第一篇：紐約時報英文資信

南非，當曼德拉與種族隔離都成為歷史

Generation Born After Apartheid Sees Mandela?s Fight as History

南非，當曼德拉與種族隔離都成為歷史

JOHANNESBERG — Sitting in her comfortable suburban living room 45 minutes east of Johannesburg, Nokuthula Magubane, 18, was doing something close to unthinkable to older generations of black South Africans: She was affectionately praising Afrikaans.約翰內斯堡——諾庫圖拉·瑪古貝恩(Nokuthula Magubane)的家位于約翰內斯堡東部的郊區，離城里有45分鐘車程。今年18歲的她坐在家中舒適的起居室里，做了一件較年長的南非黑人幾乎無法想象的事情：她在充滿熱情地稱贊阿非利卡語(Afrikaans)。“Afrikaans is such a laid-back and beautiful language,” she said.“You can just sit back, relax, speak your Afrikaans and be happy.”

“阿非利卡語是一門松弛而美麗的語言，”她說，“就往椅背上一靠，放松，講講阿非利卡語，開開心心的。”

Mandatory instruction in Afrikaans during apartheid was one of the sparks that set off the Soweto student uprisings of 1976.Hundreds of young people, many younger than Ms.Magubane, were killed.Countless others chose to abandon education rather than receive instruction in what they considered the language of the oppressor.It was a seminal moment in the struggle against apartheid, and the day of the uprising, June 16, became national Youth Day in the new South Africa.種族隔離時代，強制教授阿非利卡語是激發起1976年索韋托(Soweto)學生運動的導火索之一。成百上千名年輕人遭到殺害，其中許多人比瑪古貝恩還年輕。還有無數人寧肯放棄學業也不愿意以他們心目中的壓迫者的語言接受教育。這是反種族隔離斗爭中開創性的時刻，起義發生那天，6月16日，成了新南非的青年節。

But to Ms.Magubane, “At the end of the day, Afrikaans is just a language.” 但在瑪古貝恩看來，“說到底，阿非利卡語也只是一門語言。”

Such feelings are common among members of Ms.Magubane?s generation, known as the born frees because they were born after the end of apartheid, or just before it ended, and are too young to have many memories of it.And while they certainly know Nelson Mandela, who died on Thursday, it is almost impossible for them to grasp what it was like to see him emerge from prison in 1990 and become president in the nation?s first fully democratic elections four years later.在瑪古貝恩這一代人中，這種感覺十分常見。這代人生于種族隔離結束之后，或即將結束之際，他們被稱為“生來自由”的一代，由于太年輕，所以對種族隔離沒有太多記憶。盡管肯定認識周四逝世的納爾遜·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)，但他們幾乎不可能領會到1990年目睹曼德拉走出監獄時，以及他在四年后成為南非首位經過全民民主選舉當選總統時的感受。The born frees make up a huge segment of the population — about 40 percent, according to census figures — and their many critics among older South Africans contend that they are apathetic and apolitical, unaware of the history of the struggle that made their lives better.生來自由的一代人在總人口中占有極大的比例，人口普查數據顯示約達40%。很多較為年長的南非人對年輕一代持批評態度，稱他們冷漠、不關心政治，不了解讓他們的生活變得更好的斗爭史。

But the born frees have another name as well — the Mandela generation — and they insist that their determination to look to the future and not the past is the greatest tribute they can pay him.但生來自由的一代也有另外一個名字：“曼德拉世代”。他們堅持認為，決心展望未來而不是回首過去，才是獻給曼德拉的最深切的禮贊。

“Yes, we were oppressed by white people;yes, it happened;yes, it hurt,” Ms.Magubane said while Mr.Mandela was still clinging to life.“But let us forgive each other so that we can move on fully and contribute fully to the South Africa we want to see in the future.”

“是的，我們受到了白人的壓迫；是的，的確發生過；而且的確很痛苦，”瑪古貝恩說，“但我們要互相寬恕，這樣才能完全地走出過去，才能全身心地為一個我們理想中的南非做出貢獻。”她接受采訪時曼德拉尚在人世。

Akhumzi Jezile, a 24-year-old producer, television personality and speaker, says the born frees are portrayed as apathetic because they do not respond with the same emotion, or in the same numbers, as the Soweto generation does during Youth Day marches and similar remembrances.今年24歲的阿庫姆齊·杰濟勒(Akhumzi Jezile)是一名制片人、電視名人和演說家。他說生來自由的一代之所以被人形容“冷漠”，是因為他們不會在青年節游行或類似的紀念慶典上有索韋托那代人那樣的反應，無論是情緒上還是人數上。

“It?s not a matter of not understanding apartheid;it?s just a matter of us having different challenges,” he said.“I think the feeling that the born frees are ignorant comes from an older generation that sees a youth that doesn?t react the way they do.But that is normal.We didn?t live it, but we have a vibrancy.We are fighting our issues.”

“并不是不理解種族隔離的問題，只是我們有了不同的挑戰，”他說，“我想，生來自由的一代很無知的感覺，來自更為年長的一代，他們看到年輕人不像他們那樣做出反應。但那是正常的，我們沒有親身經歷過那些，但是我們很活躍，我們在為我們的問題抗爭。”

He pointed to education campaigns led by young people to fight the scourges of substance abuse, crime and H.I.V.infection.他舉出的例子有年輕人引領的針對藥品濫用、犯罪和艾滋病的教育行動。

“The generation of 1976 or the generation before us had different challenges,” he said.“We cannot talk about apartheid every day forever.”

