第一篇：英文演講:在七十壽辰宴會上的講話

英文演講:on his seventith birtday

George Bernard Shaw

July 26, 1926

Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great

man.This is a dreadful fate to over-take anybody.There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday.But when the Labor party, my old friends the Labor party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.Now, however, we have built up a constitutional party.We have built it up on a socialistic basis.My friend, Mr.Sidney Webb, Mr.Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had got to do was to make the Socialist party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability.We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position.We oppose socialism to capitalism.According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tile country would get a job.They didn‘t contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wageafter making sure he has paid for them first.They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system.All the time they are doing it, and we are telling them it is breaking up, they don‘t understand.We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated.Our production is ridiculous.We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built.We are producing most extravagant luxuries while children starve.You have stood production on its head.Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end.We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.We are opposed to that theory.Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution.We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick.I am not al1owed to do what I like with it.I must not knock you on the head with it.We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals-government.And we say, therefore(this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don‘t think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth.I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth.It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists.We must get certain leading ideas before the people.We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income.Let it always be a question of income.I have been very happy here to night.I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection.I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that.I know the value of all tl1at, and it gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy(it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can‘t say.譯文：

在七十壽辰宴會上的講話

喬治·蕭伯納

1926年7月26日

近幾年來，公眾輿論想方設法對我發難，在一無所獲之后，又轉而把我捧為偉人。不管誰碰上這種事都是可怕的災難。現在，顯然又有人想故伎重演。因此，對于慶祝我70壽辰的活動，我完全拒絕發表任何意見。不過，當我的工黨老朋友們請我到這里來時，我知道不會有麻煩。

不管怎樣，我們現在已經建立了一個立憲黨，我們已經把它建立在社會主義的基礎之上。我和我的朋友西德尼·韋布先生及麥克唐納先生一開始就明確說過，我們必須做的就是把社會黨變成一個擁護憲法的黨，使任何可敬的、虔誠的人都能在個人尊嚴絲毫不受侵犯的情況下加入這個黨。我們革除了陳規陋習，這就是為什么比起任何持激進觀點的人來，政府目前更怕我們。

我們的立場是非常簡單明確的，我們的極大優勢在于理解自己的立場。我們用社會主義來反對資本主義。按照資本家的觀點，完全可以保證這個國家人人都能得到一份職業。他們不主張那份職業工資很高，因為如果工資很高，一個星期就可以攢下足夠的錢，下個星期就不必工作了。他們決心以僅能糊口的工資使人們始終不停地工作，而他們自己則分享著一份資本增益。

他們說，資本主義不僅為工人提供了上述保證，而且，由于確保巨額財富掌握在一個人數很少的階級手中，這些人不論愿意與否都會把錢積攢下來，并且不得不用于投資。這就是資本主義，而我們的政府卻總是妨礙資本主義。政府既不為一個人提供工作，又不讓他挨餓，而是在肯定他已經為得到救濟而先付過錢之后，給他一點救濟金。政府給資本家補助金，卻又制訂出各種破壞自己的制度的規定。政府一直在干這樣的事。我們告訴政府這是破壞，政府卻不懂。

我們在批評資本主義時說：你們的制度自公布以來，從未有哪一天信守過自己的諾言。我們的生產是荒唐的。需要建造更多的房屋時，我們卻在生產80馬力的汽車。孩子們正在挨餓時，我們卻在生產最豪華的奢侈品。你們把生產顛倒了。你們不先生產國民最需要的東西，卻反其道而行之。我們說分配已經變得絕頂荒謬，以致在我國四千七百萬人口中，只有兩個人贊成現行的分配制度——一個是諾森伯蘭公爵，另一個是班伯里勛爵。我們反對那種理論。明白無誤的社會主義理論指出，你們必須注意的問題是你們的分配我們必須由此著手，而如果私有財產妨礙公正的分配，就必須予以廢除。

掌握公共財產的人必須受到社會的制約，比如，我帶著手杖也要受社會制約。我不能拿著它隨心所欲。我不能拿它敲諸位的腦袋。我們說如果分配出了問題，一切都會出問題，包括宗教、道德、政府等等。因此，我們說（這是我們的社會主義的全部意義），我們必須從分配著手，采取一切必要的步驟。

