第一篇：歷史上哪次英文演講最棒（推薦）

哪次演講最棒？

大問(wèn)題系列：半個(gè)世紀(jì)前，馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King）侃侃而談自己的夢(mèng)想，約翰·肯尼迪（JFK）則稱自己為一個(gè)柏林人。這兩次演講都名留青史，但歷史上到底哪次演講最棒呢？我們邀請(qǐng)了六位撰稿人做出自己的選擇。山姆·雷斯（Sam Leith）為這次討論設(shè)下基調(diào)。

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

五十年前，馬丁·路德·金站在林肯紀(jì)念堂外的臺(tái)階上，向世人高聲宣布：“我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。”那一次，我們可以毫不夸張的說(shuō)，全世界的人都聽到了他的話。這篇演講中有很多段落如今原封不動(dòng)地在民間流傳。此外，這篇演講和當(dāng)時(shí)的黑人民間彌撒有很正式的聯(lián)系，再加上其中用到《阿摩司書》中的語(yǔ)言，因此它本身也大量取材自民間傳說(shuō)。

偉大的演講不是從天上掉下來(lái)的。絲絲縷縷的借鑒和傳承把亙古的雄辯和今日的演講聯(lián)系起來(lái)。所有演講的力量都來(lái)自于部落民族的共同語(yǔ)言，而歷史上偉大的演講也反過(guò)來(lái)影響塑造了各部族語(yǔ)言的發(fā)展。

本專欄收錄的演講里時(shí)間最早的兩篇是伯里克利（Pericles）的葬禮講話和林肯的蓋提斯堡演說(shuō)。雖然兩者之間相距2500年，林肯的演說(shuō)在主題和結(jié)構(gòu)上完全重復(fù)了伯里克利的講話。當(dāng)今最為卓越的演說(shuō)家之一巴拉克·奧巴馬（Barack Obama）就有意在演說(shuō)中多處引用林肯和金博士的詞句（金博士本人當(dāng)年也常引用林肯）。納爾遜·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）1964年受審時(shí)的演說(shuō)也提到了英國(guó)的《大憲章》和美國(guó)的《權(quán)利法案》。如此等等。那么一篇偉大演講需要滿足什么條件呢？它必須論證鏗鏘有力，風(fēng)格乃人回味，引據(jù)意味深長(zhǎng)。在此之上，它也必須將演說(shuō)者和聽眾聯(lián)系起來(lái)。西方第一位修辭學(xué)專家亞里士多德（Aristotle）將此稱為“人格訴諸”（ethos），即任何有效的演說(shuō)內(nèi)將演說(shuō)者這一“我”和聽眾這一“你們”結(jié)合起來(lái)轉(zhuǎn)化成“我們”的基本方式。如“朋友們、羅馬人、同胞們……”

“人格訴諸”完全就是靠通過(guò)聽眾的語(yǔ)言講話來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)的：像是會(huì)心的笑話，共同的參照點(diǎn)，熟悉的場(chǎng)合等等。如修辭理論家肯尼斯·博克（Kenneth Burke）所說(shuō)：“你能在多大程度上說(shuō)服另一個(gè)人，就取決于你能在多大程度上借語(yǔ)言、手勢(shì)、語(yǔ)調(diào)、語(yǔ)序、圖像、態(tài)度和思想用他的語(yǔ)言和其溝通，并將你的道和他的道聯(lián)系起來(lái)。”

一旦實(shí)現(xiàn)這種“人格訴諸”，你可以將這種共同語(yǔ)言（以及你的聽眾一起）朝任何你希望的方向引領(lǐng)。專業(yè)人士將這種語(yǔ)言的轉(zhuǎn)折稱為“格”（如“修辭格”）。格概括了各種讓語(yǔ)言舞動(dòng)的方法：如層遞法用三個(gè)用語(yǔ)一組讓句子生色；又如反問(wèn)法讓你向聽眾提出挑戰(zhàn)，并塑造出假想的對(duì)話；再如句首重復(fù)法再三反復(fù)一個(gè)詞或短語(yǔ)，讓你建立起一種令人無(wú)法抵抗、越來(lái)越強(qiáng)烈的節(jié)奏。

偉大演講是否和有些人所認(rèn)為的那樣已經(jīng)消亡了？答案是否定的。但是今天的演講確實(shí)和過(guò)去的有所不同。演講本身會(huì)根據(jù)傳送方式的改變而不斷改變。語(yǔ)言會(huì)變，習(xí)慣會(huì)變，傳媒也會(huì)變。希臘語(yǔ)中“時(shí)機(jī)”這一概念在此非常適用。

