第一篇：歷史上哪次英文演講最棒（推薦）

哪次演講最棒？

大問題系列：半個世紀前，馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King）侃侃而談自己的夢想，約翰·肯尼迪（JFK）則稱自己為一個柏林人。這兩次演講都名留青史，但歷史上到底哪次演講最棒呢？我們邀請了六位撰稿人做出自己的選擇。山姆·雷斯（Sam Leith）為這次討論設下基調。

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

五十年前，馬丁·路德·金站在林肯紀念堂外的臺階上，向世人高聲宣布：“我有一個夢想。”那一次，我們可以毫不夸張的說，全世界的人都聽到了他的話。這篇演講中有很多段落如今原封不動地在民間流傳。此外，這篇演講和當時的黑人民間彌撒有很正式的聯系，再加上其中用到《阿摩司書》中的語言，因此它本身也大量取材自民間傳說。

偉大的演講不是從天上掉下來的。絲絲縷縷的借鑒和傳承把亙古的雄辯和今日的演講聯系起來。所有演講的力量都來自于部落民族的共同語言，而歷史上偉大的演講也反過來影響塑造了各部族語言的發展。

本專欄收錄的演講里時間最早的兩篇是伯里克利（Pericles）的葬禮講話和林肯的蓋提斯堡演說。雖然兩者之間相距2500年，林肯的演說在主題和結構上完全重復了伯里克利的講話。當今最為卓越的演說家之一巴拉克·奧巴馬（Barack Obama）就有意在演說中多處引用林肯和金博士的詞句（金博士本人當年也常引用林肯）。納爾遜·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）1964年受審時的演說也提到了英國的《大憲章》和美國的《權利法案》。如此等等。那么一篇偉大演講需要滿足什么條件呢？它必須論證鏗鏘有力，風格乃人回味，引據意味深長。在此之上，它也必須將演說者和聽眾聯系起來。西方第一位修辭學專家亞里士多德（Aristotle）將此稱為“人格訴諸”（ethos），即任何有效的演說內將演說者這一“我”和聽眾這一“你們”結合起來轉化成“我們”的基本方式。如“朋友們、羅馬人、同胞們……”

“人格訴諸”完全就是靠通過聽眾的語言講話來實現的：像是會心的笑話，共同的參照點，熟悉的場合等等。如修辭理論家肯尼斯·博克（Kenneth Burke）所說：“你能在多大程度上說服另一個人，就取決于你能在多大程度上借語言、手勢、語調、語序、圖像、態度和思想用他的語言和其溝通，并將你的道和他的道聯系起來。”

一旦實現這種“人格訴諸”，你可以將這種共同語言（以及你的聽眾一起）朝任何你希望的方向引領。專業人士將這種語言的轉折稱為“格”（如“修辭格”）。格概括了各種讓語言舞動的方法：如層遞法用三個用語一組讓句子生色；又如反問法讓你向聽眾提出挑戰，并塑造出假想的對話；再如句首重復法再三反復一個詞或短語，讓你建立起一種令人無法抵抗、越來越強烈的節奏。

偉大演講是否和有些人所認為的那樣已經消亡了？答案是否定的。但是今天的演講確實和過去的有所不同。演講本身會根據傳送方式的改變而不斷改變。語言會變，習慣會變，傳媒也會變。希臘語中“時機”這一概念在此非常適用。

約公元前50年西塞羅（Cicero）對羅馬元老院致辭時并沒有擴音設備，而且演講耗時很長，他的聽眾都身在現場，這類演講的書面記錄往往是在事后由西塞羅本人整理寫成的（而且很可能經過加工增色）。在報紙時代，演講要經過第三方傳遞，因此需要不同的技巧，不過新技巧也不一定總是管用。《我有一個夢想》并沒有登上第二天出版的《華盛頓郵報》。身負偉大演說家聲名的丘吉爾（Churchill）是一位廣播演說巨星，他戰時在議會內進行的現場演說則相對沒有那么出色，但對他來說，真正重要的聽眾是那些守在家里聽廣播的群眾。電視攝像機讓聽眾可以近距離傾聽演說，這又創造了很多新的機會。理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixo）在1952年的“跳棋”演說中就借助這一新技術直接面對面向美國人民致詞。

