第一篇：富蘭克林·羅斯福 就職演講

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today.This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money;and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.

第二篇：富蘭克林羅斯福就職演講

PresidentHoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels.taxes have risen.our abilityto pay has fallen.government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income.themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade.the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side.farmers find no markets for their produce.and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return.Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague oflocusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True,they have tried.But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition.Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money.it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit.and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance.withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work.This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms.It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal.It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character.There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments.There must be anend to speculation with other people's money.Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy.Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first.I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment.but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the wayto recovery.It is the immediate way.Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers.the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other.that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good.This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity.with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues.with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy.The people of the United Stateshave not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction.They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership.They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes.Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第三篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福全名：富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)(1882—1945)18歲時考入哈佛大學，攻讀政治，歷史和新聞專業，又在哥倫比亞大學攻讀法律。后來從政，先后任過紐約州參議員和州長。中年時，他因患 脊髓灰質炎(Poliomyelitis、Polio)，雙腿癱瘓，只能以輪椅代步。他任美國總統期間，實行新政，維護了美國資本主義制度，領導美國參加世界人民反法西斯戰爭，并取得勝利。

President Hoover, Mr Chief Justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, I will address them with a candour and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itselfnarrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of Americabroad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication-in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第四篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福就職演講

胡佛總統，首席法官先生，朋友們： 今天，對我們的國家來說，是一個神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞們都期待我在 就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話．現在 正是坦白、勇敢地說出實話，說出全部實話的最好時刻．我們不必畏首畏尾，不 老老實實面對我國今天的情況．這個偉大的國家會一如既往地堅持下去，它會復 興和繁榮起來．因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是 害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它把人轉退為進所需 的種種努力化為泡影．凡在我國生活陰云密布的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得 到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件．我相信，在目前危 急時刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持． 我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對我們共同的困難．感謝上帝，這些困難只 是物質方面的．價值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了；我們的支付能力下降了； 各級政府面臨著嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業 枯萎的落葉到處可見； 農場主的產品找不到銷路； 千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流． 更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛 的勞動換取微薄的報酬．只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的現實． 但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資．我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災害．我 們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可 感到欣慰．大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在 咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去．這主要是因 為主宰人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經 認定失敗了，并撒手不管了．貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑．將受到輿論法 庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄． 是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時的方法．面對信貸的失 敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢．沒有了當誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯誤領導 的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心．他們只知自我 追求者們的處世規則．他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的． 如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃．我們要以千古不變的 真理來重建這座廟宇． 衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現比金錢利益更高尚的社會價 值的程度． 幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創造努 力時
的激情．務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉瞬即
1

逝的利潤．如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的天命不是要別人侍 奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那么，我們付出的代價就完全是值得的． 認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個 人收益為唯一標準，來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念；我們必須制止銀行 界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當行 為．難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實、信譽、忠心維護和無私履行職責．而 沒有這些，就不可能有信心． 但是，復興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念．這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動 起來． 我們最大、最基本的任務是讓人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個問題就可以解決．這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對待臨戰的緊要關 頭一樣，但同時，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源 的工程． 我們齊心協力，但必須坦白地承認工業中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范 圍內重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發表揮更大作用． 明確地為提高農產品價值并以此購買城市產品所做的努力，會有助于任務的 完成．避免許多小家庭業、農場業被取消贖取抵押品的權利的悲劇也有助于任務 的完成． 聯邦、各地政府立即行動回應要求降價的呼聲，州、有助于任務的完成． 將 現在常常是分散不經濟、不平等的救濟活動統一起來有助于任務的完成．對所有 公共交通運輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設施作全國性的計劃及監督有助于任 務的完成．許多事情都有助于任務完成，但這些決不包括空談．我們必須行動，立即行動． 最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來； 一定要有嚴格監督銀行業、信貸及投資的機制：一定要杜絕投機；一定要有充足 而健康的貨幣供應． 以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針．我要在特別會議上敦促新國會給予詳細 實施方案，并且，我要向 18 個州請求立即的援助． 通過行動，我們將予以我們自己一個有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大于支出． 我 們的國際貿易，雖然很重要，但現在在時間和必要性上，次于對本國健康經濟的 建立．我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務先行．雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經 濟重新協調所來恢復國際貿易，但我認為國內的緊急情況無法等待這重新協調的 完成． 指導這一特別的全國性復蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義． 我首先考慮的 是堅持美國這一整體