約公元前50年西塞羅（Cicero）對(duì)羅馬元老院致辭時(shí)并沒(méi)有擴(kuò)音設(shè)備，而且演講耗時(shí)很長(zhǎng)，他的聽眾都身在現(xiàn)場(chǎng)，這類演講的書面記錄往往是在事后由西塞羅本人整理寫成的（而且很可能經(jīng)過(guò)加工增色）。在報(bào)紙時(shí)代，演講要經(jīng)過(guò)第三方傳遞，因此需要不同的技巧，不過(guò)新技巧也不一定總是管用。《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》并沒(méi)有登上第二天出版的《華盛頓郵報(bào)》。身負(fù)偉大演說(shuō)家聲名的丘吉爾（Churchill）是一位廣播演說(shuō)巨星，他戰(zhàn)時(shí)在議會(huì)內(nèi)進(jìn)行的現(xiàn)場(chǎng)演說(shuō)則相對(duì)沒(méi)有那么出色，但對(duì)他來(lái)說(shuō)，真正重要的聽眾是那些守在家里聽廣播的群眾。電視攝像機(jī)讓聽眾可以近距離傾聽演說(shuō)，這又創(chuàng)造了很多新的機(jī)會(huì)。理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixo）在1952年的“跳棋”演說(shuō)中就借助這一新技術(shù)直接面對(duì)面向美國(guó)人民致詞。

在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)時(shí)代這一充滿干擾的生態(tài)環(huán)境內(nèi)，你如果花上兩個(gè)小時(shí)進(jìn)行曲高和寡的正式演說(shuō)，很快就會(huì)失去聽眾的注意。雖然很多人為“原聲摘要”的出現(xiàn)感到悲哀，但是這種現(xiàn)象由來(lái)已久。西塞羅當(dāng)年就很喜歡這么干。不過(guò)近代先有印刷新聞，現(xiàn)在又有社交媒體紛紛出現(xiàn)。它們讓精彩引言的風(fēng)頭蓋過(guò)了綜合論證，“原聲摘要”才開始變得倍加突出。

技術(shù)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)還遠(yuǎn)沒(méi)有結(jié)束。在YouTube上有一段精彩的視頻，其中埃德·米利班德（Ed Miliband）在多個(gè)場(chǎng)合回答問(wèn)題時(shí)使用的全是事先準(zhǔn)備好，幾乎一樣的句子。在視頻中他聽上去就像是個(gè)機(jī)器人。話說(shuō)回來(lái)，他當(dāng)然沒(méi)想到我們?cè)谛侣劺飼?huì)先后看到多段十秒視頻。他犯的錯(cuò)誤在于他根據(jù)印刷新聞時(shí)代的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)制定戰(zhàn)略，而沒(méi)有考慮到如今大量?jī)?nèi)容可以一起發(fā)放在YouTube上，并在推特上瘋傳。

他不會(huì)再犯同樣的錯(cuò)誤了。演講現(xiàn)在身處于電子夢(mèng)想的時(shí)代，但夢(mèng)想仍將繼續(xù)。

山姆·雷斯是《倫敦標(biāo)準(zhǔn)晚報(bào)》的專欄作家，著有《你在和我說(shuō)話？從亞里士多德到奧巴馬論演講》

林肯的三分鐘散文詩(shī)

大問(wèn)題專欄：哪次演講最棒？詹姆斯·哈丁（James Harding）選擇了1863年的蓋提斯堡演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

蓋提斯堡演說(shuō)既值得紀(jì)念，又便于記憶。亞伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）用區(qū)區(qū)270個(gè)詞，發(fā)表了一篇在政治演講中前無(wú)古人，后無(wú)來(lái)者的散文詩(shī)。他在蓋提斯堡戰(zhàn)役所在地為國(guó)家士兵公墓哀悼致詞所做的這篇“簡(jiǎn)短講話”全文完全沒(méi)有偏離紀(jì)念美國(guó)陣亡將士這一主題。但是，在不到3分鐘的時(shí)間里，他的講話升華到了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)意義、自由本質(zhì)和國(guó)家希望的高度。林肯本人甚至都不是該致哀活動(dòng)的主要發(fā)言人。他的講話是在政治家愛(ài)德華·埃福里特（Edward Everett）之后所做的。埃福里特是很著名的演說(shuō)家，他的講話共耗時(shí)兩個(gè)小時(shí)多一點(diǎn)。當(dāng)時(shí)，人們認(rèn)為埃福里特的演說(shuō)更成功。

林肯的演說(shuō)是這么開頭的：“八十七年前，我們的祖先在這個(gè)大陸上創(chuàng)立了一個(gè)新國(guó)家，她孕育于自由之中，并奉獻(xiàn)于人類生而平等的主張。”這一有如圣經(jīng)般博大雄壯的開頭之下掩藏著在當(dāng)時(shí)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)苦難中相當(dāng)激進(jìn)的一項(xiàng)主張。這么說(shuō)是因?yàn)楫?dāng)時(shí)林肯所站的地方在僅僅幾個(gè)月前剛爆發(fā)了一場(chǎng)巨大的戰(zhàn)役，北軍在這場(chǎng)血腥的戰(zhàn)役中慘勝南軍，雙方都有數(shù)千名將士犧牲。在1863年11月的這個(gè)星期四下午，很難說(shuō)清楚蓋提斯堡戰(zhàn)役中的雙方到底是為了什么而戰(zhàn)。而林肯為之提供了清楚的答案：這不僅僅是為了憲法原則而戰(zhàn)，更是為了平等、生命、理想和對(duì)幸福的追求這些1776年獨(dú)立宣言確保的理想而戰(zhàn)。南軍一直抓住憲法不放，聲稱法律權(quán)利在他們這一邊。林肯用一句話就為北軍表明了道德權(quán)利在他們這邊。

