第一篇：美國(guó)首任黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬競(jìng)選演講稿(中英)

美國(guó)首任黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬競(jìng)選演講稿（中英）網(wǎng)友常用標(biāo)簽（共4個(gè)）：

中英對(duì)照奧巴馬美國(guó)競(jìng)選黑人總統(tǒng)

美國(guó)首任黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬競(jìng)選演講：我們需要的變革。

Obama: The Change We Need

This is a defining moment in our history.We face the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression--760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year.Businesses and families can't get credit.Home values are falling, and pensions are disappearing.Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the costs of health care and college have never been higher.At a moment like this, we can't afford four more years of spending increases, poorly designed tax cuts, or the complete lack of regulatory oversight that even former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan now believes was a mistake.America needs a new direction.That's why I'm running for president of the United States.Tomorrow, you can give this country the change we need.My opponent, Senator McCain, has served his country honorably.He can even point to a few moments in the past where he has broken from his party.But over the past eight years, he's voted with President Bush 90% of the time.And when it comes to the economy, he still can't tell the American people one major thing he'd do differently from George Bush.It's not change to come up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans--a plan that even the National Review and other conservative organizations complain does far too little to benefit the middle class.It's not change to add more than $5 trillion to the deficits we've run up in recent years.It's not change to come up with a plan to address our housing crisis that puts another $300 billion of taxpayer money at risk--a plan that the editorial board of this newspaper said 'raises more questions than it answers.'

If there's one thing we've learned from this economic crisis, it's that we are all in this together.From CEOs to shareholders, from financiers to factory workers, we all have a stake in each other's success because the more Americans prosper, the more America prospers.That's why we've had titans of industry who've made it their mission to pay well enough that their employees could afford the products they made--businessmen like Warren Buffett, whose support I'm proud to have.That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth creator--it's been the world's greatest job generator.It's been the tide that has lifted the boats of the largest middle class in history.To rebuild that middle class, I'll give a tax break to 95% of workers and their families.If you work, pay taxes, and make less than $200,000, you'll get a tax cut.If you make more than $250,000, you'll still pay taxes at a lower rate than in the 1990s

--and capital gains and dividend taxes one-third lower than they were under President Reagan.We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure and laying broadband lines that reach every corner of the country.I'll invest $15 billion a year over the next decade in renewable energy, creating five million new, green jobs that pay well, can't be outsourced, and can help end our dependence on Middle East oil.When it comes to health care, we don't have to choose between a government-run system and the unaffordable one we have now.My opponent's plan would make you pay taxes on your health-care benefits for the first time in history.My plan will make health care affordable and accessible for every American.If you already have health insurance, the only change you'll see under my plan is lower premiums.If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of plan that members of Congress get for themselves.To give every child a world-class education so they can compete in this global economy for the jobs of the 21st century, I'll invest in early childhood education and recruit an army of new teachers.But I'll also demand higher standards and more accountability.And we'll make a deal with every young American: If you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.And when it comes to keeping this country safe, I'll end the Iraq war responsibly so we stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while it sits on a huge surplus.For the sake of our economy, our military and the long-term stability of Iraq, it's time for the Iraqis to step up.I'll finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11, build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century, and restore our moral standing so that America remains the last, best hope of Earth.None of this will be easy.It won't happen overnight.But I believe we can do this because I believe in America.This is the country that allowed our parents and

grandparents to believe that even if they couldn't go to college, they could save a little bit each week so their child could;that even if they couldn't have their own business, they could work hard enough so their child could open one of their own.And at every moment in our history, we've risen to meet our challenges because we've never forgotten the fundamental truth that in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.So tomorrow, I ask you to write our nation's next great chapter.I ask you to believe--not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.Tomorrow, you can choose policies that invest in our middle class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed.You can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the status quo.If you give me your vote, we won't just win this election--together, we will change this country and change the world.現(xiàn)在是美國(guó)歷史的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻。我們面臨著大蕭條以來(lái)最為嚴(yán)重的一場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)：今年以來(lái)已經(jīng)有76萬(wàn)人失業(yè)；企業(yè)和家庭無(wú)法獲得信貸；房?jī)r(jià)不斷下滑，養(yǎng)老金日益縮水；工資降到了十年來(lái)的最低水平，同時(shí)醫(yī)療和教育成本卻漲到了有史以來(lái)的最高點(diǎn)。

在眼下這樣的危急時(shí)刻，我們承受不起又一個(gè)四年的支出增長(zhǎng)、千瘡百孔的減稅措施、或是監(jiān)管全無(wú)──即使是美國(guó)聯(lián)邦儲(chǔ)備委員會(huì)（Fed）前主席格林斯潘（Alan Greenspan）現(xiàn)在也承認(rèn)那是個(gè)錯(cuò)誤。美國(guó)需要一個(gè)新的方向。這也正是我競(jìng)選美國(guó)總統(tǒng)的原因所在。

明天，也就是周二，你們將有能力賦予這個(gè)國(guó)家我們所需要的變革。

Corbis我的競(jìng)選對(duì)手麥凱恩參議員為美國(guó)作出的貢獻(xiàn)令人尊敬。他甚至可以指出他過(guò)去曾有幾次與自己的黨派分道揚(yáng)鑣。然而，在過(guò)去八年中，他十之八九都贊同布什總統(tǒng)的主張。而在經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題上，他仍然無(wú)法向美國(guó)民眾說(shuō)明，他與布什的做法會(huì)有什么太大區(qū)別。

如果提出的稅收計(jì)劃沒(méi)有讓1億多美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)獲得一分錢的稅項(xiàng)減免，這不是變革──即使是《國(guó)家評(píng)論》（National Review）雜志和其他保守派組織也抱怨說(shuō)，這個(gè)計(jì)劃對(duì)造福中產(chǎn)階級(jí)貢獻(xiàn)寥寥。在近年來(lái)不斷累積的財(cái)政赤字上再添5萬(wàn)億美元，這不是變革。如果解決房市危機(jī)的計(jì)劃又將另外3,000億美元納稅人的錢置于風(fēng)險(xiǎn)之中，這不是變革──《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》編輯委員會(huì)稱這一計(jì)劃“產(chǎn)生的問(wèn)題比解決的問(wèn)題多”。

如果說(shuō)我們從此次經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中學(xué)到了什么的話，那就是我們要患難與共。從首席執(zhí)行長(zhǎng)到公司股東，從金融家到工廠工人，我們每個(gè)人都休戚相關(guān)，因?yàn)槊绹?guó)的民眾越富足，美國(guó)才會(huì)越繁榮。

這就是為什么我們有些企業(yè)巨頭把提高員工薪酬作為自己的一項(xiàng)使命，讓員工能買得起自己生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品，比如巴菲特（Warren Buffett）這樣的商界人士。我對(duì)能有他的支持感到自豪。這就是為什么美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)不僅是世界上最偉大的財(cái)富創(chuàng)造者，也是世界上最偉大的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)制造者。它一直托舉著有史以來(lái)規(guī)模最大的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)之舟。

為了重塑美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)，我將給予95%的工人及其家庭稅收減免待遇。如果你工作，就交稅；如果年收入不足20萬(wàn)美元，你會(huì)獲得減稅；即使你的年收入超過(guò)了25萬(wàn)美元，你所負(fù)擔(dān)的稅率也比上世紀(jì)九十年代要低──資本利得稅和股息稅要比里根總統(tǒng)時(shí)期低三分之一。

通過(guò)重建日益破敗的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、在美國(guó)的各個(gè)角落接通寬帶，我們將創(chuàng)造200萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。未來(lái)的十年中，我將每年在可再生能源領(lǐng)域投資150億美元，進(jìn)而新增500萬(wàn)個(gè)崗位；這些工作環(huán)保、薪酬豐厚、不能外包，而且能幫助我們擺脫對(duì)中東石油的依賴。

在醫(yī)療問(wèn)題上，我們不必在政府運(yùn)營(yíng)的體系和目前這種我們難以負(fù)擔(dān)的體系之間進(jìn)行選擇。我的競(jìng)選對(duì)手提出的方案會(huì)令美國(guó)人有史以來(lái)首次為自己獲得的醫(yī)療福利納稅。我的計(jì)劃則會(huì)讓醫(yī)療保健成為每個(gè)美國(guó)人都負(fù)擔(dān)得起、享受得到的服務(wù)。根據(jù)我的計(jì)劃，如果你已經(jīng)有了醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，你將看到的唯一一個(gè)變化是保費(fèi)降低；如果你還沒(méi)有醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，你將能與國(guó)會(huì)議員們享受到同樣的醫(yī)療福利。

為了讓每個(gè)孩子享受到世界級(jí)的教育，讓他們能在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中競(jìng)爭(zhēng)21世紀(jì)的工作崗位，我將投資早期教育，并且增加師資力量。不過(guò)，我同時(shí)也會(huì)要求更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和更多的責(zé)任。我們向每個(gè)美國(guó)年輕人作出承諾：如果你致力于服務(wù)你的社區(qū)或是你的國(guó)家，我們將確保你能負(fù)擔(dān)得起自己的學(xué)費(fèi)。

在國(guó)防安全問(wèn)題上，我將負(fù)責(zé)任地結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，這樣我們就不必在這個(gè)國(guó)家享有巨額財(cái)政盈余的情況下每月卻要在那里花費(fèi)100億美元。為了美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、美國(guó)的軍隊(duì)和伊拉克的長(zhǎng)期穩(wěn)定，現(xiàn)在是伊拉克人站出來(lái)的時(shí)候了。我將最終完成對(duì)本·拉登（Bin Laden）和基地組織恐怖分子的打擊，正是這些人制造了9/11恐怖襲擊，同時(shí)我還會(huì)建立新的合作關(guān)系、擊退21世紀(jì)出現(xiàn)的威脅，恢復(fù)我們的道德威望，讓美國(guó)仍然是地球上最后也是最好的希望。