“1976年那一代人，或者我們的上一代人，有不同的挑戰，”他說，“我們不能天天談種族隔離，一直這么下去。”

Many, though certainly not all, of the born frees? attitudes differ markedly from those of older South Africans because their experiences are so sharply different.Young people, for instance, are more likely to socialize with people of another race, according to the Reconciliation Barometer, a yearly gauge of public opinion.生來自由的一代人，盡管并非全部，但有很多觀點與上一代南非人存在明顯差異，因為他們的經歷是如此的不同。例如，年度公共意見研究《和解晴雨表》(Reconciliation Barometer)顯示，年輕人更樂意與其他種族的人交際。

“It seems young people may be developing deeper relationships across historic dividing lines, beyond just interaction,” the 2012 Reconciliation Barometer reported.2012年的《和解晴雨表》報告中說，“年輕人似乎可以能跨過歷史的分界線，超越簡單的互動培養更深的關系。”

They are also less likely to have faith in political leaders, and less likely to blame apartheid for South Africa?s current economic and social inequality, according to the Reconciliation Barometer.《和解晴雨表》顯示，他們對政治領袖產生信心的可能性更低，將南非現在的經濟和社會不平等歸咎于種族隔離制度的可能性也更低。

And despite the warning from Zwelinzima Vavi, the general secretary of South Africa?s powerful confederation of trade unions, that South Africa?s young are a “ticking time bomb” because of the unemployment and poverty rates they face — twice as high as in the general population — born frees are overwhelmingly optimistic, the Barometer and other surveys have found.盡管南非影響力巨大的工會大會總書記茲維林茲馬·瓦維(Zwelinzima Vavi)警告說，南非年輕人是一顆“嘀嗒作響的定時炸彈”，他們面臨的失業率和貧困率是總人口的兩倍。但是《和解晴雨表》和其他民調都顯示，生來自由的一代人絕大多數都很樂觀。

Indeed, their generation in other countries — often known as millennials elsewhere — also tends toward optimism.的確，在其他國家，這代人的心態也傾向于樂觀——這代人在其他國家常常被稱為“新千年一代”。

Even young people from impoverished townships display a heady enthusiasm, though for many life has changed little in material terms since the end of apartheid, and unemployment is worse.盡管來自貧窮村鎮的年輕人們顯示出了令人鼓舞的熱情，但對許多人來說，自從種族隔離終結以來物質層面上生活并沒有改變多少，失業問題甚至還加重了。

“Now there are no boundaries,” said Miles Mabaane, 18, a resident of Vosloorus, southeast of Johannesburg.“We young people have the potential to come up with new strategies of how to save the country, how to do things better, how to accommodate everybody in this country.”

今年18歲的邁爾斯·瑪巴恩(Miles Mabaane)居住在約翰內斯堡東南的沃斯魯若斯(Vosloorus)。“現在沒有了界限，”他說。“我們年輕人有潛力構想出挽救國家的新戰略，構想出改進的方法，如何在一個國家里包容所有人。”

While older South Africans complain about born frees not acknowledging the past, some born frees complain about their parents? trying to hold them “captive” to it.5 較為年長的南非人不滿于生來自由的年輕人對歷史無動于衷的態度，而有些年輕人也在抱怨父母想要讓他們成為南非歷史的“奴隸”。

“We are constantly reminded of what happened directly by those who were involved in the struggle — as a means of keeping us loyal, they brainwash us by continuously reinstilling fear about what the ?white man? has done, about how much pain was caused, how much suffering their generation suffered,” wrote AkoLee, a blogger who says she was 6 in 1994, when Mr.Mandela became president.“They say we are ungrateful for not thinking the same way they do, for questioning what the ?black man? is doing.”

博客作者AkoLee寫道，“那些曾經參與斗爭的人們不斷提醒我們過去發生過什么——借此讓我們保持忠誠，他們給我們洗腦，不停地灌輸恐懼，告訴我們?白人?做了什么，造成了多大痛苦，他們這一代人承受了多少苦難。”AkoLee說，1994年曼德拉擔任總統時，她才六歲。“他們說，我們的想法和他們不一樣，質疑?黑人?做的事，這就是忘本。” One popular hip-hop artist in South Africa who goes by the name HHP — pronounced “double H P” — seemed to sum up the experiential disconnect between the generations in a song called “Harambe,” which also shows a clear appreciation for the sacrifices of the previous generations.南非著名說唱歌手HHP似乎在一首歌中總結了幾代人在經驗上的代溝，這首歌叫做《團結起來》(Harambe)，歌中明顯表達了對前幾代人所做犧牲的感謝。

“I?m not the political type,” the song says.“Not the type to fake an image for the sake of this whole consciousness type.Never been called a Kaffir before.Can?t imagine seeing 10 cops and dogs charging through my front door.Can?t say what tear gas smelled like.Can?t even imagine what a rubber bullet on your back felt like.6 歌中唱道，“我不關心政治。我不會為了別人的看法偽裝自己。我從來沒被人叫過?黑鬼?。我想象不出，十個警察和一群警犬從我家前門沖進來的樣子。我不知道催淚瓦斯什么氣味。橡皮子彈打中后背的感覺，我想都沒有想過。”

“But it?s because of you that I don?t speak Afrikaans today.I have chance today.” The song continues, “Because of you the black youth of today is emancipated.”

