單親母親和兩位優秀的祖父母撫養成人，他們為我做出了巨大的犧牲。全國各地都有單親父母，例如，只有媽媽，做著英勇偉大的工作，撫養著優秀的孩子。但我仍然希望，我有一個爸爸，他不僅在我的周圍，而是在我的生命中，以另一個角色來教導我媽媽也盡力灌輸給我的東西，努力工作和正直的價值觀，有責任心而不貪圖享受，所有給孩子預想自己光明未來基礎的東西。

That’s why I try every day to be for Michelle and my girls what my father was not for my mother and me.And I’ve met plenty of other people – dads and uncles and men without a family connection – who are trying to break the cycle and give more of our young people a strong male role model.這也就是我每天盡力為米歇爾和我的女兒們去做一些事情的原因，因為我父親沒能為我母親和我做的這些。我也遇見過大量其他的人，爸爸們，叔伯們和其他沒有完整家庭的男人們。他們也盡力去打破這個怪圈，給予我們更多的年輕人強大的男性的榜樣。

Being a good parent – whether you’re gay or straight;a foster parent or a

grandparent – isn’t easy.It demands your constant attention, frequent sacrifice, and a healthy dose of patience.And nobody’s perfect.To this day, I’m still figuring out how3

to be a better husband to my wife and father to my kids.作為好的父母親——，養父母或是祖父母——都是不易的。這需要你持續地關注，頻繁地做出犧牲，很健康耐心的心態。沒有人是完美的，至今，我仍在努力想著如何去做一個妻子的好丈夫和孩子的好父親。And I want to do what I can as President to encourage marriage and strong families.We should reform our child support laws to get more men working and engaged with their children.And my Administration will continue to work with the faith and other community organizations, as well as businesses, on a campaign to encourage strong parenting and fatherhood.，去鼓勵穩定的婚姻和和諧的家庭。我們應該修訂我們的未成年人撫育法，讓更多的人獲得工作，為他們的孩子而忙碌。我的政府也將繼續真誠地和其他社會組織，也包括企業，打贏更好地撫養孩子和傳遞父愛的戰役。

Because if there’s one thing I’ve learned along the way, it’s that all our personal successes shine a little less brightly if we fail at family.That’s what matters most.When I look back on my life, I won’t be thinking about any particular legislation I passed or policy I promoted.I’ll be thinking about Michelle, and the journey we’ve been on together.I’ll be thinking about Sasha’s dance recitals and Malia’s tennis matches – about the conversations we’ve had and the quiet moments we’ve shared.I’ll be thinking about whether I did right by them, and whether they knew, every day, just how much they were loved.這就是如果我們在家庭上失敗了，我們所有個人的成功都少了一點兒明亮的光澤，這才是最重要的。當我回憶我的一生，我不會想到任何我通過的待定法案，或是我力促的政策，我將會想到的是米歇爾和我們一起走過的歲月，我將會想到的是薩沙的舞蹈演出和瑪麗亞的網球比賽，我們在一起的對話和我們一起共享的靜謐時光。我會想是否我做對了，是否他們知道每一天，我是如此的愛著她們。

That’s what I think being a father is all about.And if we can do our best to be a source of comfort and encouragement to our kids;if we can show them unconditional love and help them grow into the people they were meant to be;then we will have succeeded.這就是我認為作為一個父親應該關心的，如果我們可以盡自己的全力來安慰和鼓勵我們的孩子。如果我們可以付出我們無條件地愛，幫助他們成為應該成為的人，那么我們就都成功了。

Happy Father’s Day to all the dads out there, and have a great weekend.因此祝所有爸爸們父親節快樂，周末快樂。

第五篇：奧巴馬在911紀念儀式上的講話

9月12日訊 據美國媒體報道，當日上午，美國總統奧巴馬在華盛頓肯尼迪中心舉行的“9·11”紀念音樂會上發表講話，意在使美國民眾在遭受9·11恐怖襲擊十年后重新燃起對美國價值觀念的信心。昨晚，奧巴馬攜夫人米歇爾訪問了9·11事件中的三處遇難地，并參加了悼念活動。

奧巴馬在911紀念儀式上的講話

《圣經》告訴我們，哭泣可能會持續整夜，但歡樂會在清晨到來。

十年前，美國經歷了最黑暗的一個夜晚。雄偉的高樓坍塌了，五角大樓升起滾滾黑煙，飛機殘骸在賓夕法尼亞州燃燒。好友近鄰們，兄弟姐妹們，父親母親們，孩子們，他們從我們身邊被帶走了，如此迅速和殘酷地離開了我們，讓我們悲痛萬分。2001年9月12日，當我們醒來時，面對的是一個新的世界，邪惡離我們更近，對未知的恐懼籠罩著我們的未來。

之后的十年，美國人民改變了很多。我們懂得了戰爭和衰退，我們懂得了激烈的爭辯和政治分歧。我們永遠無法喚回那天逝去的生命，或是那些在后來的戰爭中英勇獻身的美國人。

但是在今天，我們應該銘記的是那些未曾改變的東西。我們

國家的性格沒有改變。我們的信念并沒有變，我們始終相信上帝、并彼此信任。我們這個國家抱著永恒的理想，我們堅信人人都應該自律，人人生來平等并享有同等的決定自己命運的自由。這一信念經受住了無數考驗，現在更是堅不可摧。

過去的十年表明，美國沒有向恐懼妥協。救援人員趕往現場，消防員沖上大樓，機上乘客與歹徒搏斗，這些愛國者們證明了什么叫做勇敢。十年來，我們也看到了英雄主義更低調的一種表現形式：失去那么多戰友的消防隊依然每天整裝待發挽救生命，被摧毀的企業得到重建，受傷的幸存者重新振作起來，遇難者家屬開始了新的生活。