體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開拓精神的古老 而永恒的證明的體現． 這才是復蘇之路，是即時之路，是保證復蘇功效持久之路．
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在國際政策方面，我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策．做一個決心自重，因此 而尊重鄰國的國家．做一個履行義務，尊重與他國協約的國家． 如果我對人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認識到了我們從未認識的 問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻．我們前進時，必須象一支訓練有素的忠誠的軍隊，愿意為共同的原則而獻身，因為，沒有這些 原則，就無法取得進步，領導就不可能得力．我們都已做好準備，并愿意為此原 則獻出生命和財產，因為這將使志在建設更美好社會的領導成為可能．我倡議，為了更偉大的目標，我們所有的人，以一致的職責緊緊團結起來．這是神圣的義 務，非戰亂，不停止． 有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔領導偉大人民大軍的任務，致力于對 我們普遍問題的強攻．這樣的行動，這樣的目標，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府 中是可行的．我們的憲法如此簡單，實在．它隨時可以應付特殊情況，只需對重 點和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因為如此，我們的憲法體制已自證為是 最有適應性的政治體制．它已應付過巨大的國土擴張、外戰、內亂及國際關系所 帶來的壓力． 而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地擔負前所未有的任 務．但現在前所未有的對緊急行動的需要要求國民暫時丟棄平常生活節奏，緊迫 起來． 讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著 尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得 到的問心無愧的滿足．我們的目標是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安． 我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來．合眾國人民并沒有失敗．他們在困難中 表達了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動．他們要求有領導的紀律和方 向．他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的愿望的工具．我接受這份厚贈．

在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福．愿上帝保信我們大家和每一 個人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我．

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第五篇：羅斯福的就職演講

first inaugural address of franklin d.roosevelt saturday, march 4, 1933 i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our nation impels.this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.in every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money.stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers.they have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.the measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.these dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.this nation asks for action, and action now.hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal.it can be helped by national planning for and finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.there are the lines of attack.i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the several states.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer.it is the way to recovery.it is the immediate way.it is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.our constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced.it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.i shall ask the congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.i can do no less.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean we do not distrust the future of essential democracy.the people of the united states have not failed.in their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.in the spirit of the gift i take it.譯文：

富蘭克林-羅斯福 第一次就職演講

星期六,1933年3月4日 我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現在正是但白、勇敢地說出實話，說出全部實話的最好時刻，我們不必畏首畏尾，不著老實實面對我國今天的情況，這個偉大的國家會一如既住地堅持下去，它會復興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一種莫明其妙的、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它會把轉退為進所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持。

我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

我和你們都要以這種槽神，來面對我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質方面的。價值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了，我們的支付能力下降了；各級政府面臨著嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業枯萎的落葉到處可見；農場主的產品找不到銷路；千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生育問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的現實。但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲災害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因為主宰人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經認定失敗，并撒手不管了，貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑，將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈和理智的唾棄。

幸福并不在于單純地占有主錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創造性努力時的激情。務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的夭命不是要別人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那么，我們付出的代價就完全是值得的。認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個人收益為唯一標準。來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念，我們必須制止銀行界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當行為，難怪信心在減弱，因為增強信心只有靠誠實、榮譽感、神圣的責任感，忠實地加以維護和無私地履行職責，而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。但是，復興不僅僅要求改變倫理觀念。這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動起來。

根據憲法賦予我的職責、我準備提出一些措施，而一個受災世界上的受災國家也許需要這些措施。對于這些措施，以及國會根據本身的經驗和智慧可能制訂的其他類似措施，我將在憲法賦予我的權限內，設法迅速地予以采納。