“但是因為你們，我今天不說阿非利卡語了。今天我有了選擇的機會。”歌中接著唱道，“因為你們，黑皮膚的年輕人如今得到了解放。”

Most black South Africans 20 years ago would not have recognized the life that Ms.Magubane leads.A third of her friends are white.She has known many of them since she started school.She calls her white choir leader “Tanni Christine,” or “Auntie Christine” in Afrikaans.若是在20年前，大多數南非黑人想象不到瑪古貝恩現在的生活。她的朋友中有三分之一是白人，其中許多一開始上學就認識了。她管合唱團的白人團長叫做“克里斯蒂娜塔尼”(Tanni Christine)，在阿非利卡語里意為“克里斯蒂娜阿姨”。

As for Mr.Mandela, she said: “We have seen his example, and now we?re going to follow it.We?re going to take it one step further into the future, and we?re going to build the South Africa that he would have loved to see.”

至于曼德拉，她說，“我們看到了他樹立的榜樣，現在我們將跟隨他的足跡。未來我們會更進一步，把南非建成他期望的樣子。”

中國患者毆打醫生事件緣何層出不窮

更新時間:2013-11-4 13:46:15 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

Chinese Doctors Becoming the Targets of Patients? Anger

中國患者毆打醫生事件緣何層出不窮

China?s hospitals are a battleground — not just for the war on illness but also for the one between physicians and their patients.中國的醫院是個戰場——不僅是對抗疾病的戰場，還是醫生和病人開仗的戰場。If that statement seems extreme, consider these data points from state-run medical organizations: 如果說這個說法顯得有些極端，不妨看看來自國家醫療機構的這些數據：

Medical staff are attacked by patients or their relatives at a rate of once every two weeks per hospital, according to the China Hospital Association, Chinese news agencies reported.據中國新聞機構報道，中國醫院協會統計表明，每家醫院平均每兩周就會發生一起病人或病人家屬襲擊醫護人員的事件。

In the last two weeks there have been at least six serious incidents, including in Guangdong Province on Oct.21, when a Dr.Xiong Xuming was left with a damaged eye and ruptured spleen after being beaten up by a patient?s relatives for refusing to allow them into the intensive care unit, and in Zhejiang Province on Oct.25, when Dr.Wang Yunjie was stabbed to death by a patient unhappy with his treatment.過去兩周，至少發生了六起惡性事件。其中一起發生在10月21日，廣東省醫生熊旭明因拒絕讓病人親屬進入特護病房而遭毆打，結果眼部受傷，脾臟破裂；另一起發生在10月25日，浙江省醫生王云杰被一名對治療不滿的患者刺死。

Since 2002, attacks have risen by an average of nearly 23 percent a year, the China Hospital Management Society said in a paper published in December in Chinese Community Doctors, a medical journal.8 中華醫院管理學會在12月發表于醫學期刊《中國社區醫生》的一篇文章中稱，自2002年以來，襲擊事件的年平均增長率達到了將近23%。

On Thursday, Prime Minister Li Keqiang addressed the issue, in a sign that the Chinese government is seriously concerned by the mounting violence.中國總理李克強周四提到了這個問題，這表明中國政府非常關心日益增加的暴力事件。Mr.Li was “paying utmost attention” to the situation and had written “important comments” requesting all government departments to take seriously the problem of conflict between doctors and patients, according to a post on the government?s official Tencent Weibo, or microblog, account.He had ordered government departments to take measures to “protect medical order,” it said.政府在官方騰訊微博發帖稱，李克強對這種狀況“十分關注”，并作出“重要批示”，要求所有政府部門重視由醫患矛盾引發的問題。他還命令政府部門采取措施，“維護醫療秩序”。The reasons for the problems in China?s health care system are, by now, well known: a widespread lack of trust in doctors and hospital administrators, the high cost of care, long waiting times and short appointments — and corruption, at every level.A public that lacks basic knowledge about medical problems and outcomes is also a factor, commentators say.中國醫療系統之所以出現這些問題，原因已經眾所周知：人們普遍對醫生和醫院管理者缺乏信任、醫療費用昂貴、等待時間漫長、預約數量有限——以及遍布各個層級的腐敗。評論人士說，公眾對醫療問題和醫療結果缺乏基礎知識也是原因之一。

But why turn to violence? One reason is illness can bankrupt a family.People who exhaust their savings on care want to see positive results and blame doctors when that?s not possible, commentators say.但是，人們為什么訴諸暴力？一個原因在于，疾病往往會使一個家庭傾家蕩產。評論人員稱，耗盡積蓄治病的人希望看到積極的結果，不能如愿就怪罪醫生。While violent incidents in major cities and well-known hospitals receive the greatest attention, the problem is actually more severe in smaller or local hospitals, said Deng Liqiang, the head of the legal department of the Chinese Medical Doctors Association, in an interview with Yanzhao Metropolitan News, based in Shijiazhuang, the capital of Hebei Province.中國醫師協會法律事務部主任鄧利強在接受 《燕趙都市報》采訪時表示，發生在主要城市及知名醫院的暴力事件受到廣泛關注，而小型或地方醫院的問題實際上更加嚴重。《燕趙都市報》是河北省會石家莊的報紙。

“It?s not hard to discover that third-tier hospitals and regional medical centers are the disaster ground for medical conflicts,” said Mr.Deng.鄧利強說，“不難發現，三級醫院、地區性中心醫院成醫療糾紛重災區。” Underfunding by the government is a major problem, Mr.Deng said.鄧利強表示，政府投資不足是主要問題。

“In the late 1980s, the state provided about 60 percent of investment in most public hospitals and then it fell from there,” the newspaper quoted him as saying.“After medical reforms, by 2009, they were providing 20 percent, and the remaining 80 percent had to be covered with revenue generated by the hospitals.”