但是，蓋提斯堡演講真正感人之處在于它遠(yuǎn)不只是一個(gè)政治聲明。它也是對(duì)謙遜的一種表達(dá)。該演講承認(rèn)了演講本身的不足之處。“我們前來(lái)此地要將這個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)的一部分土地奉獻(xiàn)給為了國(guó)家的生存而犧牲生命的人們，作為最后安息之所，”林肯說(shuō)道，“然而，從更廣的意義上來(lái)說(shuō)，我們不能奉獻(xiàn)——我們不能神化——我們不能圣化——這塊土地，因?yàn)槟切┰诖藠^戰(zhàn)的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經(jīng)將它化為神圣了，遠(yuǎn)非我們微薄的力量所能予以增減。”

但林肯確確實(shí)實(shí)地增加了那些烈士的神圣性。他呼吁活著的人將自己奉獻(xiàn)給亡者追求的崇高事業(yè)，“我們要從光榮的死者身上，取得更大的熱忱來(lái)奉獻(xiàn)于他們已為之鞠躬盡瘁獻(xiàn)出一切的使命。”聽，他是用怎樣的言語(yǔ)來(lái)呼吁人們繼續(xù)追求這一事業(yè)的！“務(wù)使我們的國(guó)家，在上帝的庇佑之下，獲得自由的新生，并愿民有、民治、民享的政府將永存于世。”林肯在幾年前曾談到過(guò)過(guò)類似的主題，但他之前的演講從沒(méi)有像那天那么精辟有力。

但不是所有人都欣賞這次演講。有些聽眾認(rèn)為林肯那天聲音過(guò)于尖細(xì)，甚至帶點(diǎn)刺耳的感覺(jué)。《泰晤士報(bào)》的記者認(rèn)為林肯的演講“荒唐可笑”，評(píng)論道“很難做出比其更陳腐、更無(wú)聊的演講了”。林肯本人在演講中談到奉獻(xiàn)之前曾說(shuō)：“世界將不大會(huì)注意，也不會(huì)長(zhǎng)久記得我們?cè)诖苏f(shuō)過(guò)的話。” 他在這一點(diǎn)上大錯(cuò)特錯(cuò)了。

詹姆斯·哈丁將于八月就任BBC新聞部門負(fù)責(zé)人。他于2007至2012年間擔(dān)任《泰晤士報(bào)》編輯

容忍及向神之路

大問(wèn)題專欄：哪次演講最棒？馬克·圖里（Mark Tully）選擇了辨喜（Swami Vivekananda）于1893年在芝加哥的第一次公開演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

1893年召開的第一屆世界宗教會(huì)議是個(gè)歷史性時(shí)刻：有史以來(lái)西方和東方的精神領(lǐng)袖第一次齊聚一堂。數(shù)千人蜂擁至芝加哥聽他們講話，他們聽到的最驚人的言論或許出自一位30歲的印度教僧侶。他說(shuō)：“印度教向世界教授了包容和對(duì)萬(wàn)物的接受，我對(duì)于身為其中一員而感到自豪。我們不但相信包容所有事物，我們也接受一切宗教均為真理。”當(dāng)時(shí)大會(huì)上絕大多數(shù)的代表都是基督教徒，基督教可不以包容或接受著稱，而且當(dāng)時(shí)基督教還將印度教斥之為偶像崇拜的異端。雖然如此，在那之前從未走出過(guò)印度，也從未進(jìn)行過(guò)公開演講的辨喜在那屆會(huì)議上大受歡迎，一連受邀進(jìn)行了六次講話。《紐約先驅(qū)報(bào)》說(shuō)：“辨喜毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)是這次大會(huì)里最偉大的人物。”他始終堅(jiān)持所有宗教的思想都是向神之路，并呼吁包容，無(wú)論是在當(dāng)時(shí)，還是在今天這些思想都是非常中肯的教誨。他第一次演說(shuō)的結(jié)尾詞是這樣的：“我強(qiáng)烈期盼今晨紀(jì)念大會(huì)所敲響的鐘聲會(huì)成為一切狂熱主義、一切用劍或用筆進(jìn)行的迫害、一切朝向同一目標(biāo)前進(jìn)的人們之間不仁感情的喪鐘。”

基督教領(lǐng)袖對(duì)于他們的宗教并非是唯一的向神之路這一看法深感惱怒。坎特貝雷大主教（Archbishop of Canterbury）拒絕和這次大會(huì)有任何意義上的聯(lián)系，害怕該會(huì)議造成“基督教和其它宗教平起平坐、不分軒輊”的印象。利奧十三世教皇（Pope Leo XIII）嚴(yán)責(zé)了在那屆大會(huì)上發(fā)言的羅馬天主教代表，并禁止教眾未來(lái)再參加這樣“亂七八糟的會(huì)議”。