但是，如果國會拒不采納這兩條路線中的一條，如果國家緊急情況依然如故，我將下回避我所面臨的明確的盡責方向。我將要求國會準許我使用唯一剩下的手殷來應付危機——向非常情況開戰的廣泛的行政權，就像我們真的遭到外敵人侵時授予我那樣的廣泛權力。

對大家寄予我的信任，我一定報以時代所要求的勇氣和獻身精神，我會竭盡全力。

讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的國標是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們在困難中表達了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領導的紀律和方向。他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈。

在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福。愿上帝保佑我們大家和每一個人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。篇二：羅斯福就職演說中文翻譯 富蘭克林-羅斯福 第一次就職演講，星期六,1933年3月4日 我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現在正是但白、勇敢地說出實話，說出全部實話的最好時刻，我們不必畏首畏尾，不著老實實面對我國今天的情況，這個偉大的國家會一如既住地堅持下去，它會復興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一種莫明其妙的、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它會把轉退為進所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持。我和你們都要以這種槽神，來面對我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質方面的。價值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了，我們的支付能力下降了；各級政府面臨著嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業枯萎的落葉到處可見；農場主的產品找不到銷路；千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生育問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的現實。但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲災害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因為主宰人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經認定失敗，并撒手不管了，貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑，將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈和理智的唾棄。

幸福并不在于單純地占有主錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創造性努力時的激情。務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的夭命不是要別人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那么，我們付出的代價就完全是值得的。認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個人收益為唯一標準。來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念，我們必須制止銀行界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當行為，難怪信心在減弱，因為增強信心只有靠誠實、榮譽感、神圣的責任感，忠實地加以維護和無私地履行職責，而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復興不僅僅要求改變倫理觀念。這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動起來。根據憲法賦予我的職責、我準備提出一些措施，而一個受災世界上的受災國家也許需要這些措施。對于這些措施，以及國會根據本身的經驗和智慧可能制訂的其他類似措施，我將在憲法賦予我的權限內，設法迅速地予以采納。

但是，如果國會拒不采納這兩條路線中的一條，如果國家緊急情況依然如故，我將下回避我所面臨的明確的盡責方向。我將要求國會準許我使用唯一剩下的手殷來應付危機——向非常情況開戰的廣泛的行政權，就像我們真的遭到外敵人侵時授予我那樣的廣泛權力。

對大家寄予我的信任，我一定報以時代所要求的勇氣和獻身精神，我會竭盡全力。讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的國標是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們在困難中表達了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領導的紀律和方向。他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈。

在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福。愿上帝保佑我們大家和每一個人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。篇三：羅斯福就職演說 1933年3月4日美國第32屆總統羅斯福就職演說 這是奉獻的日子。值此就職之際，同胞們一定期待著我能夠就我國目前所處形勢，向他們做出坦率而果斷的說明。現在正是坦誠而勇敢地說出實情、全部實情的最好時機。我們毋須害怕直面我們目前的困境。我們偉大的國家過去經得住磨難，而且還將復興，繁榮。因此，首先允許我表明我堅定的信念，我們唯一應該感到恐懼的是恐懼本身——那種無以名狀的、盲目而不可理喻的恐懼，它阻礙人們做出必要的努力，反敗為勝。在我國歷史上任何一個黑色時期，每一位強有力的、真誠的領導人都曾經得到了人民的理解和支持，這是勝利的根本保證。我深信，在目前的危急時刻，你們必將再次對我們的執政表示支持。

我和你們一起以這種精神來面對共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難都只是物質方面的。購買力已經萎縮到難以想象的程度；稅收增加；人們的支持能力下降；各級政府機關面臨著嚴重的經費削減；現行的貿易交易途徑被凍結；工業企業枯枝敗葉般四處飄零；農場主無法找到銷售市場；成千上萬家庭多年的積蓄喪失殆盡。更為嚴重的是，大批失業的市民們面臨著嚴酷的生存困境，而眾多的人們只能以艱苦的勞作換取微薄的報酬。只有盲目樂觀的人才會無視現實的嚴峻。