“80年代后期，國家財政投入占大多數公立醫院全年需要費用的60%，此后逐年減少，”該報援引鄧利強的話說，“到了2009年醫改前后，占全部運營成本的20%，也就是說剩下的80%要醫院自己創收。”

While the government has made few comments on the substance of the problems in the health care system, experts say another complaint of ordinary Chinese — the concentration of good hospitals in big cities and shortage of medical services in local communities — arises because the state is reluctant to decentralize medical care, fearing the rise of poorly trained medical personnel or outright quacks.雖然政府沒有對醫保制度的問題實質發表什么意見，但專家表示，普通中國人抱怨的另一個問題——好醫院集中在大城市，地方社區缺乏醫療服務——是因為政府擔心訓練不足的醫務人員或庸醫增多，由此不愿分散醫療服務。

After the death of Dr.Wang, the Chinese Medical Doctors Association and three other professional groups issued a statement urging the government to better protect medical staff members.王云杰去世后，中國醫師協會及其他三個行業組織發表了一份聲明，敦促政府更好地保護醫務人員。

“Why are doctors being injured without cease?” it asked.“In order to save lives, doctors and patients should become friends, not enemies,” it said.聲明問道，“為什么傷醫事件屢禁不止？”聲明稱，“為了救治生命，醫患雙方應成為朋友，而不是敵人。”

Meanwhile, the central government?s National Health and Family Planning Commission has announced emergency measures: Hospitals should assign one security guard per 20 beds, and guards should account for no less than 3 percent of the total medical staff.與此同時，中央政府國家衛生和計劃生育委員會宣布了如下緊急措施：醫院應該每20張病床配備1名保安，保安人數不低于在崗醫務人員總數的3‰

36小時玩轉上海

更新時間:2013-12-5 23:37:28 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

Hours in Shanghai 36小時玩轉上海 What takes most cities eons to build, Shanghai can do overnight.Consider this: Just a decade ago, the city had four metro lines;now there are a dozen.The Jin Mao Tower was the tallest building in the neon-streaked financial center of Pudong;it has since been surpassed by the Shanghai World Financial Center and the nearly completed Shanghai Tower, which will be the second-tallest building in the world(after Dubai?s Burj Khalifa)when it?s finished next year.Still, what fascinates about this city is how little seems to have changed in the maze of lanes that have(thus far)eluded the bulldozer in the Old City or the former foreign concessions.Here, residents haggle over freshly caught fish in tiny markets or doze in lawn chairs on summer afternoons, ignoring the pounding jackhammers.Shanghai is remaking itself to become a “City of the Future,” but what?s so alluring is how much old-world character remains.大多數城市經年累月才能建成的東西，上海一夜間就能完成。想想這個：就在十年前，這座城市還只有四條地鐵線，現在它已經有了12條。在霓虹燈閃爍的金融中心浦東，金茂大廈曾是最高的大樓；而之后，它就被上海環球金融中心和幾近完工的上海中心大廈超越。明年完工后，上海中心大廈將成為世界第二高樓（僅次于迪拜的哈里發塔[Burj Khalifa]）。不過，這個城市最吸引人之處還在于，在老城區和過去的外國租界，那些錯綜復雜的小弄堂（到目前為止）躲開了推土機的煩擾，一切似乎都沒有變過。在這里，你能看到本地人在狹小的市場里為新鮮的魚討價還價，或者夏日午后在屋外的躺椅上打盹，對手提鉆機發出的響聲充耳不聞。上海正在重新將自己打造成“未來之城”，但迷人的是，這里舊世界的風貌猶存。FRIDAY 周五 3 p.m.下午3:00 1.Model City

1.城市模型

Start with an overview.Spanning the third floor of the Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center(admission 30 renminbi, or about $5 at 6 renminbi to the dollar)is a model of the city as it?s expected to look in 2020, with thousands of miniature buildings, elevated highways lined with yellow lights and streetlamps the size of toothpicks.The kitsch tour of Shanghai continues in the adjacent 360-degree projection theater, where visitors are taken on a virtual aerial tour of the city, swooping over bridges and high-speed trains as fireworks explode in the smog-free sky.It?s a paean to mass development, 21st-century Chinese style — big, brash and over the top.先看看城市概貌吧。在上海城市規劃展示館三層，是覆蓋整個樓層的上海2020年面貌的城市模型（門票30元人民幣，約合5美元），里面有成千上萬座微型建筑、兩側是有著黃色路燈的高架路，以及如牙簽大小的街燈。你可以在旁邊的360度投影影院里，繼續領略上海當下的景象，在那里觀眾會被帶入一場虛擬旅行，從空中俯瞰上海。在掠過大橋和高鐵時，煙花在沒有霧霾的晴朗天空中綻放。這是對大規模發展，以及宏大、匆促和夸張的21世紀中國風格的贊歌。4:30 p.m.下午4:30