辨喜在那屆大會(huì)上的講話直到今天依然打動(dòng)著許多追求靈性，但不信奉宗教的人士。這些人否定基于信仰的宗教，尋求對(duì)神的感受體驗(yàn)。辨喜如是說(shuō)：“印度教的核心并不在于為了篤信某一教義或信條而進(jìn)行奮斗和嘗試，而在于明悟，不在于信仰，而在于存在和改變。”同時(shí)，他也展望未來(lái)說(shuō)：“印度教將會(huì)成為一個(gè)體系內(nèi)不存在迫害或偏見(jiàn)的宗教……其全部的內(nèi)容、全部的力量都會(huì)集中在幫助人類實(shí)現(xiàn)自身真實(shí)的神性。”這正是今天這么多人尋尋覓覓的一種宗教。

馬克·圖里擔(dān)任BBC駐印度部長(zhǎng)22年

曼德拉不動(dòng)如山的信念

大問(wèn)題系列：哪次演講最棒？在吉莉安·斯羅佛（Gillian Slovo）眼中，那就是1964年納爾遜·曼德拉在被告席內(nèi)所做的演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

人們總是會(huì)忍不住跳到這篇演講激動(dòng)人心的結(jié)尾：“我把自己奉獻(xiàn)到這場(chǎng)非洲人民的斗爭(zhēng)中……”這席話出自比勒陀利亞一間寂靜的法院內(nèi)，每個(gè)詞都說(shuō)得那么煞費(fèi)苦心，每?jī)蓚€(gè)短語(yǔ)間都隔著停頓。“我和白人專政斗爭(zhēng)過(guò)，我也和黑人專政斗爭(zhēng)過(guò)。我所懷抱的理想，是一個(gè)民主自由的社會(huì)，讓大家都能和諧生活，享有平等的機(jī)會(huì)。”然后是紙張翻頁(yè)的沙沙聲，接下去那句話今天聽到依然會(huì)讓我感到脊椎有一股熱流通過(guò)：“我希望為這個(gè)理想而活，并實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)理想。但如果需要，為了這個(gè)理想，我愿意獻(xiàn)出生命。”

納爾遜·曼德拉結(jié)尾的這句話并不是毫無(wú)意義的即興之作。他和九名伙伴面對(duì)的是多起企圖暴力推翻政府罪指控。如果罪名成立，他們可能會(huì)被判死刑。而當(dāng)時(shí)他們會(huì)被判有罪這一點(diǎn)毫無(wú)懸念。曼德拉代表自己和其他被告所做的演講并沒(méi)有含糊其辭。他說(shuō)：“但是，我并不否認(rèn)暴力活動(dòng)是由我策劃的。”事后，當(dāng)時(shí)另一位被告告訴我：“當(dāng)他把自己送上去迎接死亡的時(shí)候，我所想到的是，等一下，我們也有份參與！”

在全世界的注視下，法院最終沒(méi)有判處他們死刑，而判以無(wú)期徒刑，不得假釋。

除了最后幾句話，這篇演講初看上去并不能算是熱情澎湃。該演講仔細(xì)架構(gòu)出種族隔離時(shí)期的生活現(xiàn)實(shí)，并解釋為什么在經(jīng)過(guò)幾十年的和平抗議后，非國(guó)大（ANC）要開始付諸武力。演講的很多時(shí)間都花在反駁他受到共產(chǎn)主義者或是外籍人士煽動(dòng)這些指控。他說(shuō)：“我首先把自己看作是一個(gè)非洲愛(ài)國(guó)者，”之后他也承認(rèn)他對(duì)無(wú)階級(jí)社會(huì)的向往以及對(duì)英國(guó)民主制度的尊敬。

在那年四月的這一天，曼德拉并不知道歷史的洪流最終會(huì)逆轉(zhuǎn)，他并不知道自己會(huì)被釋放，還會(huì)成為新南非的總統(tǒng)。正是這一點(diǎn)讓他1964年的演講那么有力：準(zhǔn)備付諸武力，為自由而死的曼德拉和出面領(lǐng)導(dǎo)南非走向和平的曼德拉是同一個(gè)人。他的信念不動(dòng)如山。在他震撼人心的結(jié)尾詞之前，他說(shuō)白人懼怕民主。“但我們不能讓這種恐懼阻撓我們達(dá)到保證種族和諧和人人自由的唯一解決方法。”這是他在1964年所說(shuō)的話，30年后，他證明了這些話的正確性。

吉莉安·斯羅佛是一位劇作家，并著有12部小說(shuō)，包括《冰路》。她出生于南非，現(xiàn)在是英語(yǔ)國(guó)際筆會(huì)主席。

2500年后依然激進(jìn)

大問(wèn)題系列：哪篇演講最棒？喜劇演員，古典主義者納塔莉·黑尼斯（Natalie Haynes）的選擇是伯里克利在公元前431年所做的葬禮演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

伯里克利以杰出的演講著稱，但他流傳于世的演講中最著名的一篇其實(shí)是出自修昔底德（Thucydides）之手。修昔底德愉快地承認(rèn)他有時(shí)記不清別人具體用什么詞，而是將他對(duì)其言語(yǔ)的大致印象寫下。但不管具體用詞出自誰(shuí)人之手，這篇紀(jì)念和斯巴達(dá)人交戰(zhàn)第一年中陣亡的將士們的挽詞都是古今中外最美妙的民主贊詞。更難得的是，雖然雅典當(dāng)時(shí)選擇直接民主制度作為其政治系統(tǒng)，修昔底德本人并不太贊成這一制度。