我想我們都能銘記這一點，因為我們的任務就是要注意世界是財富的分配問題。我剛才對你們說過，現在還要對你們說，我認為在我國四千七百萬人口中，不會有兩個人，也許不會有一個人贊成現行的財富分配制度。我甚至要進一步說，你們在整個文明世界也找不出一個贊同現行財富分配制度的人。這種分配制度分配制度已經墮落為極其荒謬的東西了。

我認為，總有一天我們將能夠把自己同資本主義者區別開來。我們必須把某些指導思想公布于眾。我們必須宣布，我們所為之努力的不是陳舊的再分配觀念，而是收入再分配。我們要讓再分配始終成為一個收入問題。

今晚我在這里感到非常高興。我們今晚的主席說，你們認為我享有社會的尊敬，并頗受你們個人的喜愛。我完全理解這番褒獎。我不是一個容易動感情的人，但是這一切感動了我。我知道這一切的價值，在我年屆70的時候（人生70歲只有一次，因此我這樣說也是最后一次了），它使我能說出許許多多人不能說的話，這使我感到極大的快樂。

第二篇：『名人演講：在七十壽辰宴會上的講話(喬治·蕭伯納)』

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ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY

George Bernard Shaw

July 26, 1926

Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great man.This is a dreadful fate to over-take anybody.There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday.But when the Labor Party, my old friends the Labor Party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.Now, however, we have built up a constitutional Party.We have built it up on a socialistic basis.My friend, Mr.Sidney Webb, Mr.Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had got to do was to make the Socialist Party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability.We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position.We oppose socialism to capitalism.According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tile country would get a job.They didn't contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wageafter making sure he has paid for them first.They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system.All the time they are doing it, and we are

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telling them it is breaking up, they don't understand.We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated.Our production is ridiculous.We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built.We are producing most extravagant luxuries while children starve.You have stood production on its head.Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end.We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.We are opposed to that theory.Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution.We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick.I am not al1owed to do what I like with it.I must not knock you on the head with it.We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals-government.And we say, therefore(this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don't think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth.I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth.It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists.We must get certain leading ideas before the people.We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income.Let it always be a question of income.I have been very happy here to night.I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection.I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that.I know the value of all tl1at, and it

搶注網址： /wenkxd.htm

gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy(it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can't say.在七十壽辰宴會上的講話

喬治·蕭伯納

1926年7月26日

近幾年來，公眾輿論想方設法對我發難，在一無所獲之后，又轉而把我捧為偉人。不管誰碰上這種事都是可怕的災難。現在，顯然又有人想故伎重演。因此，對于慶祝我70壽辰的活動，我完全拒絕發表任何意見。不過，當我的工黨老朋友們請我到這里來時，我知道不會有麻煩。

不管怎樣，我們現在已經建立了一個立憲黨，我們已經把它建立在社會主義的基礎之上。我和我的朋友西德尼·韋布先生及麥克唐納先生一開始就明確說過，我們必須做的就是把社會黨變成一個擁護憲法的黨，使任何可敬的、虔誠的人都能在個人尊嚴絲毫不受侵犯的情況下加入這個黨。我們革除了陳規陋習，這就是為什么比起任何持激進觀點的人來，政府目前更怕我們。

我們的立場是非常簡單明確的，我們的極大優勢在于理解自己的立場。我們用社會主義來反對資本主義。按照資本家的觀點，完全可以保證這個國家人人都能得到一份職業。他們不主張那份職業工資很高，因為如果工資很高，一個星期就可以攢下足夠的錢，下個星期就不必工作了。他們決心以僅能糊口的工資使人們始終不停地工作，而他們自己則分享著一份資本增益。

他們說，資本主義不僅為工人提供了上述保證，而且，由于確保巨額財富掌握在一個人數很少的階級手中，這些人不論愿意與否都會把錢積攢下來，并且不得不用于投資。這就是資本主義，而我們的政府卻總是妨礙資本主義。政府既不為一個人提供工作，又不讓他挨餓，而是在肯定他已經為得到救濟而先付過錢之后，給他一點救濟金。政府給資本家補助金，卻又制訂出各種破壞自己的制度的規定。政府一直在干這樣的事。我們告訴政府這是破壞，政府卻不懂。