這些事情沒(méi)有一件是輕而易舉能辦到的，也不是一朝一夕能完成的。但是，我堅(jiān)信我們能成功，因?yàn)槲覍?duì)美國(guó)深信不疑。是美國(guó)使我們的父輩相信，即使他們自己無(wú)法上大學(xué)，也可以每周積攢下一些錢來(lái)，讓他們的孩子接受好的教育；即使他們不能擁有自己的企業(yè)，也可以通過(guò)努力工作讓自己的孩子創(chuàng)辦企業(yè)。在美國(guó)歷史的每個(gè)時(shí)刻，我們都勇敢地站起來(lái)面對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)槲覀儚膩?lái)沒(méi)有忘記過(guò)這樣一個(gè)基本真理：在美國(guó)，我們的命運(yùn)并非天定，而是掌握在我們自己的手中。所以，明天，我懇請(qǐng)你們書(shū)寫(xiě)美國(guó)下一個(gè)偉大的篇章。我懇請(qǐng)你們不只相信我?guī)?lái)變革的能力，還有你們自己的能力。明天，你們可以選擇這樣一種政策──向美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)進(jìn)行投入、創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)崗位、實(shí)現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)讓人人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)。你們可以選擇希望而非恐懼、選擇團(tuán)結(jié)

而非分裂、選擇變革的希望而非墨守成規(guī)。如果你們投我的票，我們將不僅贏得此次競(jìng)選，還將一起改變這個(gè)國(guó)家、改變這個(gè)世界。

第二篇：奧巴馬競(jìng)選演講稿(中英)

美國(guó)首任黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬競(jìng)選演講稿（中英）

Obama: The Change We Need

This is a defining moment in our history.We face the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression--760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year.Businesses and families can't get credit.Home values are falling, and pensions are disappearing.Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the costs of health care and college have never been higher.At a moment like this, we can't afford four more years of spending increases, poorly designed tax cuts, or the complete lack of regulatory oversight that even former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan now believes was a mistake.America needs a new direction.That's why I'm running for president of the United States.Tomorrow, you can give this country the change we need.My opponent, Senator McCain, has served his country honorably.He can even point to a few moments in the past where he has broken from his party.But over the past eight years, he's voted with President Bush 90% of the time.And when it comes to the economy, he still can't tell the American people one major thing he'd do differently from George Bush.It's not change to come up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans--a plan that even the National Review and other conservative organizations complain does far too little to benefit the middle class.It's not change to add more than $5 trillion to the deficits we've run up in recent years.It's not change to come up with a plan to address our housing crisis that puts another $300 billion of taxpayer money at risk--a plan that the editorial board of this newspaper said 'raises more questions than it answers.'If there's one thing we've learned from this economic crisis, it's that we are all in this together.From CEOs to shareholders, from

financiers to factory workers, we all have a stake in each other's success because the more Americans prosper, the more America prospers.That's why we've had titans of industry who've made it their mission to pay well enough that their employees could afford the products they made--businessmen like Warren Buffett, whose support I'm proud to have.That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth creator--it's been the world's greatest job generator.It's been the tide that has lifted the boats of the largest middle class in history.To rebuild that middle class, I'll give a tax break to 95% of workers and their families.If you work, pay taxes, and make less than $200,000, you'll get a tax cut.If you make more than $250,000, you'll still pay taxes at a lower rate than in the 1990s--and capital gains and dividend taxes one-third lower than they were under President Reagan.We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling

infrastructure and laying broadband lines that reach every corner of the country.I'll invest $15 billion a year over the next decade in renewable energy, creating five million new, green jobs that pay well, can't be outsourced, and can help end our dependence on Middle East oil.When it comes to health care, we don't have to choose between a government-run system and the unaffordable one we have now.My opponent's plan would make you pay taxes on your health-care benefits for the first time in history.My plan will make health care affordable and accessible for every American.If you already have health insurance, the only change you'll see under my plan is lower premiums.If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of plan that members of Congress get for themselves.To give every child a world-class education so they can compete in this global economy for the jobs of the 21st century, I'll invest in early childhood education and recruit an army of new teachers.But I'll also demand higher standards and more accountability.And we'll make a deal with every young American: If you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.And when it comes to keeping this country safe, I'll end the Iraq war responsibly so we stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while it sits on a huge surplus.For the sake of our economy, our military and the long-term stability of Iraq, it's time for the Iraqis to step up.I'll finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11, build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century, and restore our moral standing so that America remains the last, best hope of Earth.None of this will be easy.It won't happen overnight.But I believe we can do this because I believe in America.This is the country that allowed our parents and grandparents to believe that even if they couldn't go to college, they could save a little bit each week so their child could;that even if they couldn't have their own business, they could work hard enough so their child could open one of their own.And at every moment in our history, we've risen to meet our challenges because we've never

forgotten the fundamental truth that in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.So tomorrow, I ask you to write our nation's next great chapter.I ask you to believe--not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.Tomorrow, you can choose policies that invest in our middle class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed.You can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the status quo.If you give me your vote, we won't just win this election--together, we will change this country and change the world.現(xiàn)在是美國(guó)歷史的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻。我們面臨著大蕭條以來(lái)最為嚴(yán)重的一場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)：今年以來(lái)已經(jīng)有76萬(wàn)人失業(yè)；企業(yè)和家庭無(wú)法獲得信貸；房?jī)r(jià)不斷下滑，養(yǎng)老金日益縮水；工資降到了十年來(lái)的最低水平，同時(shí)醫(yī)療和教育成本卻漲到了有史以來(lái)的最高點(diǎn)。

在眼下這樣的危急時(shí)刻，我們承受不起又一個(gè)四年的支出增長(zhǎng)、千瘡百孔的減稅措施、或是監(jiān)管全無(wú)──即使是美國(guó)聯(lián)邦儲(chǔ)備委員會(huì)（Fed）前主席格林斯潘（Alan Greenspan）現(xiàn)在也承認(rèn)那是個(gè)錯(cuò)誤。美國(guó)需要一個(gè)新的方向。這也正是我競(jìng)選美國(guó)總統(tǒng)的原因所在。

明天，也就是周二，你們將有能力賦予這個(gè)國(guó)家我們所需要的變革。Corbis我的競(jìng)選對(duì)手麥凱恩參議員為美國(guó)作出的貢獻(xiàn)令人尊敬。他甚至可以指出他過(guò)去曾有幾次與自己的黨派分道揚(yáng)鑣。然而，在過(guò)去八年中，他十之八九都贊同布什總統(tǒng)的主張。而在經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題上，他仍然無(wú)法向美國(guó)民眾說(shuō)明，他與布什的做法會(huì)有什么太大區(qū)別。

如果提出的稅收計(jì)劃沒(méi)有讓1億多美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)獲得一分錢的稅項(xiàng)減免，這不是變革──即使是《國(guó)家評(píng)論》（National Review）雜志和其他保守派組織也抱怨說(shuō)，這個(gè)計(jì)劃對(duì)造福中產(chǎn)階級(jí)貢獻(xiàn)寥寥。在近年來(lái)不斷累積的財(cái)政赤字上再添5萬(wàn)億美元，這不是變革。如果解決房市危機(jī)的計(jì)劃又將另外3,000億美元納稅人的錢置于風(fēng)險(xiǎn)之中，這不是變革──《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》編輯委員會(huì)稱這一計(jì)劃“產(chǎn)生的問(wèn)題比解決的問(wèn)題多”。

如果說(shuō)我們從此次經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中學(xué)到了什么的話，那就是我們要患難與共。從首席執(zhí)行長(zhǎng)到公司股東，從金融家到工廠工人，我們每個(gè)人都休戚相關(guān)，因?yàn)槊绹?guó)的民眾越富足，美國(guó)才會(huì)越繁榮。

這就是為什么我們有些企業(yè)巨頭把提高員工薪酬作為自己的一項(xiàng)使命，讓員工能買得起自己生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品，比如巴菲特（Warren Buffett）這樣的商界人士。我對(duì)能有他的支持感到自豪。這就是為什么美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)不僅是世界上最偉大的財(cái)富創(chuàng)造者，也是世界上最偉大的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)制造者。它一直托舉著有史以來(lái)規(guī)模最大的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)之舟。

為了重塑美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)，我將給予95%的工人及其家庭稅收減免待遇。如果你工作，就交稅；如果年收入不足20萬(wàn)美元，你會(huì)獲得減稅；即使你的年收入超過(guò)了25萬(wàn)美元，你所負(fù)擔(dān)的稅率也比上世紀(jì)九十年代要低──資本利得稅和股息稅要比里根總統(tǒng)時(shí)期低三分之一。

通過(guò)重建日益破敗的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、在美國(guó)的各個(gè)角落接通寬帶，我們將創(chuàng)造200萬(wàn)個(gè)就業(yè)崗位。未來(lái)的十年中，我將每年在可再生能源領(lǐng)域投資150億美元，進(jìn)而新增500萬(wàn)個(gè)崗位；這些工作環(huán)保、薪酬豐厚、不能外包，而且能幫助我們擺脫對(duì)中東石油的依賴。

在醫(yī)療問(wèn)題上，我們不必在政府運(yùn)營(yíng)的體系和目前這種我們難以負(fù)擔(dān)的體系之間進(jìn)行選擇。我的競(jìng)選對(duì)手提出的方案會(huì)令美國(guó)人有史以來(lái)首次為自己獲得的醫(yī)療福利納稅。我的計(jì)劃則會(huì)讓醫(yī)療保健成為每個(gè)美國(guó)人都負(fù)擔(dān)得起、享受得到的服務(wù)。根據(jù)我的計(jì)劃，如果你已經(jīng)有了醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，你將看到的唯一一個(gè)變化是保費(fèi)降低；如果你還沒(méi)有醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，你將能與國(guó)會(huì)議員們享受到同樣的醫(yī)療福利。為了讓每個(gè)孩子享受到世界級(jí)的教育，讓他們能在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中競(jìng)爭(zhēng)21世紀(jì)的工作崗位，我將投資早期教育，并且增加師資力量。不過(guò)，我同時(shí)也會(huì)要求更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和更多的責(zé)任。我們向每個(gè)美國(guó)年輕人作出承諾：如果你致力于服務(wù)你的社區(qū)或是你的國(guó)家，我們將確保你能負(fù)擔(dān)得起自己的學(xué)費(fèi)。