2.Glamour Shots 2.魅力剪影

While swaths of old Shanghai have fallen, many historic buildings have been spared and refurbished in recent years, particularly around the Bund.One noteworthy project is the Rockbund Art Museum(15 renminbi), housed in an extensively renovated 1930s Art Deco building.The museum exhibits works by well-known contemporary artists like Cai Guo-Qiang and Zhang Huan and isn?t 13 afraid to take risks: One show featured live monkeys in a cage with a robotic Confucius until the government ordered the primates removed.Around the corner is Yuanmingyuan Road, a block of equally stunning turn-of-the century buildings that doubles as a catwalk for brides in red dresses preening for wedding photographers.雖然近些年來，大片舊上海建筑已被推倒，但很多歷史建筑得以保存并被翻修，尤其是外灘附近的建筑。值得一提的一項工程就是上海外灘美術館（門票15元），它位于一個上世紀30年代裝飾派藝術風格的大樓里，這座大樓經過了大面積整修。美術館并不害怕冒險，這里正展覽著蔡國強和張洹等著名當代藝術家的作品：其中的一個展品是一個機器人的孔子和一群活的猴子一起關在籠子里，直到政府要求把這些猴子弄走。街角處便是圓明園路，這個街區留存著的上世紀的建筑也同樣令人贊嘆。這里還是新娘的T型臺，她們穿著紅色的禮服，努力在婚紗照攝影師的鏡頭前顯得漂亮迷人。7 p.m.晚上7:00

3.Party Like It’s 1929 3.來派對吧，就像1929年一樣

Shanghai?s historic Bund hasn?t looked this good since No?l Coward and Charlie Chaplin were party guests in the city?s glamorous prewar years.As part of the city?s sprucing-up for the 2010 World Expo, the concession-era strip underwent a three-year restoration that moved most of the traffic underground and widened the riverside promenade to create a pleasant place to stroll in the evenings(minus the crowds).Several iconic properties have also recently returned to their former splendor.Splurge on a 500-renminbi glass of Yao Ming?s cabernet sauvignon — or a more reasonably priced bottle from the extensive wine list — on the rooftop bar at the House of Roosevelt, a neo-Classical building restored by a company run by Theodore Roosevelt?s great-grandson Tweed.Or drop by the Long Bar at the Waldorf Astoria, a 110-foot-long recreation of the original Long Bar at the former Shanghai Club, an exclusive British gentleman?s club that became a KFC in the 1990s.在上海戰前的光彩歲月，諾埃爾·科沃德(No?l Coward)和查理·卓別林(Charlie Chaplin)曾是這里的派對賓客，而自那以來，上海有著歷史意義的外灘，從沒像現在這樣美麗。作為迎接2010年世博會的城市面貌改造的一部分，這一從租界時代保留下來的狹長地帶經過了三年重修，大部分交通被轉移至地下，江邊的人行道經過拓寬，為人們在晚間散步時創造了一個更愉悅的環境（如果不考慮擁擠人群的話）。一些標志性建筑最近也重現往昔風采。在羅斯福公館的屋頂酒吧，你可以花500元，奢侈地喝上一杯姚明推出的赤霞珠葡萄酒，或者是從豐富的酒單中選一瓶價格更為適中的酒。羅斯福公館是一座新古典風格建筑，由西奧多·羅斯福(Theodore Roosevelt)的曾孫德爾·羅斯福(Tweed Roosevelt)經營的公司重新修復。你還可以到華爾道夫酒店的廊吧坐一坐，這里的吧臺長約34米，再現了過去上海總會(Shanghai Club)的廊吧。上海總會是過去駐滬英國僑民的專屬俱樂部，后來在上世紀90年代改造成一家肯德基(KFC)餐廳。8 p.m.晚上8:00

4.A Movable Feast 4.流動的盛宴

Jason Atherton is building quite a culinary empire in Asia.The Michelin-starred chef behind Pollen Street Social in London has opened six restaurants in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore since 2010, including the new Commune Social, a playful tapas restaurant where eating a meal feels more like barhopping.First, small plates of miso-grilled mackerel with wasabi avocado and cucumber chutney(88 renminbi)and oysters with Vietnamese dressing(48 renminbi each)are served at the informal tapas bar overlooking the busy kitchen.Next, diners head to the narrow, white-tiled dessert bar to watch the South African pastry chef Kim Lyle make inventive desserts like goat?s cheese, yogurt sorbet and honeycomb frozen with liquid nitrogen(55 renminbi).The last stop is the hidden cocktail bar upstairs for a PBJ(cognac, cherry brandy, peanut butter, strawberry jelly;88 renminbi), a nightcap that doubles as a midnight snack.賈森·阿瑟頓(Jason Atherton)正在亞洲建造一個餐飲帝國。自2010年起，這位米其林星級大廚、倫敦寶侖街社交場餐廳(Pollen Street Social)的老板已在上海、香港和新加坡開了六家餐廳，其中包括新開的食社(Commune Social)，這是一家有趣的西班牙小吃餐廳，在那里吃飯更像是泡吧。首先，在有著開放式廚房的隨意小吃區品嘗小碟的“味噌烤鯖魚，芥末牛油果，黃瓜酸辣醬”（88元）、牡蠣佐越式甜辣醬（每只48元）。接下來再轉移到鑲著白色瓷磚的狹窄的甜品區，在那里欣賞餅房總廚金萊爾(Kim Lyle)制作別出心裁的甜點，比如“羊酪，酸奶冰糕，（液氮冷凍）的蜂巢糖”（55元）。最后再到二樓有些隱蔽的雞尾酒吧，享用一杯花生兄愛果醬妹（干邑、櫻桃白蘭地、花生醬和草莓果醬，88元），睡前喝這一杯也可以算作午夜的小零食。SATURDAY 周六 10 a.m.上午10：00 5.Powerful Art 5.震撼的藝術