在互聯網時代這一充滿干擾的生態環境內，你如果花上兩個小時進行曲高和寡的正式演說，很快就會失去聽眾的注意。雖然很多人為“原聲摘要”的出現感到悲哀，但是這種現象由來已久。西塞羅當年就很喜歡這么干。不過近代先有印刷新聞，現在又有社交媒體紛紛出現。它們讓精彩引言的風頭蓋過了綜合論證，“原聲摘要”才開始變得倍加突出。

技術競爭還遠沒有結束。在YouTube上有一段精彩的視頻，其中埃德·米利班德（Ed Miliband）在多個場合回答問題時使用的全是事先準備好，幾乎一樣的句子。在視頻中他聽上去就像是個機器人。話說回來，他當然沒想到我們在新聞里會先后看到多段十秒視頻。他犯的錯誤在于他根據印刷新聞時代的標準制定戰略，而沒有考慮到如今大量內容可以一起發放在YouTube上，并在推特上瘋傳。

他不會再犯同樣的錯誤了。演講現在身處于電子夢想的時代，但夢想仍將繼續。

山姆·雷斯是《倫敦標準晚報》的專欄作家，著有《你在和我說話？從亞里士多德到奧巴馬論演講》

林肯的三分鐘散文詩

大問題專欄：哪次演講最棒？詹姆斯·哈丁（James Harding）選擇了1863年的蓋提斯堡演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

蓋提斯堡演說既值得紀念，又便于記憶。亞伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）用區區270個詞，發表了一篇在政治演講中前無古人，后無來者的散文詩。他在蓋提斯堡戰役所在地為國家士兵公墓哀悼致詞所做的這篇“簡短講話”全文完全沒有偏離紀念美國陣亡將士這一主題。但是，在不到3分鐘的時間里，他的講話升華到了內戰意義、自由本質和國家希望的高度。林肯本人甚至都不是該致哀活動的主要發言人。他的講話是在政治家愛德華·埃福里特（Edward Everett）之后所做的。埃福里特是很著名的演說家，他的講話共耗時兩個小時多一點。當時，人們認為埃福里特的演說更成功。

林肯的演說是這么開頭的：“八十七年前，我們的祖先在這個大陸上創立了一個新國家，她孕育于自由之中，并奉獻于人類生而平等的主張。”這一有如圣經般博大雄壯的開頭之下掩藏著在當時的戰爭苦難中相當激進的一項主張。這么說是因為當時林肯所站的地方在僅僅幾個月前剛爆發了一場巨大的戰役，北軍在這場血腥的戰役中慘勝南軍，雙方都有數千名將士犧牲。在1863年11月的這個星期四下午，很難說清楚蓋提斯堡戰役中的雙方到底是為了什么而戰。而林肯為之提供了清楚的答案：這不僅僅是為了憲法原則而戰，更是為了平等、生命、理想和對幸福的追求這些1776年獨立宣言確保的理想而戰。南軍一直抓住憲法不放，聲稱法律權利在他們這一邊。林肯用一句話就為北軍表明了道德權利在他們這邊。

但是，蓋提斯堡演講真正感人之處在于它遠不只是一個政治聲明。它也是對謙遜的一種表達。該演講承認了演講本身的不足之處。“我們前來此地要將這個戰場的一部分土地奉獻給為了國家的生存而犧牲生命的人們，作為最后安息之所，”林肯說道，“然而，從更廣的意義上來說，我們不能奉獻——我們不能神化——我們不能圣化——這塊土地，因為那些曾在此奮戰的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經將它化為神圣了，遠非我們微薄的力量所能予以增減。”