然而，我們的不幸并不是由物質的匱乏造成的。我們沒有遭受蝗蟲的災害。與我們的祖先所經受的艱難相比，我們要幸運的多了。而我們的祖先以其堅定信仰和無畏精神戰勝了

這一切。大自然的恩澤不斷，而人類的努力更使它錦上添花。我們的門廊前堆滿了財富，但是大肆的揮霍卻使我們入不敷出。這種后果主要是由商品交易的巨頭們的頑固不化和愚蠢無能造成的。他們已經承認了失敗，自動引退了。錢商們的無恥行徑在公眾輿論的法庭上受到譴責，并為世人所唾棄。

是的，他們曾經努力過，但是他們的努力卻無法掙脫陳規舊俗的束縛。面對著信用危機，他們只是建議發放更多的貸款。他們慣常以利潤引誘和控制大眾，一旦失去了利潤的誘餌，他們便不惜恩惠并施，聲淚俱下地懇求公眾重新恢復信心。他們只懂得利己主義的準則。他們缺乏高瞻遠矚，而沒有遠見的民族是要滅亡的。

錢商們從文明圣殿的高位逃跑了。現在我們可以讓圣殿重新恢復傳統的信念。恢復的程度取決于我們的價值觀念在多大程度上高于單一的金錢利潤觀念。

幸福并不駐足于對錢財的占有之中，而是根植于對成功的喜悅和對創造的興奮之中。對工作的喜悅之情和對勞動的激勵之感不應該再度迷失于對轉瞬即失的利潤的瘋狂的追逐之中。如果這段慘淡歲月促使大家認識到，我們不應該聽天由命，而是應該讓命運為我們自己和我們的同胞們服務，那么，我們付出的代價是完全值得的。

認識到將物質財富視為衡量成功的標準是荒謬，也就會擯棄以顯著地位和個人利益作為衡量公職和官位的標準這一錯誤觀念；而且一定會終止那種常常以冷酷和自私的錯誤行徑敷衍公眾神圣信賴的金融和商業行為。難怪公眾的信心正在消失，因為只有誠實、高尚、神圣的責任感、真誠的保護措施和無私的工作才能使信心枝繁葉茂；沒

有這一切，信心便無法生存。然而，復興不僅僅需要道德觀念的革新。我們的國家需要行動，需要立即行動。

我們最重要的基本任務是安臵人民的就業。這絕不是一個無法解決的難題，只要我們明智地、勇敢地正視這一問題。在某種程度上，它可以通過政府部門直接招募雇員的方式加以解決，就如我們處于戰時緊急狀態中所做的那樣。同時，我們可以通過這種雇工的方式完成急需的工程項目，進而刺激和調整我們對自然資源的利用。

與此同時，我們必須坦率地承認，我們的工業中心人口過剩；我們要在全國范圍內重新調配人口，為適合耕作的人們提供土地，以便更好地利用土地資源。我們可以通過努力提高農產品價格的途徑，來促成這項工作，并借此提高城市的購買力。我們要切合實際，制止實行取消抵押品贖回權制度，挽回小家庭和小農場日益嚴重的損失。我們堅持要求聯邦政府、州政府和各地政府立即采取措施大力削減費用；我們要對救濟工作做出統籌安排，改變目前零散的、浪費的和不均的現狀；我們要將所有形式的交通運輸和其他一切明確的公共設施，交由國家統一計劃和監控。有助于促進此項工作的方法很多，唯獨空話無補于事。我們必須行動起來，立即行動起來。最后，在恢復工作的進程中，我們需要做出兩點保證，以避免重新陷入舊秩序的弊端之中：必須嚴格的監督所有的銀行儲蓄、信貸和投資活動；必須終止利用他人的款項進行投資的行為，銀行必須有充足和可靠的現金儲備。這些是我們的工作路線。我會立即敦促新一屆國會，在特別會議上就實行這些路線提出具體措施，而且我會要求一些州提供緊急援助。