Shanghai could never be criticized for lack of ambition.Not content with being merely a financial hub, the city has been on a museum building spree in recent years to establish itself as a global arts center, too.One of the more promising institutions is the Power Station of Art, which opened last October in a late 19th-century power plant that was renovated for the 2010 Expo.With its industrial feel and focus on modern art, the museum feels similar to the Tate Modern, and it?s already hosted several major exhibitions, including the Shanghai Biennale and the largest collection of Andy Warhol?s art in Asia(though the Mao Zedong portraits were left out for obvious reasons).After checking out the art, take in the view of the barges chugging lazily up the Huangpu River from the expansive fifth-floor deck.上海永遠不會被批判缺乏抱負。這座城市不滿足只當一個金融中心，近幾年一直在大舉修建博物館，要將自己打造成一個全球藝術中心。其中頗有發展前景的機構之一便是上海當代藝術博物館。這家博物館于去年10月開放，在一個為2010年世博會翻新的19世紀末電廠的基礎上建成。這座頗具工業特色的博物館將重點放在當代藝術上，感覺有些像泰特現代美術館(Tate Modern)，而且它已經辦過幾個大型展覽，包括上海雙年展以及亞洲最大的安迪·沃霍爾(Andy Warhol)作品回顧展（盡管由于顯而易見的原因，那幅毛澤東的畫像沒能參展）。參觀完藝術作品后，可以到空間開闊的五樓咖啡廳，看駁船在黃浦江上轟隆隆地緩慢前行。Noon 中午

6.Healthful Eats 6.健康飲食

In response to China?s mounting food safety concerns, many local restaurants are now taking a healthier approach to cooking, such as Jian Guo 328, which prides itself on using only high-quality cooking oil, filtered water and no MSG.(The Taiwanese owner also bans smoking.)Menu standouts are all Shanghainese favorites: cong you ban mian(noodles in scallion oil;18 renminbi), xie fen dou fu(custard-like tofu with flakes of crab and crab roe;32 renminbi)and shi zi tou mian(a giant pork meatball in noodle soup;28 17 renminbi).Not only is the food deliciously authentic, it?s much lighter than other local joints.為了回應中國日益加劇的食品安全擔憂，本地許多餐館現在對烹飪有了更健康的態度，建國328小館就是一個例子。這家餐館引以為豪的是，只使用高質量的烹飪用油和純凈水，而且不使用味精。（來自臺灣的老板還禁止在店里抽煙。）菜單上出彩的菜品都是上海特色：蔥油拌面（18元）、蟹粉豆腐（32元）、獅子頭面（28元）。這里的食物美味又正宗，也比本地的其他食肆更清淡。2 p.m.下午2:00

7.Designer District 7.設計區

With its charming villas and bohemian vibe, the former French Concession has become a magnet for artists and designers opening boutiques.Dong Liang Studio is the place to find rising fashion talents, such as Christopher Bu, the stylist for the Chinese “it” girl Fan Bingbing.At Brut Cake, Nicole Teng makes tote bags and upholstered furniture using old Chinese fabrics.Down the street, stop at the Japanese designer Mayumi Sato?s shop for women?s clothes of brightly patterned organic cottons, silks and vintage kimono fabrics;and Piling Palang for Deng Bingbing?s exquisite ceramic and cloisonné pieces.這里有迷人的別墅和波西米亞的氛圍，過去的法租界現在已經成了藝術家和設計師開設精品店的熱門場所。在棟梁工作室，你能找到正在冉冉升起的時尚人才，比如中國當紅女星范冰冰的造型師卜柯文(Christopher Bu)。Brut Cake的鄧乃瑄(Nicole Teng)使用中國老式的織物制作手提袋和軟墊家具。繼續沿著街走，就會與日本設計師Mayumi Sato的女裝店鋪相遇。這里的衣物圖案明亮，采用有機的棉、絲面料，以及復古的和服面料。在Piling Palang，能觸摸到鄧兵兵精致的陶瓷作品和景泰藍物件。

4 p.m.下午4:00

8.Dancing With the Retirees 8.與退休老人共舞

When you?re all shopped out, a respite awaits on the other side of the former French Concession in Fuxing Park, where elderly Shanghainese come for gossip — and a bit of a show.Old men in Mao jackets chain-smoke and play cards on park benches, drawing hordes of onlookers, while small troupes of musicians gather in hidden corners to sing Peking opera classics.The main attraction, however, happens beneath the towering plane trees in the center of the park where well-dressed couples show off their best ballroom dancing moves to syrupy Chinese love songs.購物過后，在前法租界對面的復興公園可以休憩片刻。上海的老人們常常來這里閑談，有時也展示一下自己。身穿中山裝的老先生們坐在公園的長凳上，一邊打牌，一邊一根接一根地抽煙，吸引了很多人前來圍觀。小群小群的票友躲藏在角落里唱京劇。而最吸引人的景象，就發生在公園中間高高的法國梧桐樹下。在那里，一對對衣著考究的舞者，和著婉轉的中文情歌翩翩起舞。7:30 p.m.下午7:30