但林肯確確實實地增加了那些烈士的神圣性。他呼吁活著的人將自己奉獻給亡者追求的崇高事業，“我們要從光榮的死者身上，取得更大的熱忱來奉獻于他們已為之鞠躬盡瘁獻出一切的使命。”聽，他是用怎樣的言語來呼吁人們繼續追求這一事業的！“務使我們的國家，在上帝的庇佑之下，獲得自由的新生，并愿民有、民治、民享的政府將永存于世。”林肯在幾年前曾談到過過類似的主題，但他之前的演講從沒有像那天那么精辟有力。

但不是所有人都欣賞這次演講。有些聽眾認為林肯那天聲音過于尖細，甚至帶點刺耳的感覺。《泰晤士報》的記者認為林肯的演講“荒唐可笑”，評論道“很難做出比其更陳腐、更無聊的演講了”。林肯本人在演講中談到奉獻之前曾說：“世界將不大會注意，也不會長久記得我們在此說過的話。” 他在這一點上大錯特錯了。

詹姆斯·哈丁將于八月就任BBC新聞部門負責人。他于2007至2012年間擔任《泰晤士報》編輯

容忍及向神之路

大問題專欄：哪次演講最棒？馬克·圖里（Mark Tully）選擇了辨喜（Swami Vivekananda）于1893年在芝加哥的第一次公開演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

1893年召開的第一屆世界宗教會議是個歷史性時刻：有史以來西方和東方的精神領袖第一次齊聚一堂。數千人蜂擁至芝加哥聽他們講話，他們聽到的最驚人的言論或許出自一位30歲的印度教僧侶。他說：“印度教向世界教授了包容和對萬物的接受，我對于身為其中一員而感到自豪。我們不但相信包容所有事物，我們也接受一切宗教均為真理。”當時大會上絕大多數的代表都是基督教徒，基督教可不以包容或接受著稱，而且當時基督教還將印度教斥之為偶像崇拜的異端。雖然如此，在那之前從未走出過印度，也從未進行過公開演講的辨喜在那屆會議上大受歡迎，一連受邀進行了六次講話。《紐約先驅報》說：“辨喜毫無疑問是這次大會里最偉大的人物。”他始終堅持所有宗教的思想都是向神之路，并呼吁包容，無論是在當時，還是在今天這些思想都是非常中肯的教誨。他第一次演說的結尾詞是這樣的：“我強烈期盼今晨紀念大會所敲響的鐘聲會成為一切狂熱主義、一切用劍或用筆進行的迫害、一切朝向同一目標前進的人們之間不仁感情的喪鐘。”

基督教領袖對于他們的宗教并非是唯一的向神之路這一看法深感惱怒。坎特貝雷大主教（Archbishop of Canterbury）拒絕和這次大會有任何意義上的聯系，害怕該會議造成“基督教和其它宗教平起平坐、不分軒輊”的印象。利奧十三世教皇（Pope Leo XIII）嚴責了在那屆大會上發言的羅馬天主教代表，并禁止教眾未來再參加這樣“亂七八糟的會議”。

辨喜在那屆大會上的講話直到今天依然打動著許多追求靈性，但不信奉宗教的人士。這些人否定基于信仰的宗教，尋求對神的感受體驗。辨喜如是說：“印度教的核心并不在于為了篤信某一教義或信條而進行奮斗和嘗試，而在于明悟，不在于信仰，而在于存在和改變。”同時，他也展望未來說：“印度教將會成為一個體系內不存在迫害或偏見的宗教……其全部的內容、全部的力量都會集中在幫助人類實現自身真實的神性。”這正是今天這么多人尋尋覓覓的一種宗教。

馬克·圖里擔任BBC駐印度部長22年

曼德拉不動如山的信念

大問題系列：哪次演講最棒？在吉莉安·斯羅佛（Gillian Slovo）眼中，那就是1964年納爾遜·曼德拉在被告席內所做的演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