今年春天，我收到了一位叫蘇珊娜?斯萬（Suzanne Swaine）的女士的來信。她在雙子塔的災難中失去了丈夫和兄弟。她說，“那么多驕傲的瞬間被剝奪了，父親原本可以看到孩子們畢業，看到她們在長曲棍球比賽中得分，看到她們在學業上取得佳績”。這位女士有兩個女兒在上大學，還有一個女兒在上高中并且表現很好。她在信中寫道，“十年來，我一直一個人養育三個女兒；她們的自強和堅韌讓我無比驕傲”。這一家人的精神就是所有美國家庭的寫照。這些女孩充滿希望的未來就是對殺害她們父親的可惡兇手最有力的回擊。

過去這十年展示了美國保護公民、維護美國生活方式的決心。外交官們背井離鄉駐守遠方，情報人員默默無聞不知疲倦地工作。911后有200萬美國人參與了戰爭。這些人證明，那些傷害了我們的人無法逃脫正義的審判，不論他們藏在何處。事實上，保衛美國的并不是征召的士兵，而是自愿服役的公民，他們是畢業便直接入伍的年輕人，他們是國民警衛隊士兵和后備役軍人，他們是工人和商人，他們是移民和第四代士兵。他們放棄舒適的生活，堅持兩期、三期、四期或五期超期服役。他們中的很多人從此再也沒有回來。即便是平安回來的人，他們也背負著遠方的黑暗記憶，以及對逝去戰友的永恒懷念。

這些軍人及其家屬所做的犧牲提醒我們，戰爭的代價是巨大的，雖然他們對國家的貢獻充滿榮耀，戰爭本身卻絕不光榮。十年間，我們的軍隊被派到了很多美國人聞所未聞的地方：坎大哈和喀布爾，摩蘇爾和巴士拉。但我們的強大并不是用駐軍能力來衡量的，而是體現在我們把這些地方留給自由人民和主權政府的決心上，以及我們要結束十年戰爭、迎接和平未來的愿望上。

這十年表明，我們一直在堅持各項自由權利。沒錯，對威脅我們的人我們提高了警惕，而我們的一般性防御也帶來了種

種麻煩。有關戰爭與和平、安全與公民自由的討論常常是激烈的。但正是這些討論的激烈程度和以符合我們價值觀的方式化解這些爭論的能力才是我們的力量所在。此外，美國開放的市場仍向創新者提供發明創造的機會，美國人仍可以自由地直抒胸臆，我們的靈魂仍在教堂、佛教寺院、猶太教堂和清真寺中得到凈化和提升。

過去的這十年凸顯出全體美國人之間的凝聚力。我們沒有陷入猜忌和懷疑中不可自拔。911發生后，小布什總統曾明確表示過：美國永遠不會向伊斯蘭教或任何其它宗教發動戰爭。這也是我們今天要重申的觀點。人們從世界各地移民來到美國。無論是在美國的大都市還是小城鎮，無論是在學校還是在工作場所，仍然可以看到膚色、宗教和種族各不相同的人們匯聚在這里，大家都宣誓忠于一面國旗，所有人都為了實現共同的美國夢──合眾為一。

過去這十年講述了一個關于不屈不撓精神的故事。五角大樓得到了修復，愛國者在那里為了共同的目標而努力工作。在尚克斯維爾，當地居民和那些在這里失去了自己至親的家庭結下了友誼。紐約仍是一個生機勃勃的藝術、工業、時尚和商業之都。在世界貿易中心曾經屹立的地方，一座新建大廈拔地而起，在陽光下熠熠生輝。美國人仍在摩天大樓中工作，體育場里擠滿了運動愛好者，公園里到處都是玩球的孩童。我們的機場呈現出一片繁忙景象，我們的巴士和地鐵運送數百萬旅客奔赴目的地。到了周日晚上，全家人一起坐下來享受晚餐，孩子們則為第二天上學做準備。在這片土地上，既有人們準備奔赴遠途的樂觀，也有為了人類自由而犧牲的勇氣。

幾十年后，美國人會來參觀這些紀念碑以悼念那些911的遇難者。他們的手指會掠過那些我們曾經深愛著的、現如今被刻入大理石和石碑的親友的名字，并對這些人的生活感到好奇。站在阿靈頓國家公墓白色的墓碑前，在美國各地小城鎮的廣場上舉辦的寧靜的紀念儀式上，他們會向那些在阿富汗和伊拉克戰爭中陣亡的人致敬，他們會在橋梁和雕塑上、在花園和學校里看到逝者的名字。

他們會知道，沒有什么可以擊垮真正代表美利堅合眾國的意志。他們會記得，我們一路走過了奴隸制和南北戰爭，見證了排隊領面包的隊伍和法西斯主義，經歷了經濟衰退和**，也征服了共產主義和恐怖主義。有人會提醒他們說，美國并不完美，但美國的民主是久經考驗的，這種民主反映出人類的不完美，但同時也讓我們有機會改善我們的國家。在舉國悼念的日子里，我們引以為榮的就是這些永不磨滅的美

國歷史和推動我們合眾為

一、向前邁進的決心。

911遺產不止于紀念碑，還有那些走向火海的消防員、報名參軍的士兵、合力建造新樓的工人、臨危不懼的公民以及實現了父母夢想的子女。我們堅守信仰、遭到沉重打擊并變得更為堅強的故事將流傳給后人。

“哭泣可能會持續整夜，但歡樂會在清晨到來。”

以公正的上帝作為我們的向導，讓我們向那些逝者致敬，努力為實踐那些令我們國家卓爾不群的精神而奮斗，讓我們滿懷希望暢想未來。愿上帝保佑我們對逝者的追憶，保佑美利堅合眾國。