9.Cinematic Cuisine 9.電影一般的餐廳

If the 1960s Hong Kong diner décor at Cha?s Restaurant looks like a movie set, that?s because it is.Well, sort of.Charlie Hau, a Hong Kong movie producer, opened a traditional cha chaan teng(tea restaurant)in Shanghai after struggling to find authentic Cantonese food while shooting the Ang Lee film “Lust, Caution.” Mr.Hau?s cinematic expertise ensured that every detail was perfect, from the leather-backed booths and 1960s china patterns to a menu that includes Hong Kong staples like poached chicken in soy sauce(60 renminbi for a half-bird)and pineapple buns(8 renminbi).Cha?s has become a hit with the Hong Kong diaspora, as well as trendy young Shanghainese with dyed hair and high-tops, so be prepared for a wait.如果說查餐廳(Cha?s Restaurant)里，上世紀60年代風情的香港餐廳裝潢讓它看起來像是一處拍電影的片場，那是因為它的確是，或者說基本上是。香港的電影制片人侯杰輝(Charlie Hau)在參與拍攝李安(Ang Lee)的電影《色，戒》時，在尋找正宗的粵式菜品方面歷盡艱辛，于是干脆自己在上海自己開了一家傳統的茶餐廳。侯杰輝在電影業的專業知識，確保從皮質靠背的座椅，到上世紀60年代的瓷器花紋等每個細節都完美無瑕。菜單上囊括了主打的港式菜品，如玫瑰豉油雞（60元半只）和菠蘿包（8元）。查餐廳不僅在旅居上海的香港人中很受歡迎，在染著各色頭發腳穿高幫帆布鞋的時髦上海青年中也很受歡迎，所以要做好等位的心理準備。10:30 p.m.晚上10:30

10.Spanish Speakeasy 10.西班牙小酒館

Shanghai?s cocktail scene has become highly competitive in recent years, with a constantly revolving door of new speakeasy-style bars and enterprising mixologists.One bar, however, has separated itself from the pack: the Barcelona native Willy Trullás Moreno?s El Cóctel, which combines Spanish-style décor(leather ottomans, exposed brick walls, a floral ceiling design by a Barcelona artist)with one of the most colorful drinks menus in town(the Late Night Tale, 84 renminbi, for instance, is made with Tennessee whisky, Canadian maple syrup, coffee — and a side of insomnia).For a night spot with more bounce, pull up a stool outside one of the shoe-box bars on Yongkang Road — a former vegetable market that has become a raucous bar street popular with the fixed-gear-bike-riding expat community.上海主打雞尾酒的酒吧近幾年來競爭十分激烈，一家又一家地下風格的酒吧開了又關，調酒師也總是換來換去。然而有一家酒吧卻卓爾不群，那就是巴塞羅那人威利·特魯拉斯·莫雷諾(Willy Trullás Moreno)開的El Cóctel。這家店既有西班牙式的裝潢（皮革腳凳、裸露的磚墻，以及一位巴塞羅那藝術家設計的花紋天花板），又有滬上最異彩紛呈的酒單，例如84元一杯的“深夜故事”(Late Night Tale)，內含田納西威士忌、加拿大楓糖、咖啡，還要再加上一點點失眠。如果你在夜晚想找一個更熱鬧的所在，不如到永康路去，在鞋盒一樣狹窄的酒吧外，坐在高凳上啜飲。這里曾經是一個菜市場，但現在已經成了喧鬧的酒吧街，派駐上海的外國人中總喜歡騎著死飛在這里穿梭。SUNDAY 周日

10:30 a.m.上午10:30

11.Sidewalk Snacks 11.路邊小吃

Breakfast in China is best enjoyed on the street, still piping hot from the wok or steamer.The only difficulty is deciphering a Chinese menu.UnTour Shanghai(untourshanghai.com), a street culinary tour company, simplifies the process by doing the ordering for you.The Dumplings Delights tour(400 renminbi)spans the breadth of China, from cabbage-filled jiao zi eaten in wintry northeastern China to delicate shrimp almond pastries from southern China and, of course, Shanghai?s famous xiao long bao(soup dumplings)— all in a two-square-block area.Fortunately, there?s enough walking between stops to justify such gluttony, though in anything-goes Shanghai, you?ll need little excuse.中國的早餐最好在剛出鍋或出籠時，熱騰騰地在街頭享用。唯一的困難是搞不明白中文的菜單寫的是什么。帶你品嘗街頭美食的旅游公司UnTour上海游(untourshanghai.com)，可以幫你點單，簡化這個過程。“包餡小吃”(Dumpling Dlights)之旅（400元）可以在方圓兩個路口的范圍內，讓你嘗到中國各地的美味小點，既有來自寒風凜冽的中國東北的白菜餡餃子，又有南方精致的杏仁蝦球，當然更少不了大名鼎鼎的上海小籠包。幸運的是，每一餐之間行走的距離足夠遠，完全有理由大快朵頤。不過在無所不有的上海，你根本不需要什么借口。THE DETAILS 詳細地址

1.Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center, 100 Renmin Avenue;supec.org.1.上海城市規劃展示館，人民大道100號；supec.org。

2.Rockbund Art Museum, 20 Huqiu Road;rockbundartmuseum.org.2.上海外灘美術館，虎丘路20號；rockbundartmuseum.org。

3.House of Roosevelt, 27 East Zhongshan First Road;27bund.com.Waldorf Astoria, 2 East Zhongshan First Road;www.tmdps.cn.5.上海當代藝術博物館，花園港路200號；powerstationofart.org。6.Jian Guo 328, 328 West Jianguo Road, 86-21-6471-3819.6.建國328小館，建國西路328號，86-21-6471-3819。