伯里克利宣稱：“我們的制度之所以被稱為民主政治，是因?yàn)檎?quán)在全體公民手中，而不是在少數(shù)人控制之下。解決私人糾紛時(shí)，法律面前人人平等。而挑選公職所考量的是候選人的才能，而不是財(cái)富。任何人，只要他能夠?qū)Τ前钣兴暙I(xiàn)，就絕不會(huì)因?yàn)樨毟F而湮沒(méi)無(wú)聞。”

這些話出自一位保守派歷史學(xué)家之手，付之于一位富有政治家之口，即使在2500年后的今天聽上去依然激進(jìn)。雅典最大的驕傲在于任何人只要有才干，就能擁有政治實(shí)力。他們當(dāng)時(shí)還沒(méi)有先進(jìn)到將婦女和外邦人也包括在內(nèi)，不過(guò)這顯然是一個(gè)不錯(cuò)的開始。

伯里克利明白雅典對(duì)于其民主制度多么自豪。這篇演講是在一場(chǎng)傷亡慘重、似乎永無(wú)盡頭的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開始之初時(shí)所做的。幾個(gè)月之后，一場(chǎng)瘟疫殺死了大量包括伯里克利在內(nèi)的雅典人。但是雅典之后繼續(xù)這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)幾十年，堅(jiān)持捍衛(wèi)自己的價(jià)值。

伯里克利贊美了雅典的政治、雅典的人民，甚至雅典的教育系統(tǒng)。他悼念了那些戰(zhàn)死的將士，因?yàn)樗麄兿嘈攀ミ@樣一座城市將會(huì)是不可想像的一場(chǎng)災(zāi)難。他提醒幸存者他們也愿為這座城市赴湯蹈火，并以帶有憂郁悲傷情調(diào)的華麗辭藻結(jié)尾：告訴聽眾致哀并散會(huì)。

納塔莉·黑尼斯是一位喜劇演員，電臺(tái)主持人，著有《現(xiàn)代生活的古代指南》一書。

希拉里·克林頓清晰的呼聲

大問(wèn)題系列：哪篇演講最棒？迪娜·布朗（Tina Brown）選擇了希拉里·克林頓（Hillary Clinton）1995年在北京所做的“女性戰(zhàn)號(hào)”

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

這篇演講引發(fā)了一場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)。1995年9月，希拉里·克林頓前往北京主持第四屆聯(lián)合國(guó)婦女大會(huì)。因?yàn)楫?dāng)時(shí)中美關(guān)系緊張程度不斷升溫，該次大會(huì)的準(zhǔn)備工作問(wèn)題多多。她受到各方施壓讓她退出這次大會(huì)。但她最終選擇無(wú)視其在媒體和國(guó)會(huì)內(nèi)的批評(píng)者。因?yàn)樘媾源舐暭埠羰瞧仍诿冀薜囊獎(jiǎng)?wù)。

當(dāng)然，中美關(guān)系的緊張讓這次大會(huì)更加倍受注目。當(dāng)希拉里身穿淡粉色的第一夫人套裝進(jìn)入會(huì)議廳時(shí)，全世界的眼睛都盯著她。廳里擠滿了各國(guó)代表。她記得當(dāng)時(shí)特別緊張，害怕讓國(guó)家，丈夫或自己失望。她很清楚自己講話的語(yǔ)調(diào)和語(yǔ)氣都必須慎重小心。她后來(lái)說(shuō)：“不管你樂(lè)不樂(lè)意，女人如果在公開場(chǎng)合流露過(guò)多情感總是會(huì)受到批評(píng)。”

她知道自己必須對(duì)中國(guó)違反人權(quán)的紀(jì)錄進(jìn)行點(diǎn)名，同時(shí)也得談到全世界范圍內(nèi)侵害女性的問(wèn)題。因此，在清楚地呼吁世界傾聽所有女性的聲音之后，她開始了其演講的結(jié)束語(yǔ)。這段結(jié)尾直到近20年后的今天，依然是全世界女性權(quán)益決定性的戰(zhàn)號(hào)。“僅僅因?yàn)閶牒⑿詣e為女，就得不到喂食，被活活溺死、悶死或被打斷脊骨，這是對(duì)人權(quán)的踐踏。婦女和女孩遭到販賣，被迫賣淫，這是對(duì)人權(quán)的踐踏。因?yàn)榧迠y太少，女性被澆上汽油活活燒死，這是對(duì)人權(quán)的踐踏。小女孩承受痛苦不人道的生殖器切割習(xí)俗所害，這是對(duì)人權(quán)的踐踏……”就這樣，她滔滔不絕地列舉其罪狀清單，直至該演講激動(dòng)人心的結(jié)尾：“如果這次大會(huì)只能有一條訊息得以流傳，我希望它是：?人權(quán)即女權(quán)，女權(quán)即人權(quán)?，再無(wú)異議。”