在國(guó)防安全問(wèn)題上，我將負(fù)責(zé)任地結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，這樣我們就不必在這個(gè)國(guó)家享有巨額財(cái)政盈余的情況下每月卻要在那里花費(fèi)100億美元。為了美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、美國(guó)的軍隊(duì)和伊拉克的長(zhǎng)期穩(wěn)定，現(xiàn)在是伊拉克人站出來(lái)的時(shí)候了。我將最終完成對(duì)本·拉登（Bin Laden）和基地組織恐怖分子的打擊，正是這些人制造了9/11恐怖襲擊，同時(shí)我還會(huì)建立新的合作關(guān)系、擊退21世紀(jì)出現(xiàn)的威脅，恢復(fù)我們的道德威望，讓美國(guó)仍然是地球上最后也是最好的希望。

這些事情沒(méi)有一件是輕而易舉能辦到的，也不是一朝一夕能完成的。但是，我堅(jiān)信我們能成功，因?yàn)槲覍?duì)美國(guó)深信不疑。是美國(guó)使我們的父輩相信，即使他們自己無(wú)法上大學(xué)，也可以每周積攢下一些錢來(lái)，讓他們的孩子接受好的教育；即使他們不能擁有自己的企業(yè)，也可以通過(guò)努力工作讓自己的孩子創(chuàng)辦企業(yè)。在美國(guó)歷史的每個(gè)時(shí)刻，我們都勇敢地站起來(lái)面對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)槲覀儚膩?lái)沒(méi)有忘記過(guò)這樣一個(gè)基本真理：在美國(guó)，我們的命運(yùn)并非天定，而是掌握在我們自己的手中。所以，明天，我懇請(qǐng)你們書(shū)寫(xiě)美國(guó)下一個(gè)偉大的篇章。我懇請(qǐng)你們不只相信我?guī)?lái)變革的能力，還有你們自己的能力。明天，你們可以選擇這樣一種政策──向美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)進(jìn)行投入、創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)崗位、實(shí)現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)讓人人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)。你們可以選擇希望而非恐懼、選擇團(tuán)結(jié)而非分裂、選擇變革的希望而非墨守成規(guī)。如果你們投我的票，我們將不僅贏得此次競(jìng)選，還將一起改變這個(gè)國(guó)家、改變這個(gè)世界。

第三篇：奧巴馬當(dāng)選為美國(guó)第一位黑人總統(tǒng)英語(yǔ)精品復(fù)習(xí)必備學(xué)習(xí)

美式論文、報(bào)告寫(xiě)作技巧

編者按：美式教育的特點(diǎn)即是課程內(nèi)容強(qiáng)調(diào)學(xué)生參與及創(chuàng)新運(yùn)用，因此，報(bào)告便成了常見(jiàn)的考核學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)成果的方式，比如實(shí)驗(yàn)報(bào)告、學(xué)期報(bào)告、專題報(bào)告、研究報(bào)告及論文（含畢業(yè)論文）等。研究生presentation 及 seminar 的機(jī)會(huì)更是占很大的比重，有些甚至占學(xué)期成績(jī)很大比例。如何完成報(bào)告、論文同時(shí)得到良好的成績(jī)，是本文提供給有志留學(xué)的有心人參考的目的。

美國(guó)大學(xué)生由於自小已養(yǎng)成自動(dòng)尋找答案習(xí)慣，在啟發(fā)式的教育環(huán)境下，寫(xiě)報(bào)告、論文對(duì)他們來(lái)說(shuō)比較不陌生，雖然專業(yè)知識(shí)上美國(guó)學(xué)生不見(jiàn)得比外籍學(xué)生強(qiáng)，但是表達(dá)能力由於自小培養(yǎng)，加上英語(yǔ)能力的優(yōu)勢(shì)，常比外籍學(xué)生在報(bào)告、論文方面有較隹的利基。反之中國(guó)學(xué)生比較缺乏報(bào)告寫(xiě)作的訓(xùn)練，因此如果在留學(xué)過(guò)程中無(wú)法適應(yīng)美式教育會(huì)比較辛苦，其實(shí)論文、報(bào)告的寫(xiě)作要領(lǐng)其實(shí)不難，只要把握技巧就可水到渠成。

通常論文由篇首(Preliminaries)，本文(Texts)以及參考資料(References)三部分構(gòu)成；而這三大部分各自內(nèi)容如下：

(一)篇首：

封面(Title)

序言(Preface)

謝詞(Acknowledge)提要(Summary)

目錄(Tables and Appendixes)

(二)本文：

引言(Introduction)

主體，含篇(Part)、章(Chapter)、節(jié)(Section)、以及注釋(Footnotes)

(三)參考資料：

參考書(shū)目(References or Bibliography)附錄資料(Appendix)。

進(jìn)行論文或報(bào)告寫(xiě)作之前，先要確定想要表達(dá)的主題，主題確定后，將其具體表達(dá)，即為題目。題目可以提供研究者：

一.研究的方向

二.研究的范圍

三.資料搜集的范圍

四.預(yù)期研究成果

通常在確定題目之後就開(kāi)始找資料從事研究，建議在找資料之前最好去問(wèn)教授有哪些參考資料來(lái)源可供參考引用。構(gòu)思為確定寫(xiě)作大綱或 Proposal 的先前步驟，大綱是論文、報(bào)告的骨干，Proposal 是研究的架構(gòu)、流程及范圍的說(shuō)明書(shū)。如何構(gòu)思大綱或Proposal為論文、報(bào)告寫(xiě)作前的必要準(zhǔn)備工作。好的論文或研究報(bào)告，要基于在完整、詳實(shí)的資料上，而參考資料除了和教授商借之外，最主要的來(lái)源就是圖書(shū)館了，一般參考資料來(lái)源可分成教科書(shū)或手冊(cè)、政府機(jī)構(gòu)的報(bào)告、科技或商業(yè)方面的雜志，及會(huì)議性質(zhì)的資料。此外現(xiàn)代的電腦資料庫(kù)也可幫助收集資料，在國(guó)外可利用學(xué)校的電腦連線資料庫(kù)尋找自己需要的資料。當(dāng)一切準(zhǔn)備就緒，即可開(kāi)始著手寫(xiě)報(bào)告，一般報(bào)告還分大報(bào)告如期末、專題等報(bào)告，及小報(bào)告如 Seminar 式的報(bào)告。

就算是小報(bào)告，也至少應(yīng)含

(一)TITLE PAGES ：包含主題名稱、作者、日期

(二)Summary： 即主要的結(jié)論

(三)Introduction：包括理論背景及內(nèi)容

(四)Technical Sections：是論文的主體，為最重要的部份應(yīng)再細(xì)分為 幾個(gè)片斷。

(五)Conclusions：即扼要的結(jié)論

(六)Appendixes：復(fù)雜公式的導(dǎo)引及叁考資料和電腦程式的報(bào)表可附加在 此項(xiàng)

美式報(bào)告的撰寫(xiě)通常要打字，兩行式，行間若有未拼完的字要以音節(jié)來(lái)連接。寫(xiě)報(bào)告通常需要用到電腦，如有計(jì)算數(shù)字統(tǒng)計(jì)圖表的需求，也常會(huì)用到程式軟體如PASCAL、LOTUS，統(tǒng)計(jì)分析軟體如SAS，也是不可或缺的，電腦繪圖在今日已成為工商界及學(xué)術(shù)界的重要工具，文書(shū)處理更是最基本的要求，因此Word for Window、Powerpoint、Excel便成了頗受歡迎的工具。此外在英文語(yǔ)法、文法上的潤(rùn)飾與修改，如能請(qǐng)老美幫忙會(huì)比較好。

論文、報(bào)告完成后有時(shí)會(huì)需要做解說(shuō)(Presentation)，用英文來(lái)講演對(duì)中國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)算是一大挑戰(zhàn)，通常課堂講演時(shí)間為十五分鐘到三十分鐘，若是論文囗試則至少一小時(shí)。投影機(jī)及麥克風(fēng)的使用對(duì)講演的效果有很大幫助，正式講演前多預(yù)習(xí)幾次，時(shí)間宜控制適中，上臺(tái)時(shí)忌諱低頭拿著報(bào)告照念，需留意聽(tīng)眾的反應(yīng)，切中主題，避免太多數(shù)字的導(dǎo)引。

奧巴馬當(dāng)選為美國(guó)第一位黑人總統(tǒng)英語(yǔ)精品復(fù)習(xí)(2009-04-13 08:37:35)標(biāo)簽：高考 教育 分類：高考總復(fù)習(xí)

更多精彩資源,請(qǐng)點(diǎn)擊英語(yǔ)教師網(wǎng)

2009年高考熱點(diǎn)： 奧巴馬當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)英語(yǔ)精品復(fù)習(xí)

一、書(shū)面表達(dá)

姓名 出生時(shí)間 巴拉克·奧巴馬（Barack Obama）1961年8 月4 日 出生地點(diǎn) 家庭 小時(shí)夢(mèng)想 教育 職業(yè) 夏威夷檀香山(Honolulu, Hawaii)父親是肯尼亞黑人，母親是美國(guó)白人 當(dāng)總統(tǒng)

1988考入哈佛法學(xué)院(Harvard Law School),1991年獲博士學(xué)位

畢業(yè)后當(dāng)律師、大學(xué)講師，后來(lái)一直從政。2008年11用4日，在大選（the general election）中擊敗麥凱恩（John McCain），成為首位黑人總統(tǒng)。（自擬）意義

One possible version: Barack Obama, the son of a black father from Kenya and a white American mother, was born in Honolulu, Hawaii on August 4th, 1961.When he was only a small boy, he dreamt of becoming the President of the United States.In 1988, he was admitted into Harvard Law School ,where he gained his doctor’s degree in 1991.After graduation, he worked as a lawyer, lecturer and then took up politics.On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama defeated John McCain in the general election and became the first African American to be elected President of the United States