我們在批評資本主義時說：你們的制度自公布以來，從未有哪一天信守過自己的諾言。

搶注網址： /wenkxd.htm

我們的生產是荒唐的。需要建造更多的房屋時，我們卻在生產80馬力的汽車。孩子們正在挨餓時，我們卻在生產最豪華的奢侈品。你們把生產顛倒了。你們不先生產國民最需要的東西，卻反其道而行之。我們說分配已經變得絕頂荒謬，以致在我國四千七百萬人口中，只有兩個人贊成現行的分配制度——一個是諾森伯蘭公爵，另一個是班伯里勛爵。我們反對那種理論。明白無誤的社會主義理論指出，你們必須注意的問題是你們的分配我們必須由此著手，而如果私有財產妨礙公正的分配，就必須予以廢除。

掌握公共財產的人必須受到社會的制約，比如，我帶著手杖也要受社會制約。我不能拿著它隨心所欲。我不能拿它敲諸位的腦袋。我們說如果分配出了問題，一切都會出問題，包括宗教、道德、政府等等。因此，我們說（這是我們的社會主義的全部意義），我們必須從分配著手，采取一切必要的步驟。

我想我們都能銘記這一點，因為我們的任務就是要注意世界是財富的分配問題。我剛才對你們說過，現在還要對你們說，我認為在我國四千七百萬人口中，不會有兩個人，也許不會有一個人贊成現行的財富分配制度。我甚至要進一步說，你們在整個文明世界也找不出一個贊同現行財富分配制度的人。這種分配制度分配制度已經墮落為極其荒謬的東西了。

我認為，總有一天我們將能夠把自己同資本主義者區別開來。我們必須把某些指導思想公布于眾。我們必須宣布，我們所為之努力的不是陳舊的再分配觀念，而是收入再分配。我們要讓再分配始終成為一個收入問題。

今晚我在這里感到非常高興。我們今晚的主席說，你們認為我享有社會的尊敬，并頗受你們個人的喜愛。我完全理解這番褒獎。我不是一個容易動感情的人，但是這一切感動了我。我知道這一切的價值，在我年屆70的時候（人生70歲只有一次，因此我這樣說也是最后一次了），它使我能說出許許多多人不能說的話，這使我感到極大的快樂。

“成千上萬人瘋狂下載。。。

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洛基內部秘密英語，技巧，策略

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第三篇：在奶奶七十壽辰宴會上的致辭

奶奶七十歲生日致辭

敬愛的奶奶，尊敬的各位長輩、叔叔阿姨，親朋好友們：

大家過年好！

春秋迭易，歲月輪回，值此乙未新春的溫暖縈繞之時，我們歡聚一堂，為我的奶奶共祝七十歲壽辰。

首先請允許我代表我們全家，向各位長輩以及親朋好友的到來致以最熱烈的歡迎和最衷心的感謝！謝謝大家！（鞠躬）

七十年滄桑風雨，奶奶飽嘗了生活的酸甜苦辣，見證了世間的人生百態，與爺爺風雨同舟幾十載，費盡心血，以勤勞善良的淳樸品格和默默無聞的艱辛付出滋養著我們健康成長！

七十載蹉跎歲月，奶奶歷經了“文革”那個特殊的年代，含辛茹苦、不辭辛勞，以寬厚仁慈的處世之道和嚴愛有加的樸實家風教育著我們如何在社會中處世做人、盡孝擔當！

如今，在您無微不至的撫養教育下我們已長大成人，而歲月的皺痕卻爬上了您的額頭，將您的雙鬢染成了白霜！但千言萬語已難以敘說您對這個家的奉獻和功績！

嘉賓旨酒，笑指青山來獻壽；百歲平安，人共梅花老歲寒！請允許我代表我的父輩和孫輩們向您說一句心里話：奶奶，我們愛您，您辛苦了！請您相信，我們一定會牢記您的教誨，承繼傳統家風，以一顆感恩的心，敬長愛幼、和睦鄰里、踏實做人、奉獻社會，用自己的行動報答您的養育之恩！