通過這項行動綱領，我們將整頓秩序，平衡收支。恢復國際關系的工作雖然十分重要，但是從時間性和必要性而言，它必須從屬于建立一個健全的國民經濟體系的任務。我提倡務實的政策，分清輕重緩急。我將不遺余力地借助國際經濟調整來恢復對外貿易，但是我們決不能待完成此項工作之后，再來處理國內的嚴峻經濟形勢。

這一基本思想指導著國內經濟復蘇的具體行動，它并不是狹義的民族主義。我們的首要考慮是，堅持合眾國內部各因素和各部門之間相互依存的關系——這是對傳統的、極其重要的美國拓荒精神的認同。這是復興之道。這是一條捷徑。它是復興計劃得以持續實施的強有力的保障。

在對外政策方面，我將奉行國家間的睦鄰政策——堅定地尊重自己，也因此而尊重別人的權利；尊重自己的職責，同時尊重自己與世界各國之間的條約的尊嚴。如果我對人民情緒的揣摩是正確的話，那么我們現在已經認識到我們之間的相互依存關系（這是我們先前從未意識到的），那就是：我們不能只是索取，我們也必須奉獻。如果我們要前進，我們必須像一支訓練有素且忠誠可靠的軍隊那樣，甘于為維護良好的紀律而做出犧牲，因為沒有良好的紀律就不可能有任何進步，就不可能實施有效的領導。我相信，我們愿意并且準備為實現這樣的秩序而奉獻我們的生命和財產，因為惟有如此，我們才能實現以大眾的利益為目標的領導。我計劃實施這樣的領導，它能保證以更高的目標約束我們大家的神圣義務，從而形成一種只有在戰時才會出現的共同承擔責任的統一體。作出這項保證之后，我將義無反顧地領導這支由我國人民組成的偉大軍隊，井然有序地著手處理我們的共同問題------根據憲法賦予我的職責，我準備提出我們積重難返的國家在災難深重的世界中必須采取的措施。對于這些措施，以及國會根據經驗和智慧提出的其它措施，我將竭盡憲法賦予我的權力之所能，盡快將它付諸實施。然而，萬一國會否決了其中的任何一種方式，萬一國內的嚴峻形勢依然沒有得到緩解，我絕不會回避我那時將擔負的責任。我將要求國會準予我動用解決危機的最高權力——向危機開戰的廣泛的行政權力，這種權利相當于國家遭受外敵入侵時我所擁有的權利。對于大家所賦予我的信任，我將用時代所要求的勇氣和奉獻作為回報。我將竭盡全力------篇四：羅斯福就職演講 羅斯福就職演講胡佛總統，首席法官先生，朋友們： 今天，對我們的國家來說，是一個神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞們都期待我在 就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話．現在 正是坦白、勇敢地說出實話，說出全部實話的最好時刻．我們不必畏首畏尾，不 老老實實面對我國今天的情況．這個偉大的國家會一如既往地堅持下去，它會復 興和繁榮起來．因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是 害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它把人轉退為進所需 的種種努力化為泡影．凡在我國生活陰云密布的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得 到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件．我相信，在目前危 急時刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持． 我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對我們共同的困難．感謝上帝，這些困難只 是物質方面的．價值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了；我們的支付能力下降了； 各級政府面臨著嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業 枯萎的落葉到處可見； 農場主的產品找不到銷路； 千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流． 更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛 的勞動換取微薄的報酬．只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的現實． 但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資．我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災害．我 們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可 感到欣慰．大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在 咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去．這主要是因 為主宰人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經 認定失敗了，并撒手不管了．貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑．將受到輿論法 庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄． 是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時的方法．面對信貸的失 敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢．沒有了當誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯誤領導 的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心．他們只知自我 追求者們的處世規則．他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的． 如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃．我們要以千古不變的 真理來重建這座廟宇． 衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現比金錢利益更高尚的社會價 值的程度． 幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創造努 力時 的激情．務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉瞬即1逝的利潤．如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的天命不是要別人侍 奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那么，我們付出的代價就完全是值得的． 認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個 人收益為唯一標準，來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念；我們必須制止銀行 界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當行 為．