二、閱讀題舉例

Why History Can't Wait（《為什么歷史不能等待》）

You probably sat in a fancier conference room the last time you refinanced(籌資)or heard a pitch about life insurance.There's a table, some off-brand mesh office chairs, a bookcase that looks as if it had been put together with an Allen wrench and instructions in Swedish.To reach this room, you pass through a cubicle farm lightly populated by quiet young people.Either they have just arrived or they are just leaving, because their desks are almost bare.The place has a familiar feel to it, this air of transient shabbiness and nondescriptitude.You can't quite put your finger on it...“It's like the set of The Office,” someone offers.Bingo.It is here that we find Barack Obama one soul-freezingly cold December day, mentally unpacking a lot of problems — some old, some new, all ugly — that he is about to inherit as the 44th President of the United States.Most of his hours inside the presidential-transition office are spent in this room.You would think the President-elect — a guy who draws 100,000 people to a speech in St.Louis, Mo., who raises three-quarters of a billion dollars, who is facing the toughest first year since Franklin Roosevelt's — might deserve a leather chair.Maybe a credenza? A hutch? But he doesn't seem to notice.Obama is cheerfully showing his visitors around, gripping the souvenir basketball he received from Hall of Famer Lenny Wilkens, explaining a snapshot taken the day he played pickup with the University of North Carolina hoops team.(“They are so big and so fast and so strong, you know.”)Then, since those two items basically exhaust the room's décor, “It is not clear that the economy's bottomed out,” he begins, understatedly.“And so even if we take a whole host of the right steps in terms of the economy, two years from now it may not have fully recovered.” That worries him.Also Afghanistan: “We're going to have to make a series of not just military but also diplomatic moves that fully enlist Pakistan as an ally in that region, that lessen tensions between India and Pakistan, and then get everybody focused on rooting out militancy in a terrain, a territory, that is very tough — and in an enormous country that is one of the poorest and least developed in the world.So that, I think, is going to be a very tough situation.”And then the third thing that keeps me up at night is the issue of nuclear proliferation,“ Obama continues, sailing on through the horribles.”And then the final thing, just to round out my Happy List, is climate change.All the indicators are that this is happening faster than even the most pessimistic scientists were anticipating a couple of years ago." Score that as follows: one imploding(內(nèi)爆的)economy, one deteriorating war in an impossible region and two versions of Armageddon — the bang of loose nukes and the whimper of environmental collapse.That's just for starters;we'll hear the unabridged version shortly.But first, there is a bit of business to be dealt with, having to do with why you are reading this story in this magazine at this time of the year.It's unlikely that you were surprised to see Obama's face on the cover.He has come to dominate the public sphere so completely that it beggars belief to recall that half the people in America had never heard of him two years ago — that even his campaign manager(競(jìng)選經(jīng)理人), wasn't sure Obama had what it would take to win the election.He hit the American scene like a thunderclap, upended our politics, shattered decades of conventional wisdom and overcame centuries of the social pecking order.Understandably, you may be thinking Obama is on the cover for these big and flashy reasons: for ushering the country across a momentous symbolic line, for infusing our democracy with a new intensity of participation, for showing the world and ourselves that our most cherished myth — the one about boundless opportunity — has plenty of juice left in it.1 Why did the writer say “Either they have just arrived or they are just leaving” in the second paragraph? A Because there is almost nothing on their desks.B Because they will need a new office.C Because they want to leave with Obama.D Becuae the author is familiar with them.2 Which of the following is equipped in Obama’s room as a decoration? A a table, some off-brand mesh office chairs B a bookcase C a souvenir basketball and a picture of him playing basketball.D nothing 3 What’s not the cruel situation Obama will face as a new president according to the passage? A Economy is falling down.B Losing control over the Nulear weapons.C Climate is changing fast.D Hist People including his campaign manager have no confidence in him.4 Which of the following is wrong according to the passage ? A No other President has experienced such a tough first year as Obama.B Half of the population in America didn’t know Obama two years ago.C Obama has tested and verifid the American dream.D Obama is on the cover of the magazine.答案與解析： A 推理判斷題。根據(jù)文章“Either they have just arrived or they are just leaving, because their desks are almost bare”，句中bare意為光禿禿的，此處表示桌上什么也沒(méi)有。故作者有這樣的推斷。C 細(xì)節(jié)理解題。根據(jù)“gripping the souvenir basketball he received from Hall of Famer Lenny Wilkens, explaining a snapshot taken the day he played pickup with the University of North Carolina hoops team.”及“since those two items basically exhaust the room's décor ”可知。D 細(xì)節(jié)理解題。根據(jù)“one imploding(內(nèi)爆的)economy, one deteriorating war in an impossible region and two versions of Armageddon — the bang of loose nukes and the whimper of environmental collapse.That's just for starters;we'll hear the unabridged version shortly.”可知。A 細(xì)節(jié)理解題。根據(jù)“who is facing the toughest first year since Franklin Roosevelt's”可知A項(xiàng)與原文不符。B項(xiàng)源自“He has come to dominate the public sphere so completely that it beggars belief to recall that half the people in America had never heard of him two years ago”；“”C項(xiàng)源于文章最后一句“for showing the world and ourselves that our most cherished myth — the one about boundless opportunity — has plenty of juice left in it.” ：“為向世界和我們自己展示我們最珍惜的神話——無(wú)限可能美國(guó)夢(mèng)——有著充分的活力”；D項(xiàng)源自“It's unlikely that you were surprised to see Obama's face on the cover”。

第四篇：導(dǎo)入(圖片奧巴馬)這是美國(guó)歷史上的首位黑人總統(tǒng),

導(dǎo)入：（圖片：奧巴馬）這是美國(guó)歷史上的首位黑人總統(tǒng)，奧巴馬在選舉中獲得近6300萬(wàn)張選民票，這已創(chuàng)下美國(guó)歷史上總統(tǒng)選舉選民票總數(shù)的最高紀(jì)錄。美國(guó)人民為什么會(huì)選擇奧巴馬呢？因?yàn)槊鎸?duì)美國(guó)嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，布什政府的政策不能解決人們的問(wèn)題，而奧巴馬主張改革，所以人們把希望寄托在了奧巴馬提出的經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇計(jì)劃上，美國(guó)歷史上也有一位在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中主張改革的總統(tǒng)是？（羅斯福）70多年前羅斯福“新政”給我們哪些深刻的啟迪呢?讓我們一起去追問(wèn)歷史。

師：了解羅斯福“新政”，首先就要看看美國(guó)為什么會(huì)爆發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)？在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)之前的情況是怎樣的？

經(jīng)過(guò)一戰(zhàn)的洗禮，資本主義世界進(jìn)入了相當(dāng)穩(wěn)定的時(shí)期，尤其是美國(guó)戰(zhàn)后大發(fā)橫財(cái)，由債務(wù)國(guó)變成了債權(quán)國(guó)，掌握了世界經(jīng)濟(jì)霸權(quán)，到1929年，美國(guó)在資本主義世界工業(yè)生產(chǎn)的比重已達(dá)48.5％，超過(guò)了當(dāng)時(shí)英、法、德三國(guó)所占比重總和，以致柯立芝總統(tǒng)聲稱，美國(guó)人民已達(dá)到了“人類歷史上罕見(jiàn)的幸福境界”。既然如此美國(guó)為什么會(huì)在1929年爆發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)？經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)又有哪些影響呢？

一、（課件鏈接，分析材料，提問(wèn)，學(xué)生歸納）

（1929年經(jīng)濟(jì)大危機(jī)爆發(fā)后）寒冷的西北風(fēng)呼嘯著，一個(gè)穿著單衣的小女孩問(wèn)媽媽：“現(xiàn)在天氣這么冷，我們?yōu)槭裁床簧鸂t子呢？”媽媽回答說(shuō)：“因?yàn)槲覀儧](méi)有煤。你爸爸失業(yè)了，我們沒(méi)有錢買煤。”“媽媽，爸爸為什么失業(yè)呢？”“因?yàn)槊禾嗔恕！?為什么會(huì)爆發(fā)大危機(jī)?

1，原因 1）根本原因

1929～1933年經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)爆發(fā)的根本原因也是資本主義制度的基本矛盾，即社會(huì)化大生產(chǎn)和生產(chǎn)資料私人占有之間的矛盾。同學(xué)們，在資本主義社會(huì)，在經(jīng)歷了兩次工業(yè)革命之后，生產(chǎn)力飛速發(fā)展，社會(huì)分工也越來(lái)越細(xì)。這就要求各個(gè)生產(chǎn)部門(mén)必須密切協(xié)同、步調(diào)一致，進(jìn)而形成社會(huì)化大生產(chǎn)。但在資本主義社會(huì)，由于生產(chǎn)資料在誰(shuí)手上呢？歸私人所有，少數(shù)壟斷資本家占有大部分生產(chǎn)資料，他們?yōu)樽非罄麧?rùn)，不斷地?cái)U(kuò)大再生產(chǎn)，這就勢(shì)必打破平衡，引發(fā)惡性競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，激化社會(huì)生產(chǎn)各個(gè)部門(mén)之間的矛盾，進(jìn)而導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)。

根本原因我們已經(jīng)明確了，我們能夠感受到的是~~具體原因.2）具體原因

第一,首先，生產(chǎn)相對(duì)過(guò)剩。

20年代美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)雖然繁榮，但資本家為了攫取高額利潤(rùn)，千方百計(jì)降低工人的工資，使廣大勞動(dòng)人民的收入增長(zhǎng)水平遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)趕不上經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展水平，這就限制了社會(huì)實(shí)際消費(fèi)能力的增長(zhǎng)，造成市場(chǎng)的相對(duì)狹小。美國(guó)富人人數(shù)少，消費(fèi)能力有限，而作為消費(fèi)主力軍的普通大眾，收入低，消費(fèi)能力嚴(yán)重不足，整個(gè)社會(huì)的消費(fèi)水平，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)趕不上生產(chǎn)水平。由于勞動(dòng)人民的日益相對(duì)貧困而無(wú)力購(gòu)買，出現(xiàn)了相對(duì)過(guò)剩。這就是我們剛才的材料中介紹到的情況，煤多了。