最后，請您接受兒孫們最深情、溫馨的祝福：祝您福如東海長流水，壽比南山不老松！同時祝愿各位爺爺、奶奶、叔叔、阿姨，增福增壽增富貴，添光添彩添吉祥！也祝各位兄弟姐妹們工作生活快樂！

謝謝各位！

第四篇：蕭伯納在七十壽辰宴會上的講話

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ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY George Bernard Shaw July 26, 1926

喬治 蕭伯納

Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great man.This is a dreadful fate to over-take anybody.There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday.But when the Labor Party, my old friends the Labor Party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.Now, however, we have built up a constitutional Party.We have built it up on a socialistic basis.My friend, Mr.Sidney Webb, Mr.Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had got to do was to make the Socialist Party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability.We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position.We oppose socialism to capitalism.According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tile country would get a job.They didn't contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wageafter making sure he has paid for them first.They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system.All the time they are doing it, and we are telling them it is breaking up, they don't understand.We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated.Our production is ridiculous.We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built.We are producing most extravagant luxuries while 洛基國際英語

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children starve.You have stood production on its head.Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end.We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.We are opposed to that theory.Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution.We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick.I am not al1owed to do what I like with it.I must not knock you on the head with it.We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals-government.And we say, therefore(this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don't think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth.I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth.It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists.We must get certain leading ideas before the people.We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income.Let it always be a question of income.I have been very happy here to night.I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection.I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that.I know the value of all tl1at, and it gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy(it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can't say.在七十壽辰宴會上的講話

喬治?蕭伯納

1926年7月26日

近幾年來，公眾輿論想方設法對我發難，在一無所獲之后，又轉而把我捧為偉人。不管誰碰上這種事都是可怕的災難。現在，顯然又有人想故伎重演。因此，對于慶祝我70壽辰的活動，我完全拒絕發表任何意見。不過，當我的工黨老朋友們請我到這里來時，我知道不洛基國際英語

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會有麻煩。

不管怎樣，我們現在已經建立了一個立憲黨，我們已經把它建立在社會主義的基礎之上。我和我的朋友西德尼?韋布先生及麥克唐納先生一開始就明確說過，我們必須做的就是把社會黨變成一個擁護憲法的黨，使任何可敬的、虔誠的人都能在個人尊嚴絲毫不受侵犯的情況下加入這個黨。我們革除了陳規陋習，這就是為什么比起任何持激進觀點的人來，政府目前更怕我們。

我們的立場是非常簡單明確的，我們的極大優勢在于理解自己的立場。我們用社會主義來反對資本主義。

按照資本家的觀點，完全可以保證這個國家人人都能得到一份職業。他們不主張那份職業工資很高，因為如果工資很高，一個星期就可以攢下足夠的錢，下個星期就不必工作了。他們決心以僅能糊口的工資使人們始終不停地工作，而他們自己則分享著一份資本增益。

他們說，資本主義不僅為工人提供了上述保證，而且，由于確保巨額財富掌握在一個人數很少的階級手中，這些人不論愿意與否都會把錢積攢下來，并且不得不用于投資。這就是資本主義，而我們的政府卻總是妨礙資本主義。政府既不為一個人提供工作，又不讓他挨餓，而是在肯定他已經為得到救濟而先付過錢之后，給他一點救濟金。政府給資本家補助金，卻又制訂出各種破壞自己的制度的規定。政府一直在干這樣的事。我們告訴政府這是破壞，政府卻不懂。

我們在批評資本主義時說：你們的制度自公布以來，從未有哪一天信守過自己的諾言。我們的生產是荒唐的。需要建造更多的房屋時，我們卻在生產80馬力的汽車。孩子們正在挨餓時，我們卻在生產最豪華的奢侈品。你們把生產顛倒了。你們不先生產國民最需要的東西，卻反其道而行之。我們說分配已經變得絕頂荒謬，以致在我國四千七百萬人口中，只有兩個人贊成現行的分配制度——一個是諾森伯蘭公爵，另一個是班伯里勛爵。

