第一篇：peace 和平-英語演講稿

Peace – something we cannot

afford to lose

When we were kids, we used to have a dream.In our dream, the sky is blue, the sun is bright, the field is green;in our dream, children from all over the world are singing together;in our dream, you’ll feel there’s no hurt or sorrow.It is peace that we cherished so much when we were young, and I still believe it is peace that we cannot afford to lose.However, when we grow up and look around the real world with our own eyes carefully, we find that the dream was only a dream.In Africa, we saw conflicts;in Iraqi and Libyan, we noticed the casualties;in a lot of other countries, we found turbulence and turmoil.Where are the doves and green branches? Where are the happy children and affluent people? And how can we believe the world peace exactly exists under the same sky? We never want to see the soldiers unwillingly leaving their wife and mom, crying.We never want to see the homeless children seeking a bit of dry ground to sleep on for the cold night under a low bridge.We never want to see our country consume a great deal of money to make preparations for wars.There is no doubt that we need a peaceful world, without wars, without death.Not because of the peace itself, but actually for its intended purpose.It is obviously every single human being is too small to stop the wars and advocate the peace even though he firmly wants to.But human

beings are never alone.With you and me and everyone else, we can achieve this goal.I believe that everyone feels like having a wonderful breakfast with family instead of preparing for fighting against the enemy.I believe everyone feels like having a trip somewhere else and enjoy beautiful scenery instead of facing bloody bodies and damaged buildings.I believe everyone feels like sitting in a bright classroom or office to study or to work instead of constructing new buildings on the ruined ones.So, in order to secure our dreams and make them come true, we must understand that peace is something we cannot afford to lose.I firmly believe that:

We can create a world with no fear;

We can see the nations turn their swords into plowshares;

We can heal the world and make it a better place, as long as we have PEACE!

第二篇：英語演講稿：Atoms for Peace

Madam president and Members of the General Assembly:

When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France.Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor.That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly.Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization.Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead.And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body.This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda.Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter.Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months--thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all;and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations.I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use.That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us.Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know.I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions.Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II.In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable.The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use.But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons.During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions.If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression.The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems.That program will be accelerated and expanded.But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation.The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution.Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute.But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world.To stop there would be to accept helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice.Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified.My country wants to be constructive, not destructive.It wants agreements, not wars, among nations.It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.So my country’s purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience.I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act.I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world.But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps.Let no one say that we shun the conference table.On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany.On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty.On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-power meeting.Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward.As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity.We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension.We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightly theirs.We will never say that the people of the Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West--the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia.Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions.Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation.There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster.These are deeds of peace.They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds.The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored.There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored--an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General Assembly suggested--and I quote--“that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”

The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world.We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes.It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers.It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind.The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future.That capability, already proved, is here, now, today.Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?

To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now.I therefore make the following proposals:

The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency.We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith.Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity.However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials.The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind.Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities.A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world.Thus the contributing powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The United States would be more than willing--it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one.I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate;second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles;third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war;fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions.In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma--to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening to me so courteously.

第三篇：英語演講稿：Atoms for Peace

英語演講稿：Atoms for Peace

Madam President and Members of the General Assembly:

When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France.Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor.That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly.Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization.Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead.And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body.This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda.Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter.Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months--thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all;and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations.I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use.That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us.Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know.I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions.Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II.In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable.The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use.But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons.During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions.If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression.The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems.That program will be accelerated and expanded.But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation.The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution.Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute.But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world.To stop there would be to accept helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice.Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified.My country wants to be constructive, not destructive.It wants agreements, not wars, among nations.It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.So my country’s purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience.I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act.I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world.But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps.Let no one say that we shun the conference table.On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany.On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty.On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting.Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward.As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity.We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension.We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightly theirs.We will never say that the people of the Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West--the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia.Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions.Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation.There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster.These are deeds of peace.They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds.The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored.There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored--an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General Assembly suggested--and I quote--“that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”

The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world.We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes.It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers.It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind.The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future.That capability, already proved, is here, now, today.Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?