第二，市場(chǎng)的虛假繁榮，20年代后半期，美國(guó)市場(chǎng)日益盛行分期付款，以此來(lái)刺激消費(fèi)，造成市場(chǎng)的虛假繁榮。這種繁榮不是社會(huì)實(shí)際消費(fèi)能力的增長(zhǎng)，而是一種提前消費(fèi)的形式。用句時(shí)髦話來(lái)說(shuō)，就是所謂“花明天的錢，辦今天的事”。但隨之而來(lái)的很可能是消費(fèi)的

疲軟。而資本家為眼前利潤(rùn)所驅(qū)使，盲目擴(kuò)大生產(chǎn)，使得生產(chǎn)和銷售的矛盾日益尖銳。

第三，股票投機(jī)活動(dòng)，增加了金融市場(chǎng)的不穩(wěn)定性。當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)的股票投機(jī)活動(dòng)非常猖撅，不但有職業(yè)投機(jī)者，一些普通的美國(guó)人也參與股票的投機(jī)，他們夢(mèng)想通過(guò)股票買賣一夜暴富，于是把本來(lái)可以用于購(gòu)買生活必需品的錢瘋狂地投進(jìn)了股市，甚至向銀行貸款購(gòu)買股票，結(jié)果造成這一時(shí)期股票價(jià)格被大幅度哄抬，發(fā)展到令人難以相信的高度，嚴(yán)重背離實(shí)際價(jià)格，而這些資金最后就轉(zhuǎn)入到了收入水平遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超出消費(fèi)水平的富人們的存折上。股票的投機(jī)大大增加了金融市場(chǎng)的不穩(wěn)定性，為貨幣和信貸系統(tǒng)的崩潰準(zhǔn)備了條件。股票市場(chǎng)的這種投機(jī)活動(dòng)恰好掩蓋了生產(chǎn)和銷售之間本已存在的尖銳矛盾，所以依靠投機(jī)支持的股票市場(chǎng)很快達(dá)到其能發(fā)展的極限而走向崩潰。直接導(dǎo)致了經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的爆發(fā)。

2，概況

最終在1929年10月24日，華爾街股票市場(chǎng)股價(jià)突然崩盤(pán)瘋狂下跌，（這一天又被稱為黑色星期四）股票價(jià)格下降得連場(chǎng)內(nèi)的自動(dòng)行情收錄機(jī)都趕不上，當(dāng)天1289萬(wàn)股易手，很多人一無(wú)所有甚至負(fù)載累累。股票市場(chǎng)的崩潰成為經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)爆發(fā)的導(dǎo)火線，很快涉及到其他領(lǐng)域，引發(fā)了大規(guī)模的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)。

股市崩潰，銀行相繼倒閉

工商企業(yè)破產(chǎn)

農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格下跌

工人失業(yè)

美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)由此開(kāi)始進(jìn)入了惡性循環(huán)。

3．(ppt展示)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的特點(diǎn)

我們可以發(fā)現(xiàn)這次經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)具有哪些明顯特征？第一，范圍特別廣。由于美國(guó)是當(dāng)時(shí)資本主義世界頭號(hào)經(jīng)濟(jì)大國(guó)，又是最大的債權(quán)國(guó)，美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)同其他資本主義國(guó)家和世界市場(chǎng)有著非常密切的聯(lián)系。危機(jī)很快從美國(guó)蔓延到德、日、英、法等主要資本主義國(guó)家，席卷了整個(gè)資本主義世界。資本主義國(guó)家為了轉(zhuǎn)嫁危機(jī)，又使危機(jī)波及到殖民地、半殖民地和不發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家，所涉及的地域范圍空前廣闊。另外從經(jīng)濟(jì)范圍看，危機(jī)期間信貸貨幣危機(jī)、工業(yè)危機(jī)與農(nóng)業(yè)危機(jī)同時(shí)迸發(fā)、相互交織。第二，持續(xù)時(shí)間特別長(zhǎng)。從1929～1933年，持續(xù)四年之久。第三，破壞性特別大。危機(jī)期間資本主義世界的工業(yè)生產(chǎn)下降l／3以上，國(guó)際貿(mào)易額減少2／3，失業(yè)人數(shù)更是高達(dá)3000萬(wàn)以上。甚至在危機(jī)過(guò)后也不見(jiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)的復(fù)蘇。主要資本主義國(guó)家由此一蹶不振。

4．經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的影響（政治原理，階級(jí)基礎(chǔ)決定上層建筑）

30年代的大危機(jī)是世界性的資本主義政治危機(jī)。大危機(jī)自然產(chǎn)生了大影響。教材從哪幾個(gè)方面進(jìn)行了分析？（學(xué)生回答：各國(guó)狀況和世界局勢(shì)。）那二者之間又是什么關(guān)系呢？（學(xué)生回答，教師總結(jié)）是局部和整體的關(guān)系。（世界是個(gè)聯(lián)系的有機(jī)整體了，牽一發(fā)而動(dòng)全身）

過(guò)渡：在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的籠罩下，美國(guó)人民絕望，恐懼，迷茫，誰(shuí)來(lái)拯救美國(guó)？（我們來(lái)看看美國(guó)人民當(dāng)時(shí)的想法，這里提供了三段材料，同學(xué)們首先可以分析，合并同類材料，哪些材料講得是一個(gè)問(wèn)題。）

絕望中的美國(guó)人迎來(lái)了1932年的大選，（展示ppt）胡佛政府繼續(xù)在“自由放任”理論指導(dǎo)下所采取了一些反危機(jī)措施，以失敗告終。羅斯福承諾實(shí)行改革，讓美國(guó)人民看到了希望，所以美國(guó)人們選擇了他。（學(xué)生介紹羅斯福，點(diǎn)評(píng)：終生殘疾的前景，并沒(méi)有使羅斯福放棄理想和信念，他一直堅(jiān)持不懈地鍛煉，企圖恢復(fù)行走和站立能力，依靠這樣的堅(jiān)忍和樂(lè)觀。他帶領(lǐng)美國(guó)走出經(jīng)濟(jì)困境，改變了美國(guó)人的生活方式。然后為了捍衛(wèi)民主政 2 體，幫助世界實(shí)現(xiàn)了安全。）接下來(lái)我們看看羅斯福是如何顯神通，對(duì)癥下藥的。

二、在這段視頻中，羅斯福針對(duì)這四個(gè)社會(huì)癥狀分別是怎么對(duì)癥下藥的？（展示視頻）

二、羅斯福是如何顯神通、對(duì)“癥”下藥的？新特點(diǎn)：政府全面加強(qiáng)對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的干預(yù)社會(huì)癥狀銀行倒閉股市崩潰工商企業(yè)破產(chǎn)新政藥方整頓金融（開(kāi)始）主要措施積極效果銀行休業(yè)整頓恢復(fù)銀行信用實(shí)行美元貶值刺激出口國(guó)家工業(yè)復(fù)興法調(diào)整生產(chǎn)結(jié)構(gòu)穩(wěn)定農(nóng)業(yè)價(jià)格指導(dǎo)工業(yè)（核心）防止盲目競(jìng)爭(zhēng)緩解階級(jí)矛盾穩(wěn)定產(chǎn)品價(jià)格改善生產(chǎn)環(huán)境農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格下跌調(diào)整農(nóng)業(yè)減少失業(yè)人口失業(yè)人數(shù)激增“以工代賑”興辦公共工程刺激消費(fèi)和生產(chǎn)定社會(huì)秩序

新政如同一盤(pán)棋，他走的每一步都關(guān)系著全局的成敗，在兩年內(nèi)，復(fù)興金融公司共撥出10億美元去幫助6468家能基本運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的銀行，從而使金融業(yè)的情勢(shì)進(jìn)一步趨向穩(wěn)定。保證了金融在經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)中杠桿作用的充分發(fā)揮。

通過(guò)《全國(guó)工業(yè)復(fù)興法》來(lái)發(fā)揮政府對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的調(diào)節(jié)作用，使企業(yè)置于政府的有效管理之下，抑制了盲目競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，減少了商品積壓，緩解了勞資矛盾，使生產(chǎn)領(lǐng)域回到良性循環(huán)的軌道上來(lái)。充分體現(xiàn)了新政的特點(diǎn)，政府對(duì)企業(yè)的調(diào)節(jié)和干預(yù)，而不是單純的依靠市場(chǎng)。

農(nóng)業(yè)是國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)的基石，怎樣做到既能消除生產(chǎn)過(guò)剩，穩(wěn)定農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格，又不損害農(nóng)民的利益呢？

價(jià)值規(guī)律認(rèn)為，商品的供求關(guān)系決定了價(jià)格的上下波動(dòng)，物以稀為貴，這是政治課上我們學(xué)到的理論，既然如此，首先讓農(nóng)民大量縮減農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)量，其次，讓農(nóng)民大量銷毀農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)品，這樣可以使農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格大量回升，第三，政府給農(nóng)民發(fā)放補(bǔ)貼，以減少其損失。銷毀農(nóng)產(chǎn)品會(huì)造成暫時(shí)性的巨大損失，但與把農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格降得更低進(jìn)行甩賣，造成農(nóng)產(chǎn)品更大幅度的下跌相比，損失反而要小。兩種結(jié)局的對(duì)比，羅斯福選擇了前者，從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)看更有利于經(jīng)濟(jì)的恢復(fù)。到1935年底，農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的價(jià)格已接近基價(jià)時(shí)期的水平，農(nóng)業(yè)凈收入從1932年的19．28億美元增加到1935年的46．05億美元，同時(shí)農(nóng)業(yè)抵押貸款上升的趨勢(shì)也開(kāi)始扭轉(zhuǎn)，農(nóng)民破產(chǎn)的情況因而得到遏制，農(nóng)業(yè)危機(jī)的高潮顯然已經(jīng)過(guò)去。

我們?cè)賮?lái)看看新政中的如何解決工人失業(yè)問(wèn)題？（ppt展示）

“以工代賑”把解決經(jīng)濟(jì)，社會(huì)，公共設(shè)施和環(huán)境保護(hù)等諸多措施有機(jī)結(jié)合起來(lái)，避免了頭疼醫(yī)頭，腳痛醫(yī)腳，通過(guò)興辦公共工程，增加大量就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，進(jìn)而刺激消費(fèi)和生產(chǎn)，穩(wěn)定社 3 會(huì)秩序。這些措施使美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)逐步進(jìn)入良性循環(huán)軌道。體現(xiàn)了羅斯福高超的執(zhí)政能力。