也許中國(guó)政府能阻止這一演講出現(xiàn)在電視上，但全世界的女性從未忘記。今年早些時(shí)候我在紐約林肯中心舉行的世界女性峰會(huì)上為希拉里做演講前的引言。她現(xiàn)在已是美國(guó)的前國(guó)務(wù)卿了。在這次峰會(huì)的講話中，希拉里總結(jié)了世界女性面對(duì)的各種問(wèn)題，并在結(jié)尾復(fù)述了她當(dāng)年在北京最精彩的幾句講詞。當(dāng)她講到“再無(wú)異議”時(shí)，全場(chǎng)2500名年齡國(guó)籍各不相同的女性全部起立向她報(bào)以響亮堅(jiān)定的喝彩。

迪娜·布朗是《每日野獸》和《新聞周刊》的總編

麥考利呼吁人們心中的正直

大問(wèn)題系列：哪篇演講最棒？《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》特約編輯喬尼·格里蒙德（Johnny Grimond）選擇了1833年麥考利的猶太人權(quán)利演講

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

偉大的演講者會(huì)憑借其修辭技巧讓聽眾心中喚出的感情狂流加強(qiáng)其理性辯證的力量。1833年4月17日托馬斯·巴賓頓·麥考利（Thomas Babington Macaulay）在英國(guó)下議院內(nèi)展示了這一技巧。他將自己三年前的第一次演講重組，論證了政府應(yīng)該解除其設(shè)在英國(guó)猶太人身上的最后一道法律限制——禁止猶太人成為議員。幾年前類似的限制已從非圣公宗新教徒和天主教徒身上移除。

麥考利采取的方法是一一孤立出支持保持這類限制的論據(jù)，然后逐個(gè)擊破。在這么做的過(guò)程中，他呼吁聽眾用常識(shí)看待這一問(wèn)題，并從聽眾們都有正直的秉性出發(fā)，先把問(wèn)題概括泛化，再進(jìn)一步舉例。

“如果說(shuō)政治中有什么主張是顛簸不破的，那就是對(duì)他國(guó)的眷戀是國(guó)內(nèi)治理混亂的結(jié)果。偏執(zhí)者慣用的一個(gè)伎倆是向某些臣民施以暴政，讓他們生活困苦，之后又抱怨這些人向國(guó)外求助減輕痛苦。先是親手把社會(huì)分化，再反過(guò)來(lái)奇怪為什么人民不團(tuán)結(jié)……如果猶太人不把英格蘭當(dāng)作母親，其真正的原因恰恰是英格蘭在以繼母的方式對(duì)待他們。”

他用生動(dòng)的句子組成奔騰的段落，堅(jiān)定地闡述自己地觀點(diǎn)：“英格蘭根本不把猶太人當(dāng)作國(guó)民看待，而我們卻反過(guò)來(lái)因?yàn)槠洳粺釔?ài)英格蘭而斥責(zé)他們。我們把他們當(dāng)作奴隸，卻奇怪為什么他們不能如同胞般對(duì)待我們。我們迫他們只能從事不體面的行當(dāng)，卻又批評(píng)其不接受光明正大的職業(yè)。我們一直禁止他們私有土地，卻又抱怨他們一天到晚只知道行商。我們把他們所有出人頭地的道路全部封死，卻又鄙視他們沉溺于貪婪的庇護(hù)之下。”

然后他打了一個(gè)淋漓透徹的比喻：“如果歐洲所有的紅發(fā)人士在幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)一直受到暴行壓迫，從這個(gè)國(guó)家被驅(qū)逐，在那個(gè)國(guó)家又受到監(jiān)禁，財(cái)產(chǎn)被褫奪，無(wú)力反抗，人們以極站不住腳的證據(jù)給其冠以子虛烏有的罪名，被拖在馬尾后，被吊死，被折磨，被活活焚燒。即使情況變得有所好轉(zhuǎn)時(shí)，他們還是受到各種沒(méi)有尊嚴(yán)的限制，受到惡言侮辱，在一些國(guó)家被局限在特定街區(qū)生活，一旦走到其它地區(qū)就會(huì)遭到暴民丟擲石頭，人人避之不及，在所有地方都無(wú)權(quán)當(dāng)任執(zhí)政官或是其他榮譽(yù)職務(wù)。如果情況是這樣，還會(huì)有紅發(fā)紳士的愛(ài)國(guó)主義嗎？”

這席話說(shuō)服了下議院，但上議院依然無(wú)動(dòng)于衷。猶太人的民權(quán)殘缺直到1858年才被移除。但在那中間的幾年里，所有最終被證明無(wú)效的反對(duì)意見(jiàn)都一直圍繞麥考利的論點(diǎn)展開。今天，他的觀點(diǎn)依然和當(dāng)年他進(jìn)行這一演講時(shí)一樣貼切，一樣有力。

喬尼·格里蒙德是《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》的特約編輯,前外國(guó)編輯，也是該報(bào)《風(fēng)格指南》的作者