人們總是會忍不住跳到這篇演講激動人心的結尾：“我把自己奉獻到這場非洲人民的斗爭中……”這席話出自比勒陀利亞一間寂靜的法院內，每個詞都說得那么煞費苦心，每兩個短語間都隔著停頓。“我和白人專政斗爭過，我也和黑人專政斗爭過。我所懷抱的理想，是一個民主自由的社會，讓大家都能和諧生活，享有平等的機會。”然后是紙張翻頁的沙沙聲，接下去那句話今天聽到依然會讓我感到脊椎有一股熱流通過：“我希望為這個理想而活，并實現這個理想。但如果需要，為了這個理想，我愿意獻出生命。”

納爾遜·曼德拉結尾的這句話并不是毫無意義的即興之作。他和九名伙伴面對的是多起企圖暴力推翻政府罪指控。如果罪名成立，他們可能會被判死刑。而當時他們會被判有罪這一點毫無懸念。曼德拉代表自己和其他被告所做的演講并沒有含糊其辭。他說：“但是，我并不否認暴力活動是由我策劃的。”事后，當時另一位被告告訴我：“當他把自己送上去迎接死亡的時候，我所想到的是，等一下，我們也有份參與！”

在全世界的注視下，法院最終沒有判處他們死刑，而判以無期徒刑，不得假釋。

除了最后幾句話，這篇演講初看上去并不能算是熱情澎湃。該演講仔細架構出種族隔離時期的生活現實，并解釋為什么在經過幾十年的和平抗議后，非國大（ANC）要開始付諸武力。演講的很多時間都花在反駁他受到共產主義者或是外籍人士煽動這些指控。他說：“我首先把自己看作是一個非洲愛國者，”之后他也承認他對無階級社會的向往以及對英國民主制度的尊敬。

在那年四月的這一天，曼德拉并不知道歷史的洪流最終會逆轉，他并不知道自己會被釋放，還會成為新南非的總統。正是這一點讓他1964年的演講那么有力：準備付諸武力，為自由而死的曼德拉和出面領導南非走向和平的曼德拉是同一個人。他的信念不動如山。在他震撼人心的結尾詞之前，他說白人懼怕民主。“但我們不能讓這種恐懼阻撓我們達到保證種族和諧和人人自由的唯一解決方法。”這是他在1964年所說的話，30年后，他證明了這些話的正確性。

吉莉安·斯羅佛是一位劇作家，并著有12部小說，包括《冰路》。她出生于南非，現在是英語國際筆會主席。

2500年后依然激進

大問題系列：哪篇演講最棒？喜劇演員，古典主義者納塔莉·黑尼斯（Natalie Haynes）的選擇是伯里克利在公元前431年所做的葬禮演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

伯里克利以杰出的演講著稱，但他流傳于世的演講中最著名的一篇其實是出自修昔底德（Thucydides）之手。修昔底德愉快地承認他有時記不清別人具體用什么詞，而是將他對其言語的大致印象寫下。但不管具體用詞出自誰人之手，這篇紀念和斯巴達人交戰第一年中陣亡的將士們的挽詞都是古今中外最美妙的民主贊詞。更難得的是，雖然雅典當時選擇直接民主制度作為其政治系統，修昔底德本人并不太贊成這一制度。

伯里克利宣稱：“我們的制度之所以被稱為民主政治，是因為政權在全體公民手中，而不是在少數人控制之下。解決私人糾紛時，法律面前人人平等。而挑選公職所考量的是候選人的才能，而不是財富。任何人，只要他能夠對城邦有所貢獻，就絕不會因為貧窮而湮沒無聞。”

這些話出自一位保守派歷史學家之手，付之于一位富有政治家之口，即使在2500年后的今天聽上去依然激進。雅典最大的驕傲在于任何人只要有才干，就能擁有政治實力。他們當時還沒有先進到將婦女和外邦人也包括在內，不過這顯然是一個不錯的開始。