難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實、信譽、忠心維護和無私履行職責．而 沒有這些，就不可能有信心． 但是，復興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念．這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動 起來． 我們最大、最基本的任務是讓人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個問題就可以解決．這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對待臨戰的緊要關 頭一樣，但同時，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源 的工程． 我們齊心協力，但必須坦白地承認工業中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范 圍內重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發表揮更大作用． 明確地為提高農產品價值并以此購買城市產品所做的努力，會有助于任務的 完成．避免許多小家庭業、農場業被取消贖取抵押品的權利的悲劇也有助于任務 的完成． 聯邦、各地政府立即行動回應要求降價的呼聲，州、有助于任務的完成． 將 現在常常是分散不經濟、不平等的救濟活動統一起來有助于任務的完成．對所有 公共交通運輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設施作全國性的計劃及監督有助于任 務的完成．許多事情都有助于任務完成，但這些決不包括空談．我們必須行動，立即行動． 最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來； 一定要有嚴格監督銀行業、信貸及投資的機制：一定要杜絕投機；一定要有充足 而健康的貨幣供應． 以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針．我要在特別會議上敦促新國會給予詳細 實施方案，并且，我要向 18 個州請求立即的援助． 通過行動，我們將予以我們自己一個有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大于支出． 我 們的國際貿易，雖然很重要，但現在在時間和必要性上，次于對本國健康經濟的 建立．我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務先行．雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經 濟重新協調所來恢復國際貿易，但我認為國內的緊急情況無法等待這重新協調的 完成． 指導這一特別的全國性復蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義． 我首先考慮的 是堅持美國這一整體 中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開拓精神的古老 而永恒的證明的體現． 這才是復蘇之路，是即時之路，是保證復蘇功效持久之路．2在國際政策方面，我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策．做一個決心自重，因此 而尊重鄰國的國家．做一個履行義務，尊重與他國協約的國家． 如果我對人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認識到了我們從未認識的 問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻．我們前進時，必須象一支訓練有素的忠誠的軍隊，愿意為共同的原則而獻身，因為，沒有這些 原則，就無法取得進步，領導就不可能得力．我們都已做好準備，并愿意為此原 則獻出生命和財產，因為這將使志在建設更美好社會的領導成為可能．我倡議，為了更偉大的目標，我們所有的人，以一致的職責緊緊團結起來．這是神圣的義 務，非戰亂，不停止． 有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔領導偉大人民大軍的任務，致力于對 我們普遍問題的強攻．這樣的行動，這樣的目標，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府 中是可行的．我們的憲法如此簡單，實在．它隨時可以應付特殊情況，只需對重 點和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因為如此，我們的憲法體制已自證為是 最有適應性的政治體制．它已應付過巨大的國土擴張、外戰、內亂及國際關系所 帶來的壓力． 而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地擔負前所未有的任 務．但現在前所未有的對緊急行動的需要要求國民暫時丟棄平常生活節奏，緊迫 起來． 讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著 尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得 到的問心無愧的滿足．我們的目標是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安． 我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來．合眾國人民并沒有失敗．他們在困難中 表達了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動．他們要求有領導的紀律和方 向．他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的愿望的工具．我接受這份厚贈．在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福．愿上帝保信我們大家和每一 個人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我．3篇五：羅斯福就職演說 按：富蘭克林羅斯福就任美國總統之時，美國正在遭受經濟危機的沉重打擊。他在就職演說中呼吁美國人擺脫恐懼心理，迅速行動起來應付危機，并要求國會授予他廣泛的行政權力。）1933年3月4日 值此我就職之際，同胞們肯定期望我以我國當前情勢所要求的坦率和果斷來發表演說。現在確實尤其有必要坦白而果敢地談一談真情實況，全部的真情實況。我們沒有必要去躲閃，不去老老實實地面對我國今天的情況。我們的國家過去經得起考驗，今后還會經得起考驗，復興起來，繁榮下去。因此，首先，允許我申明我的堅定信念：我們唯一值得恐懼的就是恐懼本身——會使我們由后退轉而前進所需的努力陷于癱瘓的那種無名的、沒有道理的、毫無根據的害怕。在我們國家生活中每一個黑暗的時刻，直言不諱、堅強有力的領導都曾經得到人民的諒解和支持，從而保證了勝利。我堅信，在當前的危機時期，你們也會再一次對領導表示支持。我和你們都要以這樣一種精神來面對共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難都只是物質方面的。價值貶縮到難以想象的程度；賦稅增加了；我們納稅的能力則已降低；各級政府都遇到嚴重的收入減少；嘆交換手段難逃貿易長流冰封，看工業企業盡成枯枝殘葉；農場主的產品找不到市場；千萬個家庭的多年積蓄毀于一旦。