第二篇：美國(guó)歷史上最經(jīng)典演講Elizabeth Glaser

Elizabeth Glaser

1992 Democratic National Convention Address

delivered 14 July 1992, New York, NY

I'm Elizabeth Glaser.Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood.Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country.Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death.Exactly--Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS.She did not survive the Reagan Administration.I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing.I--I am in a race with the clock.This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat.It's about the future--for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom--fighting for the life of her child.But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people--poor people, gay people, people of color, children.A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman.But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul.America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand--I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer.I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten.The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, “They just didn't hear me.” The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, “Maybe I didn't shout loud enough.” But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope.I began to lose faith in America.I felt my country was letting me down--and it was.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of.I was raised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well.But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: “It's not my problem,” they're thinking.Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that.We need a visionary to guide us--to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus.We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed--where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't.Do you know--Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year.Someone without insurance can't afford this.Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others.Is their life any less valuable? Of course not.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of--where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't.We need health care for all.We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them--two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust.We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable.I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, “Show me what you're doing on HIV.” They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better.But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight.When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriously under-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are.While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home.A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads.Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better.This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics.This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future--women, men of all colors saying, “Take America back.” We are--We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life.But words and ideas are not enough.Good thoughts won't save my family.What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last y

第三篇：歷史上最牛的演講

歷史上最牛的演講

歷史上最牛的演講?甲骨文總裁拉里埃里森在耶魯大學(xué)的演講

這是甲骨文公司總裁Larry Ellison(Oracle CEO)在耶魯大學(xué)Yale University 給2000級(jí)畢業(yè)生the graduating class of 2000所作的演講全文，由于他句句驚人，很冷，最后被耶魯大學(xué)保安請(qǐng)下講臺(tái)。該演講號(hào)稱歷史最牛之演講，但是否classic則不得而知，美國(guó)出版的一本大學(xué)經(jīng)典演講集未將其收入其中。

演講全文如下：

耶魯?shù)漠厴I(yè)生們，我很抱歉---如果你們不喜歡這樣的開場(chǎng)白。我想請(qǐng)你們?yōu)槲易鲆患隆Ｕ?qǐng)你---好好看一看周圍，看一看站在你左邊的同學(xué)，看一看站在你右邊的同學(xué)。

請(qǐng)你設(shè)想這樣的情況：從現(xiàn)在起5年之后，10年之后，或30年之后，今天站在你左邊的這個(gè)人會(huì)是一個(gè)失敗者；右邊的這個(gè)人，同樣，也是個(gè)失敗者。而你，站在中間的家伙，你以為會(huì)怎樣？一樣是失敗者。失敗的經(jīng)歷。失敗的優(yōu)等生。

說(shuō)實(shí)話，今天我站在這里，并沒(méi)有看到一千個(gè)畢業(yè)生的燦爛未來(lái)。我沒(méi)有看到一千個(gè)行業(yè)的一千名卓越領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者，我只看到了一千個(gè)失敗者。你們感到沮喪，這是可以理解的。為什么，我，埃里森，一個(gè)退學(xué)生，竟然在美國(guó)最具聲望的學(xué)府里這樣厚顏地散布異端？我來(lái)告訴你原因。因?yàn)椋遥＠锷@個(gè)行星上第二富有的人，是個(gè)退學(xué)生，而你不是。因?yàn)楸葼柹w茨，這個(gè)行星上最富有的人---就目前而言---是個(gè)退學(xué)生，而你不是。因?yàn)榘瑐悾@個(gè)行星上第三富有的人，也退了學(xué)，而你沒(méi)有。再來(lái)一點(diǎn)證據(jù)吧，因?yàn)榇鳡枺@個(gè)行星上第九富有的人---他的排位還在不斷上升，也是個(gè)退學(xué)生。而你，不是。你們非常沮喪，這是可以理解的。

你們將來(lái)需要這些有用的工作習(xí)慣。你將來(lái)需要這種“治療”`。你需要它們，因?yàn)槟銢](méi)輟學(xué)，所以你永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)成為世界上最富有的人。哦，當(dāng)然，你可以，也許，以你的方式進(jìn)步到第10位，第11位，就像Steve。不過(guò)，我沒(méi)有告訴你他在為誰(shuí)工作，是吧？根據(jù)記載，他是研究生時(shí)輟的學(xué)，開化得稍晚了些。

現(xiàn)在，我猜想你們中間很多人，也許是絕大多數(shù)人，正在琢磨，“能做什么？我究竟有沒(méi)有前途？”當(dāng)然沒(méi)有。太晚了，你們已經(jīng)吸收了太多東西，以為自己懂得太多。你們?cè)僖膊皇?9歲了。你們有了``內(nèi)置``的帽子，哦，我指的可不是你們腦袋上的學(xué)位帽。

嗯......你們已經(jīng)非常沮喪啦。這是可以理解的。所以，現(xiàn)在可能是討論實(shí)質(zhì)的時(shí)候啦---絕不是為了你們，2000年畢業(yè)生。你們已經(jīng)被報(bào)銷，不予考慮了。我想，你們就偷偷摸摸去干那年薪20萬(wàn)的可憐工作吧，在那里，工資單是由你兩年前輟學(xué)的同班同學(xué)簽字開出來(lái)的。事實(shí)上，我是寄希望于眼下還沒(méi)有畢業(yè)的同學(xué)。我要對(duì)他們說(shuō)，離開這里。收拾好你的東西，帶著你的點(diǎn)子，別再回來(lái)。退學(xué)吧，開始行動(dòng)。