伯里克利明白雅典對于其民主制度多么自豪。這篇演講是在一場傷亡慘重、似乎永無盡頭的戰爭開始之初時所做的。幾個月之后，一場瘟疫殺死了大量包括伯里克利在內的雅典人。但是雅典之后繼續這場戰爭幾十年，堅持捍衛自己的價值。

伯里克利贊美了雅典的政治、雅典的人民，甚至雅典的教育系統。他悼念了那些戰死的將士，因為他們相信失去這樣一座城市將會是不可想像的一場災難。他提醒幸存者他們也愿為這座城市赴湯蹈火，并以帶有憂郁悲傷情調的華麗辭藻結尾：告訴聽眾致哀并散會。

納塔莉·黑尼斯是一位喜劇演員，電臺主持人，著有《現代生活的古代指南》一書。

希拉里·克林頓清晰的呼聲

大問題系列：哪篇演講最棒？迪娜·布朗（Tina Brown）選擇了希拉里·克林頓（Hillary Clinton）1995年在北京所做的“女性戰號”

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

這篇演講引發了一場運動。1995年9月，希拉里·克林頓前往北京主持第四屆聯合國婦女大會。因為當時中美關系緊張程度不斷升溫，該次大會的準備工作問題多多。她受到各方施壓讓她退出這次大會。但她最終選擇無視其在媒體和國會內的批評者。因為替女性大聲疾呼是迫在眉睫的要務。

當然，中美關系的緊張讓這次大會更加倍受注目。當希拉里身穿淡粉色的第一夫人套裝進入會議廳時，全世界的眼睛都盯著她。廳里擠滿了各國代表。她記得當時特別緊張，害怕讓國家，丈夫或自己失望。她很清楚自己講話的語調和語氣都必須慎重小心。她后來說：“不管你樂不樂意，女人如果在公開場合流露過多情感總是會受到批評。”

她知道自己必須對中國違反人權的紀錄進行點名，同時也得談到全世界范圍內侵害女性的問題。因此，在清楚地呼吁世界傾聽所有女性的聲音之后，她開始了其演講的結束語。這段結尾直到近20年后的今天，依然是全世界女性權益決定性的戰號。“僅僅因為嬰孩性別為女，就得不到喂食，被活活溺死、悶死或被打斷脊骨，這是對人權的踐踏。婦女和女孩遭到販賣，被迫賣淫，這是對人權的踐踏。因為嫁妝太少，女性被澆上汽油活活燒死，這是對人權的踐踏。小女孩承受痛苦不人道的生殖器切割習俗所害，這是對人權的踐踏……”就這樣，她滔滔不絕地列舉其罪狀清單，直至該演講激動人心的結尾：“如果這次大會只能有一條訊息得以流傳，我希望它是：?人權即女權，女權即人權?，再無異議。”

也許中國政府能阻止這一演講出現在電視上，但全世界的女性從未忘記。今年早些時候我在紐約林肯中心舉行的世界女性峰會上為希拉里做演講前的引言。她現在已是美國的前國務卿了。在這次峰會的講話中，希拉里總結了世界女性面對的各種問題，并在結尾復述了她當年在北京最精彩的幾句講詞。當她講到“再無異議”時，全場2500名年齡國籍各不相同的女性全部起立向她報以響亮堅定的喝彩。

迪娜·布朗是《每日野獸》和《新聞周刊》的總編

麥考利呼吁人們心中的正直

大問題系列：哪篇演講最棒？《經濟學人》特約編輯喬尼·格里蒙德（Johnny Grimond）選擇了1833年麥考利的猶太人權利演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

偉大的演講者會憑借其修辭技巧讓聽眾心中喚出的感情狂流加強其理性辯證的力量。1833年4月17日托馬斯·巴賓頓·麥考利（Thomas Babington Macaulay）在英國下議院內展示了這一技巧。他將自己三年前的第一次演講重組，論證了政府應該解除其設在英國猶太人身上的最后一道法律限制——禁止猶太人成為議員。幾年前類似的限制已從非圣公宗新教徒和天主教徒身上移除。