通過(guò)羅斯福的新政措施我們不難發(fā)現(xiàn)，羅斯福新政的特點(diǎn)是：政府全面加強(qiáng)對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的干預(yù)。和效果，我們思考下，羅斯福承諾美國(guó)人民的新政他做到了嗎？那么該如何評(píng)價(jià)羅斯福新政呢？

請(qǐng)同學(xué)們結(jié)合材料討論這個(gè)問(wèn)題.三，我們?cè)撛趺丛u(píng)價(jià)羅斯福新政呢？（升華）直接影響：它在一定程度上減輕了經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)對(duì)美國(guó)社會(huì)的嚴(yán)重破壞，促進(jìn)了社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力的恢復(fù)，鞏固了資本主義的統(tǒng)治。②間接影響：由于經(jīng)濟(jì)的恢復(fù)，使社會(huì)矛盾相對(duì)緩和，在一定程度上恢復(fù)了人們對(duì)美國(guó)國(guó)家制度的信心，從而遏制了經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)期間活躍起來(lái)的法西斯勢(shì)力，使美國(guó)避免走上法西斯道路。③深遠(yuǎn)影響：新政采取的國(guó)家全面干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的政策，開(kāi)了資本主義國(guó)家加強(qiáng)經(jīng)濟(jì)干預(yù)的先河。它不僅成為現(xiàn)代美國(guó)國(guó)家壟斷資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì)制度的開(kāi)端，而且對(duì)其他許多資本主義國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)政策的發(fā)展產(chǎn)生了重要影響。從此，西方國(guó)家陸續(xù)放棄傳統(tǒng)的自由放任的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，逐漸加強(qiáng)政府對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的宏觀指導(dǎo)。特別是在二戰(zhàn)后，國(guó)家壟斷資本主義得到進(jìn)一步發(fā)展。

羅斯福新政對(duì)美國(guó)歷史的影響是極為深遠(yuǎn)的，二次大戰(zhàn)后，從杜魯門(mén)的“公平施政”到肯尼迪的“新邊疆”，再到約翰遜的“偉大社會(huì)”，無(wú)不打上新政的自由主義和改良主義的烙印，羅斯福至今仍是美國(guó)人民深為愛(ài)戴的一位歷史人物。

四，以史為鑒

今日美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)困境與上世紀(jì)30年代的大蕭條時(shí)期有不少相似之處。

為了擺脫大蕭條，羅斯福實(shí)施了新政，美國(guó)從蕭條走向復(fù)蘇乃至繁榮。羅斯福的新政措施也成為后來(lái)美國(guó)遭遇經(jīng)濟(jì)困境時(shí)的常用手段。在羅斯福時(shí)代，美國(guó)放棄了傳統(tǒng)的自由市場(chǎng)理論，開(kāi)始實(shí)施國(guó)家干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的凱恩斯主義，標(biāo)志著美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的一次重大轉(zhuǎn)折。而在未來(lái)的奧巴馬時(shí)代，美國(guó)同樣面臨一次重大轉(zhuǎn)折：信奉自由市場(chǎng)的理論已經(jīng)在金融危機(jī)中失去信譽(yù)，國(guó)家干預(yù)將再度回歸。在這種意義上，奧巴馬似乎承擔(dān)著和羅斯福一樣的重任，而羅斯福也將為他提供更實(shí)用的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和教訓(xùn)。(我們看一下媒體是如何比較他們二人的)

羅斯福新政不僅對(duì)于美國(guó)有很大的啟迪，思考：羅斯福新政對(duì)于我們應(yīng)對(duì)金融危機(jī)有何啟示？

1、關(guān)注民生和社會(huì)保障，構(gòu)建和諧社會(huì)。縮小貧富差距，逐步建立福利制度，實(shí)行社會(huì)救濟(jì)，建立完備的社會(huì)保障體系。

2、保障勞工的合法權(quán)利，以工代賑，擴(kuò)大就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，擴(kuò)大購(gòu)買力。

3、發(fā)揮金融部門(mén)的調(diào)節(jié)作用，引導(dǎo)人們合理投資。

4、防止泡沫經(jīng)濟(jì)或虛假繁榮, 避免市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的盲目性的。充分發(fā)揮國(guó)家對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的宏觀調(diào)控作用，保持經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)穩(wěn)定增長(zhǎng)。

第五篇：奧巴馬競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)演講（最終版）

奧巴馬競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)演講

篇一：美國(guó)第一夫人米歇爾為奧巴馬競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)的演講

Transcript: Michelle Obama's Convention Speech

September 4,2012

Thank you so much, Elaine...we are so grateful for your family's service and sacrifice...and we will always have your back.Over the past few years as First Lady, I have had the extraordinary privilege of traveling all across this country.And everywhere I've gone, in the people I've met, and the stories I've heard, I have seen the very best of the American spirit.I have seen it in the incredible kindness and warmth that people have shown me and my family, especially our girls.I've seen it in teachers in a near-bankrupt school district who vowed to keep teaching without pay.I've seen it in people who become heroes at a moment's notice, diving into harm's way to save others...flying across the country to put out a fire...driving for hours to bail out a flooded town.And I've seen it in our men and women in uniform and our proud military families...in wounded warriors who tell me they're not just going to walk again, they're going to run, and they're going to run marathons...in the young man blinded by a bomb in Afghanistan who said, simply, “...I'd give my eyes 100 times again to have the chance to do what I have done and what I can still do.”

Every day, the people I meet inspire me...every day, they make me proud...every day they remind me how blessed we are to live in the greatest nation on earth.Serving as your First Lady is an honor and a privilege...but back when we first came together four years ago, I still had some concerns about this journey we'd begun.While I believed deeply in my husband's vision for this country...and I was certain he would make an extraordinary President...like any mother, I was worried about what it would mean for our girls if he got that chance.How would we keep them grounded under the glare of the national spotlight? PBS NewsHour/YouTube

First lady Michelle Obama addresses the DNC after being introduced by military mom Elaine Brye, from PBS NewsHour.How would they feel being uprooted from their school, their friends, and the only home they'd ever known?

Our life before moving to Washington was filled with simple joys...Saturdays at soccer games, Sundays at grandma's house...and a date night for Barack and me was either dinner or a movie, because as an exhausted mom, I couldn't stay awake for both.And the truth is, I loved the life we had built for our girls...I deeply loved the man I had built that life with...and I didn't want that to change if he became President.I loved Barack just the way he was.You see, even though back then Barack was a Senator and a presidential candidate...to me, he was still the guy who'd picked me up for our dates in a car that

was so rusted out, I could actually see the pavement going by through a hole in the passenger side door...he was the guy whose proudest possession was a coffee table he'd found in a dumpster, and whose only pair of decent shoes was half a size too small.But when Barack started telling me about his family – that's when I knew I had found a kindred spirit, someone whose values and upbringing were so much like mine.You see, Barack and I were both raised by families who didn't have much in the way of money or material possessions but who had given us something far more valuable –

their unconditional love, their unflinching sacrifice, and the chance to go places they had never imagined for themselves.My father was a pump operator at the city water plant, and he was diagnosed with Multiple Sclerosis when my brother and I were young.And even as a kid, I knew there were plenty of days when he was in pain...I knew there were plenty of mornings when it was a struggle for him to simply get out of bed.But every morning, I watched my father wake up with a smile, grab his walker, prop himself up against the bathroom sink, and slowly shave and button his uniform.And when he returned home after a long day's work, my brother and I would stand at the top of the stairs to our little apartment, patiently waiting to greet him...watching as he reached down to lift one leg, and then the other, to slowly climb his way into our arms.But despite these challenges, my dad hardly ever missed a day of work...he and my mom were determined to give me and my brother the kind of education they could only dream of.And when my brother and I finally made it to college, nearly all of our tuition came from student loans and grants.But my dad still had to pay a tiny portion of that tuition himself.And every semester, he was determined to pay that bill right on time, even taking out loans when he fell short.He was so proud to be sending his kids to college...and he made sure we never missed a registration deadline because his check was late.You see, for my dad, that's what it meant to be a man.Like so many of us, that was the measure of his success in life – being able to earn a decent living that allowed him to support his family.And as I got to know Barack, I realized that even though he'd grown up all the way across the country, he'd been brought up just like me.Barack was raised by a single mother who struggled to pay the bills, and by grandparents who stepped in when she needed help.Barack's grandmother started out as a secretary at a community bank...and she moved quickly up the ranks...but like so many women, she hit a glass ceiling.And for years, men no more qualified than she was – men she had actually trained – were promoted up the ladder ahead of her, earning more and more money while Barack's family continued to scrape by.But day after day, she kept on waking up at dawn to catch the bus...arriving at work before anyone else...giving her best without complaint or regret.And she would often tell Barack, “So long as you kids do well, Bar, that's all that really matters.”