我要告訴你，一頂帽子一套學(xué)位服必然要讓你淪落......就像這些保安馬上要把我從這個(gè)講臺(tái)上攆走一樣必然......（此時(shí)，拉里埃里森被帶離了講臺(tái)）

“Graduates of Yale University, I apologize if you have endured this type of prologue before, but I want you to do something for me.Please, take a good look around you.Look at the classmate on your left.Look at the classmate on your right.Now, consider this: five years from now, 10 years from now, even thirty years from now, odds are the person on your left is going to be a loser.The person on your right, meanwhile, will also be a loser.And you, in the middle? What can you expect? Loser.Loserhood.Loser Cum Laude.In fact, as I look out before me today, I don’t see a thousand hopes for a bright tomorrow.I don’t see a thousand future leaders in a thousand industries.I see a thousand losers.You’re upset.That’s understandable.After all, how can I,Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, college dropout, have the audacity to spout such heresy to the graduating class of one of the nation’s most prestigious institutions?

I’ll tell you why.Because I, Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, second richest man on the planet, am college dropout, and you are not.Because Bill Gates, richest man on the planet-for now anyway-is a college dropout, and you are not.Because Paul Allen, the third richest man on the planet, dropped out of college, and you did not.And for good measure, because Michael Dell, No.9 on the list and moving up fast, is a college dropout, and you, yet again, are not.Hmm...you’re very upset.That’s understandable.So let me stroke your Egos for a moment by pointing out, quite sincerely, that your diplomas were not attained in vain.Most of you, I imagine, have spent four to five years here, and in many ways what you’ve learned and endured will serve you well in the years ahead.You’ve established good work habits.You’ve established a network of people that will help you down the road.And you’ve established what will be lifelong relationships with the word ”therapy.“ All that of is good.For in truth, you will need that network.You will need those strong work habits.You will need that therapy.You will need them because you didn’t drop out, and so you will never be among the richest people in the world.Oh sure, you may, perhaps, work your way up to #10 or #11, like Steve Ballmer.But then, I don’t have to tell you who he really works for, do I? And for the record, he dropped out of grad school.Bit of a late bloomer.Finally, I realize that many of you, and hopefully by now most of you, Are wondering, ”Is there anything I can do? Is there any hope for me at all? Actually, no.It’s too late.You’ve absorbed too much, think you know too much.You’re not 9 anymore.You have a built-in cap,and I’m not referring to the

mortarboards on your heads.Hmm...you’re really very upset.That’s understandable.So perhaps this Could be a good time to bring up the silver lining.Not for you, Class of ’00.You are a write-off, so I’ll let you slink off to your pathetic $200,000-a-year jobs, where your cheques will be signed by former classmates who dropped out two years ago.Instead, I want to give hope to any underclassmen here today.I say to you, and I can’t stress this enough: leave.Pack your things and your ideas and don’t come back.Drop out.Start up.For I can tell you that a cap and gown will keep you down just as surely as these security guards dragging me off this stage are keeping me down..."

第四篇：美國(guó)歷史上最經(jīng)典演講John F. Kennedy

John F.Kennedy

Ich bin ein Berliner(“I am a 'Berliner'”)

delivered 26 June 1963, West Berlin

I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin.And I am proud--And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who--

--who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.Two thousand years ago--Two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.”1 Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”(I appreciate my interpreter translating my German.)

There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world.Let them come to Berlin.There are some who say--There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future.Let them come to Berlin.And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists.Let them come to Berlin.And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress.Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen.Let them come to Berlin.Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect.But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in--to prevent them from leaving us.I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system--for all the world to see--we take no satisfaction in it;for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.What is--What is true of this city is true of Germany: Real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice.In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main.So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free.When all are free, then we look--can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.All--All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin.And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

第五篇：美國(guó)歷史上最經(jīng)典演講 Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

First Fireside Chat

“The Banking Crisis”

My friends:

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking--to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be.I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen.I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday.And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault.It invests your money in many different forms of credit--in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans.In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around.A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency--an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen.In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold--a rush so great that

the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand.The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value.By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business.Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states.It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government?ˉs reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come.This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities.And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress--Republicans and Democrats alike--showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation.Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week.Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening.The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call.The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country.It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated.We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities--those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right.That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses.That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States.In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government's physical ability to complete its survey It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open.A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System.There is no occasion for that worry.These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation.And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities.These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks.And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals.Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation.It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money--that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes--the phantom of fear will soon be laid.People will again be glad to have their money

where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time.I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public--on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before.More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets.This currency is not fiat currency.It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.One more point before I close.There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized.The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.We have had a bad banking situation.Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people?ˉs funds.They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans.This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all.And so it became the Government?ˉs job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible.And that job is being performed.I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided;and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift.I can even promise you salvation for some,at least, of the sorely presses banks.We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country.I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves.Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan.You people must have faith;you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses.Let us unite in banishing fear.We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.Together we cannot fail.