麥考利采取的方法是一一孤立出支持保持這類限制的論據，然后逐個擊破。在這么做的過程中，他呼吁聽眾用常識看待這一問題，并從聽眾們都有正直的秉性出發，先把問題概括泛化，再進一步舉例。

“如果說政治中有什么主張是顛簸不破的，那就是對他國的眷戀是國內治理混亂的結果。偏執者慣用的一個伎倆是向某些臣民施以暴政，讓他們生活困苦，之后又抱怨這些人向國外求助減輕痛苦。先是親手把社會分化，再反過來奇怪為什么人民不團結……如果猶太人不把英格蘭當作母親，其真正的原因恰恰是英格蘭在以繼母的方式對待他們。”

他用生動的句子組成奔騰的段落，堅定地闡述自己地觀點：“英格蘭根本不把猶太人當作國民看待，而我們卻反過來因為其不熱愛英格蘭而斥責他們。我們把他們當作奴隸，卻奇怪為什么他們不能如同胞般對待我們。我們迫他們只能從事不體面的行當，卻又批評其不接受光明正大的職業。我們一直禁止他們私有土地，卻又抱怨他們一天到晚只知道行商。我們把他們所有出人頭地的道路全部封死，卻又鄙視他們沉溺于貪婪的庇護之下。”

然后他打了一個淋漓透徹的比喻：“如果歐洲所有的紅發人士在幾個世紀以來一直受到暴行壓迫，從這個國家被驅逐，在那個國家又受到監禁，財產被褫奪，無力反抗，人們以極站不住腳的證據給其冠以子虛烏有的罪名，被拖在馬尾后，被吊死，被折磨，被活活焚燒。即使情況變得有所好轉時，他們還是受到各種沒有尊嚴的限制，受到惡言侮辱，在一些國家被局限在特定街區生活，一旦走到其它地區就會遭到暴民丟擲石頭，人人避之不及，在所有地方都無權當任執政官或是其他榮譽職務。如果情況是這樣，還會有紅發紳士的愛國主義嗎？”

這席話說服了下議院，但上議院依然無動于衷。猶太人的民權殘缺直到1858年才被移除。但在那中間的幾年里，所有最終被證明無效的反對意見都一直圍繞麥考利的論點展開。今天，他的觀點依然和當年他進行這一演講時一樣貼切，一樣有力。

喬尼·格里蒙德是《經濟學人》的特約編輯,前外國編輯，也是該報《風格指南》的作者

第二篇：美國歷史上最經典演講Elizabeth Glaser

Elizabeth Glaser

1992 Democratic National Convention Address

delivered 14 July 1992, New York, NY

I'm Elizabeth Glaser.Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood.Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country.Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death.Exactly--Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS.She did not survive the Reagan Administration.I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing.I--I am in a race with the clock.This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat.It's about the future--for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom--fighting for the life of her child.But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people--poor people, gay people, people of color, children.A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman.But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul.America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand--I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer.I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten.The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, “They just didn't hear me.” The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, “Maybe I didn't shout loud enough.” But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope.I began to lose faith in America.I felt my country was letting me down--and it was.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of.I was raised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well.But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: “It's not my problem,” they're thinking.Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that.We need a visionary to guide us--to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus.We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed--where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't.Do you know--Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year.Someone without insurance can't afford this.Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others.Is their life any less valuable? Of course not.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of--where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't.We need health care for all.We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them--two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust.We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable.I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, “Show me what you're doing on HIV.” They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better.But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight.When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriously under-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are.While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home.A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads.Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better.This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics.This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future--women, men of all colors saying, “Take America back.” We are--We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life.But words and ideas are not enough.Good thoughts won't save my family.What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last y