Like so many American families, our families weren't asking for much.They didn't begrudge anyone else's success or care that others had much more than they did...in fact, they admired it.They simply believed in that fundamental American promise that, even if you don't start out with much, if you work hard and do what you're supposed to do, then you should be able to build a decent life for yourself and an even better life for your kids and grandkids.That's how they raised us...that's what we learned from their example.We learned about dignity and decency – that how hard you work matters more than how much you make...that helping others means more than just getting ahead yourself.We learned about honesty and integrity – that the truth matters...that you don't take shortcuts or play by your own set of rules...and success doesn't count unless you earn it fair and square.We learned about gratitude and humility – that so many people had a hand in our success, from the teachers who inspired us to the janitors who kept our school clean...and we were taught to value everyone's contribution and treat everyone with respect.Those are the values Barack and I – and so many of you – are trying to pass on to our own children.That's who we are.And standing before you four years ago, I knew that I didn't want any of that to change if Barack became President.Well, today, after so many struggles and triumphs and moments that have tested my husband in ways I never could have imagined, I have seen firsthand that being president doesn't change who you are – it reveals who you are.You see, I've gotten to see up close and personal what being president really looks like.And I've seen how the issues that come across a President's desk are always the hard ones – the problems where no amount of data or numbers will get you to the right answer...the judgment calls where the stakes are so high, and there is no margin for error.And as President, you can get all kinds of advice from all kinds of people.But at the end of the day, when it comes time to make that decision, as President, all you have to guide you are your values, and your vision, and the life experiences that make you who you are.So when it comes to rebuilding our economy, Barack is thinking about folks like my dad and like his grandmother.He's thinking about the pride that comes from a hard day's work.That's why he signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act to help women get equal pay for equal work.That's why he cut taxes for working families and small businesses and fought to get the auto industry back on its feet.That's how he brought our economy from the brink of collapse to creating jobs again – jobs you can raise a family on, good jobs right here in the United States of America.When it comes to the health of our families, Barack refused to listen to all those folks who told him to leave health reform for another day, another president.He didn't care whether it was the easy thing to do politically – that's not how he was raised – he cared that it was the right thing to do.He did it because he believes that here in America, our grandparents should be able to afford their medicine...our kids should be able to see a doctor when they're sick...and no one in this country should ever go broke because of an accident or illness.And he believes that women are more than capable of making our own choices about our bodies and our health care...that's what my husband stands for.When it comes to giving our kids the education they deserve, Barack knows that like me and like so many of you, he never could've attended college without financial aid.And believe it or not, when we were first married, our combined monthly student loan bills were actually higher than our mortgage.We were so young, so in love, and so in debt.That's why Barack has fought so hard to increase student aid and keep interest rates down, because he wants every young person to fulfill their promise and be able to attend college without a mountain of debt.So in the end, for Barack, these issues aren't political – they're personal.Because Barack knows what it means when a family struggles.He knows what it means to want something more for your kids and grandkids.Barack knows the American Dream because he's lived it...and he wants everyone in this country to have that same opportunity, no matter who we are, or where we're from, or what we look like, or who we love.And he believes that when you've worked hard, and done well, and walked through that doorway of opportunity...you do not slam it shut behind you...you reach back, and you give other folks the same chances that helped you succeed.So when people ask me whether being in the White House has changed my husband, I can honestly say that when it comes to his character, and his convictions, and his heart, Barack Obama is still the same man I fell in love with all those years ago.He's the same man who started his career by turning down high paying jobs and instead working in struggling neighborhoods where a steel plant had shut down，fighting to rebuild those communities and get folks back to work...because for Barack, success isn't about how much money you make, it's about the difference you make in people's lives.He's the same man who, when our girls were first born, would anxiously check their cribs every few minutes to ensure they were still breathing, proudly showing them off to everyone we knew.That's the man who sits down with me and our girls for dinner nearly every night, patiently answering their questions about issues in the news, and strategizing about middle school friendships.That's the man I see in those quiet moments late at night, hunched over his desk, poring over the letters people have sent him.The letter from the father struggling to pay his bills...from the woman dying of cancer whose insurance company won't cover her care...from the young person with so much promise but so few opportunities.I see the concern in his eyes...and I hear the determination in his voice as he tells me, “You won't believe what these folks are going through, Michelle...it's not right.We've got to keep working to fix this.We've got so much more to do.”

I see how those stories – our collection of struggles and hopes and dreams – I see how that's what drives Barack Obama every single day.And I didn't think it was possible, but today, I love my husband even more than I did four years ago...even more than I did 23 years ago, when we first met.I love that he's never forgotten how he started.I love that we can trust Barack to do what he says he's going to do, even when it's hard – especially when it's hard.I love that for Barack, there is no such thing as “us” and “them” – he doesn't care whether you're a Democrat, a Republican, or none of the above...he knows that we all love our country...and he's always ready to listen to good ideas...he's always looking for the very best in everyone he meets.And I love that even in the toughest moments, when we're all sweating it – when we're worried that the bill won't pass, and it seems like all is lost – Barack never lets himself get distracted by the chatter and the noise.Just like his grandmother, he just keeps getting up and moving forward...with patience and wisdom, and courage and grace.And he reminds me that we are playing a long game here...and that change is hard, and change is slow, and it never happens all at once.But eventually we get there, we always do.We get there because of folks like my Dad...folks like Barack's grandmother...men and women who said to themselves, “I may not have a chance to fulfill my dreams, but maybe my children will...maybe my grandchildren will.”

So many of us stand here tonight because of their sacrifice, and longing, and steadfast love...because time and again, they swallowed their fears and doubts and did what was hard.篇二：奧巴馬：總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選連任勝選演講

巴拉克·奧巴馬：第二次總統(tǒng)選舉勝選演說(shuō)

發(fā)表于二零一二年十一月七日

張少軍譯、校

Barack Obama

Presidential Election Victory Speech

delivered 7 November 2012

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]

（真實(shí)性鑒定；以下文本直接轉(zhuǎn)錄自音頻資料）

Thank you.Thank you so much.Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward.謝謝你們，非常感謝你們。

今晚，在一個(gè)前殖民地贏得了決定自身命運(yùn)權(quán)利兩百多年后的今晚，完美我們聯(lián)邦的任務(wù)正在推向前進(jìn)。

It moves forward because of you.It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression;the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope--the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family, and we rise or fall together, as one nation, and as one people.它的推進(jìn)是因?yàn)槟銈儭Ｋ耐七M(jìn)是因?yàn)槟銈冎厣炅粟A得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)擊敗衰退的精神，重申了將這個(gè)國(guó)家從絕望的低谷提升至希望的巔峰的精神，重申了這樣的信念——當(dāng)我們每個(gè)人追求我們各自的夢(mèng)想時(shí)，我們都從屬于一個(gè)美國(guó)大家庭；作為一個(gè)國(guó)家一個(gè)民族，我們共進(jìn)退同禍福。Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America, the best is yet to come.今晚，在這次選舉中，你們——美國(guó)人民提醒我們：盡管道路艱難征途漫長(zhǎng)，我們已振作精神殺出重圍；我們深知，對(duì)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)而言，最好的時(shí)刻尚未到來(lái)。

I want to thank every American who participated in this election.Whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time--by the way, we have to fix that.Whether you

pounded the pavement or picked up the phone--whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard, and you made a difference.我要感謝每一位參與這次選舉的美國(guó)人。無(wú)論你在第一時(shí)間投票，或是在隊(duì)伍中等待了很久——順便說(shuō)一句，我們必須改進(jìn)投票程序；無(wú)論你是在人行道上蹣跚前移，還是拿起電話投票；無(wú)論你舉的牌子上，寫(xiě)的是奧巴馬還是羅姆尼，你的聲音都會(huì)被聽(tīng)到，你也一樣舉足輕重。

I just spoke with Governor Romney, and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign.We may have battled fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply, and we care so strongly about its future.From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service, and that is a legacy that we honor and applaud tonight.In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Governor Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.我剛剛與羅姆尼州長(zhǎng)通過(guò)話，我祝賀他和保羅·瑞安在這場(chǎng)艱苦的選戰(zhàn)中的出色表現(xiàn)。也許我們有過(guò)激烈的較量，但那只因?yàn)槲覀兌忌钌畹貝?ài)著這個(gè)國(guó)家，我們都如此強(qiáng)烈地關(guān)注著它的未來(lái)。從喬治到埃莉諾（羅姆尼的父母，曾分別任州長(zhǎng)與參議員——譯者注）到他們的兒子米特，羅姆尼家族選擇了投身公共服務(wù)來(lái)回報(bào)美國(guó)，這是今晚值得我們尊敬和贊美的一份遺產(chǎn)。在今后的日子里，我也期待與羅姆尼州長(zhǎng)坐下來(lái)，討論在哪些方面我們能夠共同合作，把這個(gè)國(guó)家推向前進(jìn)。

I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America’s happy warrior--the best Vice President anybody could ever hope for--Joe Biden.我想感謝我過(guò)去四年里的朋友和伙伴，美國(guó)的快樂(lè)斗士——超出任何人想象的最好的副總統(tǒng)——喬·拜登。

And I wouldn’t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago.Let me say this publicly--Michelle, I have never loved you more.I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you, too, as our nation’s First Lady.Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes, you're growing up to become two strong, smart, beautiful young women, just like your mom.And I’m so proud of you guys.But I will say that for now, one dog is probably enough.如果沒(méi)有20年前同意嫁給我的那位女人，我將不會(huì)是今天站在這里這個(gè)男人。讓我告訴所有人吧：米歇爾，我從未像今天這樣愛(ài)你；我也從未像今天這樣為你驕傲——看到你作為我

們國(guó)家的第一夫人，贏得了其他美國(guó)人的愛(ài)。薩沙和瑪麗亞，在我們的眼皮底下，你們正成長(zhǎng)為堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、聰明、漂亮的年輕女人，像你們的媽媽那樣。我是如此為你們這兩個(gè)小家伙驕傲，但是現(xiàn)在我要說(shuō)，一條狗大概就足夠了。（在奧巴馬的第一次勝選演說(shuō)中，他當(dāng)眾宣布送給兩個(gè)女兒一條狗作為勝選禮物——譯者注）

To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics--the best.The best

ever.Some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning.But all of you are family.No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together, and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful President.Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill, through every valley.You lifted me up the whole way.And I will always be grateful for everything that you've done and all the incredible work that you put in.對(duì)政治史上最好的競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)與志愿者們——最好，永遠(yuǎn)的最好。你們有些人是這次選舉聚集的新人，有些則從最初的時(shí)刻就站在我的身邊；然而你們?nèi)加H如家人。不管你們從事何種職業(yè)，將從這里走向何方，你們都將擁有一個(gè)心懷感激的總統(tǒng)的銘記終身的賞識(shí)。越過(guò)每一道山峰，穿過(guò)每一個(gè)低谷，感謝你們始終不逾的信任。對(duì)你們所做的每一件事，你們奉獻(xiàn)的所有難以置信的工作，我將永懷感激之情。