更重要的是，大批的失業公民面臨嚴峻的生存問題，而艱苦勞動卻所得甚微的也不在少數。只有愚蠢的樂天派才能否認眼前的暗淡現實。

但是，我們的困難并不是由于實質上的失敗。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲之害。我們的祖先篤信上帝，無所畏懼，因而所向披靡，比起他們的艱險，我們還該說是萬幸。大自然的施惠不減，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我們手頭并不匱乏，然而豐足卻激發不起來慷慨的用度。這首先是因為掌握人類物品交換的統治者們的頑固和無能，他們承認失敗而自動退位。貪得無厭的錢商們在輿論的法庭上被宣告有罪，是為人類思想感情上所厭棄的。

他們也的確作了努力，但是他們的努力脫不開過時傳統的巢臼。面對著信用的失敗，他們的建議卻僅是借貸更多的錢。他們失去了利潤的吸引力，無法再使人民遵從他們的虛偽領導，于是他們就不惜進行敲詐，痛哭流涕地要求恢復對他們的信任。他們沒有預見，而缺乏預見就要使人民遭殃。

錢商們從我們文化廟堂的高位逃走了。我們現在可以使那廟堂恢復傳統的信念。能夠恢復到什么程度，則看我們對于比金錢利潤更高貴的價值觀念予以運用的情況。

幸福并不建筑在僅僅擁有金錢上；它建筑在有所成就引起的歡樂，創造性工作所激發出的快感。一定不要在瘋狂地追求瞬息即逝的利潤中再去忘記勞動給我們帶來的歡樂和精神上的鼓舞。我們在這些暗淡的日子里所付的代價將是完全值得的，如果我們從中汲取教訓，認識到我們不應該聽天由命，而應該讓命運為我們自己和我們的同胞服務。認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，也就不會再相信擔任公職和很高的政治地位之所以可貴僅僅在于官高祿厚；同時也必須終止金融業和商業中的一種作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似無情和自私的惡行。難怪信心在減退，因為只有誠實、榮譽感、神圣的責任心、忠貞的維護和無私的作為才能鼓舞信心；沒有這一切，信心出就不能存在。

然而復興并不僅僅要求改變道德觀念。祖國要求行動起來，現在就行動起來。

我們的首要任務是給人民工作。我們只要明智而勇敢地承擔起來，這項任務并不是不能解決的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象戰時緊急狀況那樣，同時通過雇用這些人員來完成急需的工程，從而促進和改組我們自然資源的利用。

與此同時，我們還必須認識到工業中心已經人口過剩，因此應盡力把土地提供給最善于耕種的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全國范圍重新分配人口。為了促成此項工作，要采取具體措施提高農產品價值，從而提高對我們城市產品的購買力。要從實際出發制止對小房產和農場取消償還抵押所造成的悲劇和日益嚴重的損失。要堅持由聯邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行動支持大量削減抵押的要求。要把救濟工作統一掌管起來以避免目前的分散、浪費和不均的現象。要把一切形式的交通運輸扣其他明確屬于公用事業的設施置于國家計劃和監督之下。總之，可以促成此項工作的方法是很多的，唯有空談無用。我們必須行動起來，迅速行動起來。