To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now.I therefore make the following proposals:

The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency.We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith.Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity.However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials.The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind.Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities.A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world.Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The United States would be more than willing--it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one.I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate;second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles;third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war;fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions.In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma--to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening to me so courteously.

第四篇：英語演講稿：Atoms for Peace[定稿]

Atoms for peace Members of the General Assembly:

auto will remain steadfast in its support of this body.This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.VerdanaI therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months--thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter.Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.

第五篇：英語演講稿和平

a word that change the world at the bottom of your heart, cry out freedom about 4700 years ago，our ancestor huangdi created a new nation, in eastern asia, from the qin unification to the revolution led by sun yat-sen in 1911,it has appeared a total of 83 chinese dynasties。1949, i think it is a special year that the people could never forget。japan and germany have announced failure to the world.so i have questions.but in 5,000 years, what makes china change, in1945、what made the fascist fail in the long time of the war，what supported the people to fight the dark。i think the answer is a belief，a power which named freedom，freedom is a spiritual called hope, is a free spirit called resistance.but today，i want to know what the meaning it is for our young people? eighty years ago, someone taught young: sacrificing your personal freedom is to seek free for your country!but then，a person mr hu shih had told them : fighting your personal freedom is the national freedom struggle！, fighting for your free personality, is the free for the country!but today, we have forget it。when we play basketball in the school yard，when we see a film at home, what do you think？, or“we are still young？”there is have more time if so，we have given up the chance to fight freedom for yourself。a film 《a brave heart》 please fight for your dream, please order your ideals, and from the bottom of your heart , please cry out freedom.中文翻譯: 一個字，改變世界

在你的心臟底部，哭出來的自由

約4700年前，我們的祖先軒轅黃帝創建了一個新的國家，在亞洲東部，從秦統一于1911年由孫中山先生領導的革命，它一共出現了中國83個朝代。1949年，我認為這是一個特殊的年份，人們永遠也不會忘記，日本和德國已宣布失效的世界。所以，我有問題。

但在5000年，是什么讓中國的變化，in1945，是什么讓法西斯的失敗

在很長一段時間的戰爭，支持的人打暗。我認為答案應該是一種信念，一種力量，它命名為自由，自由是一種精神叫做希望的，是一個叫做電阻的自由精神。但是今天，我想知道是什么意思為我們的年輕人嗎？ 80年前，有人教年輕人：“犧牲你個人的自由是尋求免費為你的國家！”但是，然后，一個人問胡適曾告訴他們：“打你的個人自由是國家的自由而奮斗，爭取你的自由個性，是自由的國家！”，但今天，我們忘了，當我們打籃球在學校的操場，當我們在家里看電影，你覺得呢？，或“我們都還年輕嗎？”“有是有更多的時間”，如果這樣，我們有加文up the的機會為自己爭取自由。

一部電影“勇敢的心”

威廉·華萊士說：“戰斗，你可能會死，運行，你會生活。至少有一段時間。多年后死在床上，你會愿意交易從現在開始，所有的日子，去換一個機會，就一個機會回到這里，告訴你的敵人，他們可以奪走我們的生命，但他們永遠不會走我們的自由！我們還年輕，我認為世界是一個大舞臺，我們采取的階段，我們必須盡我們所能向我們展示了不管發生了什么，是的，每個人都會死，但不是每個人都真正活過。你真的生活，或你willdie獨自一人在你生命終結的..所以現在，請donnot等待，請donnot浪費了寶貴的時間。