第三篇：歷史上最牛的演講

歷史上最牛的演講

歷史上最牛的演講?甲骨文總裁拉里埃里森在耶魯大學的演講

這是甲骨文公司總裁Larry Ellison(Oracle CEO)在耶魯大學Yale University 給2000級畢業生the graduating class of 2000所作的演講全文，由于他句句驚人，很冷，最后被耶魯大學保安請下講臺。該演講號稱歷史最牛之演講，但是否classic則不得而知，美國出版的一本大學經典演講集未將其收入其中。

演講全文如下：

耶魯的畢業生們，我很抱歉---如果你們不喜歡這樣的開場白。我想請你們為我做一件事。請你---好好看一看周圍，看一看站在你左邊的同學，看一看站在你右邊的同學。

請你設想這樣的情況：從現在起5年之后，10年之后，或30年之后，今天站在你左邊的這個人會是一個失敗者；右邊的這個人，同樣，也是個失敗者。而你，站在中間的家伙，你以為會怎樣？一樣是失敗者。失敗的經歷。失敗的優等生。

說實話，今天我站在這里，并沒有看到一千個畢業生的燦爛未來。我沒有看到一千個行業的一千名卓越領導者，我只看到了一千個失敗者。你們感到沮喪，這是可以理解的。為什么，我，埃里森，一個退學生，竟然在美國最具聲望的學府里這樣厚顏地散布異端？我來告訴你原因。因為，我，埃里森，這個行星上第二富有的人，是個退學生，而你不是。因為比爾蓋茨，這個行星上最富有的人---就目前而言---是個退學生，而你不是。因為艾倫，這個行星上第三富有的人，也退了學，而你沒有。再來一點證據吧，因為戴爾，這個行星上第九富有的人---他的排位還在不斷上升，也是個退學生。而你，不是。你們非常沮喪，這是可以理解的。

你們將來需要這些有用的工作習慣。你將來需要這種“治療”`。你需要它們，因為你沒輟學，所以你永遠不會成為世界上最富有的人。哦，當然，你可以，也許，以你的方式進步到第10位，第11位，就像Steve。不過，我沒有告訴你他在為誰工作，是吧？根據記載，他是研究生時輟的學，開化得稍晚了些。

現在，我猜想你們中間很多人，也許是絕大多數人，正在琢磨，“能做什么？我究竟有沒有前途？”當然沒有。太晚了，你們已經吸收了太多東西，以為自己懂得太多。你們再也不是19歲了。你們有了``內置``的帽子，哦，我指的可不是你們腦袋上的學位帽。

嗯......你們已經非常沮喪啦。這是可以理解的。所以，現在可能是討論實質的時候啦---絕不是為了你們，2000年畢業生。你們已經被報銷，不予考慮了。我想，你們就偷偷摸摸去干那年薪20萬的可憐工作吧，在那里，工資單是由你兩年前輟學的同班同學簽字開出來的。事實上，我是寄希望于眼下還沒有畢業的同學。我要對他們說，離開這里。收拾好你的東西，帶著你的點子，別再回來。退學吧，開始行動。

我要告訴你，一頂帽子一套學位服必然要讓你淪落......就像這些保安馬上要把我從這個講臺上攆走一樣必然......（此時，拉里埃里森被帶離了講臺）

“Graduates of Yale University, I apologize if you have endured this type of prologue before, but I want you to do something for me.Please, take a good look around you.Look at the classmate on your left.Look at the classmate on your right.Now, consider this: five years from now, 10 years from now, even thirty years from now, odds are the person on your left is going to be a loser.The person on your right, meanwhile, will also be a loser.And you, in the middle? What can you expect? Loser.Loserhood.Loser Cum Laude.In fact, as I look out before me today, I don’t see a thousand hopes for a bright tomorrow.I don’t see a thousand future leaders in a thousand industries.I see a thousand losers.You’re upset.That’s understandable.After all, how can I,Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, college dropout, have the audacity to spout such heresy to the graduating class of one of the nation’s most prestigious institutions?