我們反對那種理論。明白無誤的社會主義理論指出，你們必須注意的問題是你們的分配我們必須由此著手，而如果私有財產妨礙公正的分配，就必須予以廢除。

掌握公共財產的人必須受到社會的制約，比如，我帶著手杖也要受社會制約。我不能拿著它隨心所欲。我不能拿它敲諸位的腦袋。我們說如果分配出了問題，一切都會出問題，包括宗教、道德、政府等等。因此，我們說（這是我們的社會主義的全部意義），我們必須從分配著手，采取一切必要的步驟。

我想我們都能銘記這一點，因為我們的任務就是要注意世界是財富的分配問題。我剛才對你們說過，現在還要對你們說，我認為在我國四千七百萬人口中，不會有兩個人，也許不會有一個人贊成現行的財富分配制度。我甚至要進一步說，你們在整個文明世界也找不出一個贊同現行財富分配制度的人。這種分配制度分配制度已經墮落為極其荒謬的東西了。

我認為，總有一天我們將能夠把自己同資本主義者區別開來。我們必須把某些指導思想公布于眾。我們必須宣布，我們所為之努力的不是陳舊的再分配觀念，而是收入再分配。我們要讓再分配始終成為一個收入問題。

今晚我在這里感到非常高興。我們今晚的主席說，你們認為我享有社會的尊敬，并頗受你們個人的喜愛。我完全理解這番褒獎。我不是一個容易動感情的人，但是這一切感動了我。我知道這一切的價值，在我年屆70的時候（人生70歲只有一次，因此我這樣說也是最后一次了），它使我能說出許許多多人不能說的話，這使我感到極大的快樂。

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第五篇：在母親七十壽辰宴會上的祝辭

在母親七十壽辰宴會上的祝辭

親愛的媽媽：

今天是您的生日，值您老人家七十大壽之際，您的兒子、兒媳，女兒、女婿率全體孫兒女向您表示熱烈的祝賀，祝您老人家福體安康，壽比南山。

親愛的媽媽：您老人家含辛茹苦，對兒女的養育之恩，點點滴滴銘記在我們四姊妹的心間：

忘不了，當我們年幼的時候，象四只待哺的小燕子圍繞在您的身旁，您把支援榮昌當技術指導時帶回來的甜甜的甘蔗細心地剝皮后，用牙齒一點一點的咬成小塊，喂到我們四姐弟的嘴里??；

忘不了，您每周工休時回家，大盆大盆地為我們漿衣洗裳??；

忘不了，在緊張的工作之余，別人都去打麻將，您卻犧牲了多少睡眠時間，深夜在燈下為我們姐弟編織毛衣，縫補衣裳??；

忘不了，為了給美醫治手上的凍瘡，您拿膽水煮蘿卜，用自己的手沾著滾燙的膽水，給姐姐輕輕、輕輕地擦??；

忘不了，明和輝下鄉當知青的時候，您千叮嚀、萬囑咐，愛惜、呵護之情溢于言表??；

忘不了，群生急病后，您滿含熱淚，四處籌款，硬是從死神手里把妹妹的生命搶奪了回來，我們可愛的小妹妹才得以和姐姐哥哥一起成長??；

忘不了啊忘不了，您每周回家為全家人帶來的歡聲笑語：姐姐穿著您的高跟鞋假模假樣裝大人，妹妹躺在您的懷里撒嬌??，啊，有了您，我們才有一個溫暖的家。

而今，我們長大了，我們也成了父親、母親，“養兒才知父母恩”，我們現在才體會到母愛的寬容、無私和偉大。千言萬語匯成一句話：親愛的媽媽，我們愛您、愛您、深深地愛您，就像老鼠愛大米。您和爸爸的健康、長壽是我們兒女的幸福和希望，有了你們二老，我們才感覺安心和穩當，您和爸爸永遠是我們四姐弟的靠山和避風港，衷心感謝你們二老對我們四姐弟的教育和培養。

最后祝愿你們二老保重身體，幸福安康，永遠開心，永遠快樂。

永遠愛你們的兒子女兒敬上

二00五年元月二十二日