最后，在恢復階段中，我們需要避免舊秩序弊端重新出現的兩項保證：必須嚴格監督一切銀行儲蓄、信貸和投資，以制止利用他人存款進行投機的活動；必須提供充分而有償付能力的貨幣。

這就是我們的行動路線。我即將向新的國會的特別會議提出實施這些路線的具體措施，我還將要求各州立即提供支援。

通過此項行動綱領，我們將致力于整頓財政，平衡收支。我們的國際貿易關系雖然十分重要，但在時間性和必要性上必須從屬于健全國民經濟的任務。我主張采取切合實際的政策，分清輕重緩急。我一定竭盡一切努力通過國際經濟調整來恢復同世界各地的貿易，但是國內的緊急狀況是等待不得貿易上的成就的。

國家復興的這些具體方法，其基本指導思想并不是狹隘的民族主義。我們首先考慮的是：堅持合眾國國內的各種因素和合眾國各個部分之間的互相依靠——承認美國拓荒精神的傳統的和永遠重要的體現。這是復興的道路。這是直接的道路。這是復興得以持久的最有力的保證。

在對外政策方面，我認為我國應該奉行睦鄰政策——決心尊重自己，從而也尊重鄰國的權利——珍視自己的義務，也珍視與所有鄰國和全世界各國協議中所規定的神圣義務。

如果我對我國人民的情緒體會得正確，盡管我們過去在不能互相依靠時并不理解，我們現在則已經理解到：我們不能只要有所得，也要有所貢獻；我們要前進，我們就必須象一支有訓練而忠誠的軍隊那樣，為了共同的紀律而樂意有所犧牲，因為沒有這樣的紀律就不可能前進，就不可能實現有效的領導。我相信我們愿意并且準備為這樣的紀律獻出我們的生命和財產，因為，只有實現這樣的紀律，才能實現為了更高利益而奮斗的領導。我愿意提供這樣的領導，保證使這些更高的目標將作為一種神圣義務對我們大家都有所約束，從而產生只有戰時才出現過的共同責任感。

作了這項保證之后，我將無所顧忌地領導起我國人民組成的大軍，紀律井然地逐一解決我們的共同問題。

我們有從先輩那里繼承下來的政府形式，紀律井然地解決共同問題的行動是完全可能的。我們的憲法是簡明扼要的，總是可以根據特殊的需要而在重點和安排上有所改變，而無需動搖其基本形式。正是因為如此，我們的憲政才不愧為現代世界所產生的最穩定持久的政治結構。它經受了領土的極度擴張、辛酸的內戰、對外戰爭和國際關系的考驗。

但愿正常的行政和立法分權完全足以應付我們所面對的史無前例的重任。然而，史無前例的要求和迅即行動的需要也可能使我們有必要暫時背離正常分權的公開程序。

我準備根據憲法賦予我的職責提出災難深重的我國在當前災難深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。這些措施，以及國會根據其本身經驗和明智所決定的措施，我都將竭盡憲法所賦予我的權力迅即予以采納。

然而，萬一國會竟不能接受兩類中之任一方式，萬一全國緊急狀況仍然嚴重，我也將決不回避職責明確向我提出的抉擇。我會要求國會準許我使用應付危機的唯一剩余的手段——向非常狀況開戰的廣泛行政權力，就象在實際遭受外部敵人入侵時所應授予我的大權。

對于給予我的信任，我愿意拿出時代所要求于我的勇氣和堅貞。我決不會有負眾望。我們瞻望前途的艱苦時日，深感國家統一所給予我們的溫暖和勇氣，明確必須遵循傳統的寶貴道德觀念，堅信不分老幼克盡其責必能取得圓滿成功。我們務使國民生計獲得全面和長久的保證。我們對基本民主的未來并未失去信念。合眾國的人民并未氣餒。在困難中，他們作為選民提出的要求是直接而有力的行動。他們要求的是有領導的紀律和方向。他們已經選擇我來作為實現他們愿望的工具。我也是以這樣的精神來擔當的。值此全國奉獻之際，我們懇請上帝賜福。祝愿上帝保佑我們全體和每一個人。祝愿上帝指引我前進。