I’ll tell you why.Because I, Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, second richest man on the planet, am college dropout, and you are not.Because Bill Gates, richest man on the planet-for now anyway-is a college dropout, and you are not.Because Paul Allen, the third richest man on the planet, dropped out of college, and you did not.And for good measure, because Michael Dell, No.9 on the list and moving up fast, is a college dropout, and you, yet again, are not.Hmm...you’re very upset.That’s understandable.So let me stroke your Egos for a moment by pointing out, quite sincerely, that your diplomas were not attained in vain.Most of you, I imagine, have spent four to five years here, and in many ways what you’ve learned and endured will serve you well in the years ahead.You’ve established good work habits.You’ve established a network of people that will help you down the road.And you’ve established what will be lifelong relationships with the word ”therapy.“ All that of is good.For in truth, you will need that network.You will need those strong work habits.You will need that therapy.You will need them because you didn’t drop out, and so you will never be among the richest people in the world.Oh sure, you may, perhaps, work your way up to #10 or #11, like Steve Ballmer.But then, I don’t have to tell you who he really works for, do I? And for the record, he dropped out of grad school.Bit of a late bloomer.Finally, I realize that many of you, and hopefully by now most of you, Are wondering, ”Is there anything I can do? Is there any hope for me at all? Actually, no.It’s too late.You’ve absorbed too much, think you know too much.You’re not 9 anymore.You have a built-in cap,and I’m not referring to the

mortarboards on your heads.Hmm...you’re really very upset.That’s understandable.So perhaps this Could be a good time to bring up the silver lining.Not for you, Class of ’00.You are a write-off, so I’ll let you slink off to your pathetic $200,000-a-year jobs, where your cheques will be signed by former classmates who dropped out two years ago.Instead, I want to give hope to any underclassmen here today.I say to you, and I can’t stress this enough: leave.Pack your things and your ideas and don’t come back.Drop out.Start up.For I can tell you that a cap and gown will keep you down just as surely as these security guards dragging me off this stage are keeping me down..."

第四篇：美國歷史上最經典演講John F. Kennedy

John F.Kennedy

Ich bin ein Berliner(“I am a 'Berliner'”)

delivered 26 June 1963, West Berlin

I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin.And I am proud--And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who--

--who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.Two thousand years ago--Two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.”1 Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”(I appreciate my interpreter translating my German.)

There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world.Let them come to Berlin.There are some who say--There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future.Let them come to Berlin.And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists.Let them come to Berlin.And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress.Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen.Let them come to Berlin.Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect.But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in--to prevent them from leaving us.I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system--for all the world to see--we take no satisfaction in it;for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.What is--What is true of this city is true of Germany: Real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice.In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main.So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free.When all are free, then we look--can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.All--All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin.And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

第五篇：美國歷史上最經典演講 Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

First Fireside Chat

“The Banking Crisis”

My friends:

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking--to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be.I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen.I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday.And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault.It invests your money in many different forms of credit--in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans.In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around.A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency--an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen.In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold--a rush so great that

the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand.The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value.By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business.Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states.It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government?ˉs reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come.This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities.And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress--Republicans and Democrats alike--showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation.Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week.Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening.The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call.The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country.It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated.We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities--those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right.That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses.That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States.In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government's physical ability to complete its survey It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open.A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System.There is no occasion for that worry.These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation.And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities.These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks.And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals.Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation.It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money--that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes--the phantom of fear will soon be laid.People will again be glad to have their money

where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time.I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public--on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before.More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets.This currency is not fiat currency.It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.One more point before I close.There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized.The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.We have had a bad banking situation.Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people?ˉs funds.They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans.This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all.And so it became the Government?ˉs job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible.And that job is being performed.I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided;and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift.I can even promise you salvation for some,at least, of the sorely presses banks.We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country.I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves.Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan.You people must have faith;you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses.Let us unite in banishing fear.We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.Together we cannot fail.