請打你的夢想，請訂購你的理想，你的心臟底部，請大聲呼喊“自由”。篇二：關于世界和平的英語演講稿.doc 關于世界和平的演講稿

this longing is more and more intense now when i was a little boy i had a sweet dream the sky was blue the fields were green and children in my dream were singing a wonderful song of love for every boys and girls however, after i grew up, everything was gone i see on tv, in iraq and sultan, the children with ak47, cut one anothers throats the children are dying the peace is breaking the world has been seriously hurting under the war cloud.we never want to see the children in hunger.we never want to see the soldiers are fighting and old mom is crying but it is happening;the war fire is burning in more and more place of the world so what should i do? what can i do? i firmly believe i can give a helping hand to the poor people under the fire i firmly believe i can bring the real situation to the public i firmly believe i can tell the strong desire for peace to the world yes, a good wishes is really fit me.i know, it’s impossible to change our world on my own but i, but we, but all of us should try our best to make our mother earth more and more peaceful, more and more beautiful.i think everybody knows what i should do i need to train my bravery to face the blood and broken body.what’s more, studying and exercise is important, once, a successful war correspondent said: knowledge can help me understand the human’s duty, and a healthy, strong body can help me keep alive when i face the rpg and ak-47.jimmy carter once said: “war may sometimes be a necessary evil.but no matter how necessary, it is always an evil, never a good.we will not learn how to live together in peace by killing each others children” today, our mother-earth is so sad that she always gets angry with her children.so i appeal to be or not to be, it is a question.to peace or war, it isn’t any question my dream is not only to be a nobel peace prize winner but also to make our home more peaceful.thank you 翻譯：

我有一個夢，那就是成為一名在諾貝爾和平獎獲得者

這樣的渴望，隨著每分每秒的流逝，是越來越強烈，我的心靈，也越來越顫動 在我還身處無憂童年之時

我曾有一個美妙的夢

在蔚藍廣闊的天空下

是一望無涯，碧波蕩漾的桑田

孩子們，如同快樂的小鳥一般

盡情的歌唱著童謠

那是對純真友情的贊頌

是對童年友誼的贊頌

但是，夢醒了

一切，隨風遠逝了

我從電視上看到：孩子們手持ak-47，自相殘殺

孩子們身首異處

眼前盡是一片廢墟

在戰爭的陰云下

我們的地球，在戰爭的創傷中留下了數不勝數的疤痕

我們從不想去看到，無數孤苦的兒童掙扎在饑餓的苦海中

我們從不想去看到，無數年輕的士兵龍血玄黃

我們從不想去看到，蒼老的母親對著他孩子的尸首而嚎啕的悲愴

但是，戰爭的夢魘未曾離去

他們肆意蔓延，無處不在我們想捫心自問：我們能做什么？

我們能為和平鴿的展翼做些什么？

我堅信，我可以向飽受戰爭苦難的難民們伸出援助的雙手

我堅信，我可以向公眾控訴戰爭惡魔下孤兒的血淚

我堅信，我可以向告訴全世界和平是多么稀如珍寶

是的，善良和良知正在伸出雙手召喚我而我，也同樣在召喚他

我知道，僅靠我一人之力，無法改變太多

但是我，我們，我們所有人

我們應該去竭盡全力來維護我們的地球母親

不再讓她掙扎于炮火的硝煙

不再讓她煎熬于刀槍的血溪

所有的人，你應該站起來，去了解他，去支持他

我需要勇敢的去面對

面對什么？

是那鮮血淋漓的慘狀

是那殘缺不全的肢體

更重要的是

我需要學習技能與知識

我更需要鍛煉與堅持 曾經，一位著名的戰地記者說道：

知識武裝頭腦，更令我深入的了解人類所擔負的使命

而一個健壯如牛的身體，可使我幸存于rpg和ak-47的槍林彈雨中

諾貝爾和平獎獲得者吉米.卡特說過：戰爭有時是必要之惡。但無論多么必要，它始終是一個邪惡的，從來沒有一個好的。我們不會殺死對方的孩子學習如何和平相處

今天，就在今天

我們的地球母親，她只有疲憊與難過

以至于，她時常遷怒于她的子民

所以，我在此呼吁：

要或不要，有或沒有

這是一個問題

但我們究竟是迎接和平的藍天

還是需要無盡的戰火

這，毫無疑問

夢之于我，并非僅僅去成為一名戰地記者

而是，去讓地球

我們的家園，變得更加和平，寧靜

我們共同的人性比恐懼和偏見強大。上帝給了我們選擇的能力。我們選擇減輕痛苦。我們選擇和平。我們可以使現狀改變，我們必須。