I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly.And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics who tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos, or the domain of special interests.But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies, and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym, or saw folks working late at a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you'll discover something else.我明白，政治選戰(zhàn)有時(shí)可能顯得瑣屑甚至愚蠢。它給那些憤世嫉俗者提供了大量的炮彈，他們告訴我們，除了給那些自負(fù)的家伙競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的機(jī)會(huì)和給那些特殊利益者較量的場(chǎng)所，政治毫無(wú)價(jià)值。然而，如果你有機(jī)會(huì)和那些在我們的大會(huì)上聚集或擠在高中體育館的隊(duì)伍中的人們談?wù)劊蚰慷萌藗冊(cè)诟?jìng)選辦公室工作到很晚，你可能會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)一些別的東西。

You’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s worked his way through college, and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity.You’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift.You’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for

this country ever has to fight for a job, or a roof over their head when they come home.That’s why we do this.That’s what politics can be.That’s why elections matter.It's not small;it's big.It's important.你會(huì)在一個(gè)年輕的選區(qū)組織者的話語(yǔ)中聽(tīng)出決心，他通過(guò)上大學(xué)闖出了自己的人生之路，他要確保每個(gè)孩子都有同樣的機(jī)會(huì)。你會(huì)在一個(gè)志愿者的話語(yǔ)中聽(tīng)出驕傲，他挨家挨戶動(dòng)員人們?nèi)ネ镀币驗(yàn)楫?dāng)本地的汽車工廠增加工作班次他的兄弟最終被錄用。你會(huì)在一個(gè)軍人配偶的話語(yǔ)中聽(tīng)出深深的愛(ài)國(guó)精神，她為助選撥打電話直到深夜，以確保沒(méi)有任何為這個(gè)國(guó)家而戰(zhàn)的人，退伍回家后又得為工作而戰(zhàn)，為棲身之所而戰(zhàn)。

Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated.We have our own opinions.Each of us has deeply held beliefs.And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy.That won’t change after tonight--and it shouldn’t.These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.在一個(gè)有著三億人口的國(guó)家里，民，主，政，治可能顯得喧囂、混亂、復(fù)雜。我們有自己的觀點(diǎn)，我們每個(gè)人都有自己深摯的信仰。每當(dāng)我們面對(duì)艱難時(shí)世，每當(dāng)我們國(guó)家要作出重大的決定，它都必然會(huì)激起熱情，引發(fā)爭(zhēng)論。這些將不會(huì)在今晚之后改變，也不應(yīng)被改變。我們擁有的這些爭(zhēng)論是我們自由的一個(gè)標(biāo)志。我們決不能忘記，就在我們說(shuō)話的此刻，那些遙，遠(yuǎn)，國(guó)度，的人們，正冒，著，生，命的危險(xiǎn)，僅僅為爭(zhēng)得一個(gè)討論重要問(wèn)題的機(jī)會(huì)，一個(gè)像我們今天一樣投，票，的機(jī)會(huì)。

But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America’s future.We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers--a country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow.We want our children to live in an America that isn’t burdened by debt;that isn’t weakened by inequality;that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet.不管我們有怎樣的分歧，多數(shù)人對(duì)美國(guó)的未來(lái)還是享有某些共同的期待。我們希望我們的孩子們生長(zhǎng)在一個(gè)這樣國(guó)家：在那里，他們能上最好的學(xué)校有最好的老師；在那里，他們實(shí)踐先輩的遺訓(xùn)，成為科技、發(fā)明、創(chuàng)新的世界領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者，擁有隨之而來(lái)的最好的工作機(jī)會(huì)與新興 的產(chǎn)業(yè)。我們希望我們的孩子生活在這樣一個(gè)美國(guó)：它不再背負(fù)債務(wù)，不再為不平等所削弱，不再為這個(gè)正在變暖的星球的破壞性力量所威脅

We want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world;a nation that is defended by the strongest military on Earth and the best troops this world has ever known--but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.我們希望交給后人這樣一個(gè)美國(guó)，它安全并享有遍及全球的尊重與羨慕；這樣一個(gè)美國(guó)，它由地球上最強(qiáng)大的軍事力量，這個(gè)世界所知道的最好的軍隊(duì)所捍衛(wèi)；它同時(shí)又是這樣一個(gè)國(guó)家，它自信地超越這個(gè)時(shí)代的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，去塑造一個(gè)奠基于給每一個(gè)人以自由與尊嚴(yán)的承諾之上的和平。

We believe in a generous America;in a compassionate America;in a tolerant America, open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag.To the young boy on the South Side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner.To the furniture worker’s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an

engineer or entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a President.That’s the future we hope for.That’s the vision we share.That’s where we need to go.Forward.That's where we need to go.我們信仰一個(gè)慷慨的美國(guó)，一個(gè)富于同情心的美國(guó)，一個(gè)海納百川的美國(guó)。它對(duì)一個(gè)移民的女兒展開(kāi)懷抱，她在我們的學(xué)校念書(shū)對(duì)我們國(guó)旗宣誓；它對(duì)芝加哥南部的男孩展開(kāi)懷抱，他眼中的生活超越了他身邊的街角；它對(duì)北卡羅來(lái)納州的木匠的孩子展開(kāi)懷抱，他想成為醫(yī)生或科學(xué)家，成為工程師或企業(yè)家，成為外交官甚至成為總統(tǒng)。那就是我們希望的未來(lái)，那就是我們共同的愿景，那就是我們希望的樂(lè)土。“逝將去汝，適彼樂(lè)土。樂(lè)土樂(lè)土，爰得我所。”

Now, we will disagree, sometimes fiercely, about how to get there.As it has for more than two centuries, progress will come in fits and starts.It's not always a straight line.It's not always a

smooth path.By itself, the recognition that we have common hopes and dreams won’t end all the gridlock, or solve all our problems, or substitute for the painstaking work of building consensus, and making the difficult compromises needed to move this country forward.But that common bond is where we must begin.眼下，對(duì)如何達(dá)成目標(biāo)，我們意見(jiàn)分歧，有時(shí)這種分歧還十分嚴(yán)重。正如兩個(gè)多世紀(jì)以來(lái)，發(fā)展總是潮起潮落一樣，它不會(huì)是一條直線，不總是一馬平川。就其本身而言，意識(shí)到我們

篇三：奧巴馬演講稿

貝拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬二世(Barack Hussein Obama II)，1961年8月4日生于美國(guó)夏威夷州火奴魯魯（檀香山），父親是一位祖籍肯尼亞的黑人穆斯林，母親是堪薩斯州的美國(guó)人。父親貝拉克·奧巴馬是一名在夏威夷念書(shū)的肯尼亞留學(xué)生。母親安·鄧納姆是一個(gè)白人，原本來(lái)自堪薩斯州。

1983年畢業(yè)于哥倫比亞大學(xué)，1985年到芝加哥工作。1991年畢業(yè)于哈佛大學(xué)的法學(xué)院，是第一個(gè)擔(dān)任哈佛法學(xué)評(píng)論主編的非洲裔美國(guó)人。

1992年和米歇爾·拉沃恩·奧巴馬結(jié)婚。1996年，奧巴馬從芝加哥當(dāng)選為伊利諾伊州州參議員并在之后的3年中連任；2000年，在競(jìng)選美國(guó)眾議院議員席位失敗后，奧巴馬將主要精力投入到伊利諾伊州的參議工作中。

2007年2月10日，奧巴馬在伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市正式宣布參加2008年美國(guó)總統(tǒng)大選，并提出了重點(diǎn)在“完結(jié)伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以及實(shí)施全民醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度”的競(jìng)選綱領(lǐng)。2008年6月3日，奧巴馬被定為民主黨總統(tǒng)候選人；同年8月23日，在民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上奧巴馬被正式提名，從而成為了美國(guó)歷史上首個(gè)非洲裔總統(tǒng)大選候選人。

2008年1月1日，奧巴馬開(kāi)通了自己的微博網(wǎng)，通過(guò)網(wǎng)絡(luò)渠道對(duì)競(jìng)選進(jìn)行宣傳，后來(lái)被人們稱為Web2.0總統(tǒng)，可見(jiàn)奧巴馬對(duì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的重視。2008年11月5日，奧巴馬擊敗共和黨候選人約翰·麥凱恩，正式當(dāng)選為美國(guó)第四十四任總統(tǒng)（屆數(shù)：第56屆，任數(shù)：第44任，位數(shù)：第43位，政黨：民主黨）。于2009年1月20日，在美國(guó)首都華盛頓特區(qū)參加就職典禮，發(fā)表就職演說(shuō)，并參加了游行。任期4年。根據(jù)美國(guó)法律，他還可以在2012年，再次競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)。

2009年10月9日，據(jù)英國(guó)廣播公司報(bào)道，諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)評(píng)審會(huì)稱，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬因“為增強(qiáng)國(guó)際外交及各國(guó)人民間的合作做出非同尋常的努力”而被授予2009諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)。民調(diào)顯示，2009年奧巴馬的支持率最高達(dá)到59%，而后開(kāi)始滑落，2011年一月份到達(dá)48%的水平，而由于經(jīng)濟(jì)手段改革與醫(yī)療體制改革，奧巴馬的支持率持續(xù)走低，到三月份末降到最低的38%，但后又因擊斃拉登上升，近期又由于前述原因輕微下降，他的平均支持率平均在4、5成之間，屬于中等水平。

2011年11月，福布斯2011權(quán)力人物榜：奧巴馬排名第一。盡管在處理高失業(yè)率和經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退問(wèn)題上的不足導(dǎo)致奧巴馬在國(guó)內(nèi)支持率下降，但他在世界舞臺(tái)上的表現(xiàn)完全不同。隨著“基地”組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人本·拉登和利比亞前領(lǐng)導(dǎo)總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選人卡扎菲相繼被擊斃，奧巴馬的影響力迅速上升。

2012年10月17日，經(jīng)過(guò)90分鐘的舌戰(zhàn)，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)大選結(jié)束了第二場(chǎng)總統(tǒng)辯論。首戰(zhàn)支持率大跌的奧巴馬，此次成功逆轉(zhuǎn)，根據(jù)CNN實(shí)時(shí)投票結(jié)果，奧巴馬的支持率飆升到46%。

[3]

北京時(shí)間2012年11月7日，當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間6日晚，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬獲得275張選票，連任總統(tǒng)已成定局。他在推特上發(fā)文感謝選民。