7.Dong Liang Studio, 184 Fumin Road, 86-21-3469-6926.Brut Cake, 232 Anfu Road, brutcake.com.Mayumi Sato, 169 Anfu Road;mayumisato.com.Piling Palang, 183 Anfu Road.7.棟梁工作室，富民路184號，86-21-3469-6926。Brut Cake，安福路232號；brutcake.com。Mayumi Sato，安福路169號；mayumisato.com。Piling Palang，安福路183號。

8.Fuxing Park, 2 Gaolan Road.8.復興公園，皋蘭路2號。

9.Cha?s Restaurant, 30 Sinan Road;86-21-6093-2062.9.查餐廳，思南路30號，86-21-6093-2062。10.El Cóctel, 47 Yongfu Road, el-coctel.com.10.El Cóctel，永福路47號；el-coctel.com。

11.Dumplings Delights tour, UnTour Shanghai;untourshanghai.com.11.包餡小吃之旅，UnTour上海游；untourshanghai.com。

中國向防空識別區派遣戰機

更新時間:2013-11-29 12:09:36 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

China Sends Jets Into ?Air Defense? Zone After Flights by Japan and South Korea 中國向防空識別區派遣戰機

TOKYO — China sent fighter jets into its newly declared air defense zone Thursday on what state media called the country?s first air patrol since it claimed control of the airspace.The announcement came hours after Japan and South Korea sent their own military planes into the airspace over the East China Sea, testing China?s resolve to enforce its declaration.東京——本周四，中國向新宣告劃設的防空識別區派遣了戰機，中國官方媒體稱，這是中國自宣布控制識別區空域以來的首次空中巡邏行動。前述消息出爐幾小時以前，日本和韓國把自己的軍機派入了東海防空識別區，以此測試中國兌現防空識別區宣言的決心。

The announcement of the flights came just days after unarmed American B-52 bombers flew through the same zone in defiance of China.Beijing later said that it had monitored the American bombers but had chosen not to take action even though the planes did not tell the Chinese they were coming, as the government now demands.中方發布飛行公告的幾天之前，兩架未攜帶武器的美國B-52轟炸機剛剛無視中國的規定飛越了同一空域。中方后來表示，已對美國轟炸機進行監視，但卻決定不采取任何行動，盡管美方飛機無視中國政府目前的要求，沒有通知中國它們要來。

On Thursday, the top Japanese government spokesman, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, said that the Chinese had not been notified of the Japanese flights, and reported that China did not scramble its fighter jets to intercept the planes.周四，日本政府首席發言人、內閣官房長官菅義偉(Yoshihide Suga)表示，日本的飛行沒有通知中方。他還通報說，中國沒有緊急起飛戰機攔截日方飛機。

The South Korean government announced that it, too, had flown aircraft through the zone, on Wednesday, without alerting Beijing, a flight Chinese officials said they had monitored.The South Korean plane was a surveillance aircraft, the South Korean government said.韓國政府宣布，本周三，本國也在未知會中方的情況下派出飛機飛越了識別區。中國官員說，他們監視了韓方的此次飛行。韓國政府表示，韓國派出的是一架偵察機。

Like Japan, South Korea claims sovereignty over territory in the zone, but enjoys warmer ties with Beijing than Japan does.和日本一樣，韓國聲稱對識別區內的部分領土擁有主權，不過，韓國與中國的關系好于日本與中國的關系。

Japan did not specify how many patrols had flown through the zone or when the flights were made.日本沒有具體說明在該區域進行了多少次巡邏飛行，也沒有說明這些飛行是什么時候進行的。

Japan, the United States and South Korea have all refused to recognize the air zone, which includes the airspace above disputed islands, known as the Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in Chinese.The islands are administered by Japan, but also claimed by China.日本、美國和韓國都拒絕承認前述防空識別區。該識別區包括一些爭議島嶼上方的空域。這些島嶼在日本被叫做尖閣諸島，在中國被叫做釣魚島，目前處于日本的管轄之下，但中國也聲稱擁有其主權。

When China declared the zone on Saturday, it said that it would police the airspace with military aircraft, a move that raised the specter of Japanese and Chinese fighter jets intercepting each other.The move drew immediate criticism 25 from both Japan and the United States, which is obligated by treaty to defend Japan from attack.上周六宣布劃設該識別區時，中國表示會用軍用飛機管轄相關空域，此舉讓人們擔心，中日兩國的戰斗機會進行相互攔截。這一舉動立即遭到了日本和美國的指責。根據條約，美國有義務保護日本免受攻擊。

China?s failure so far to enforce the zone appears to support the view of some Japanese officials that the declaration of control was part of a broader, long-term strategy to try to pry the islands out of Japan?s grip.China has been doing this by sending coast guard ships around the islands, dispatching patrol aircraft and now claiming the airspace above — all steps, Japanese officials say, aimed at proving that China has just as much legal basis as Japan to claim that it administers the islands.中國迄今未執行為該區域制定的相關規定，這似乎佐證了部分日本官員的觀點，他們認為，宣稱擁有該空域的控制權是一項更廣泛的長期戰略的一部分，目的是嘗試從日本手中奪取那些島嶼。中國一直在這么做，方法是往那些島嶼周邊派遣海監船和巡邏機，現在又聲稱自己有權控制島嶼上方的空域。日本官員稱，所有這些步驟都是為了證明，中國擁有和日本一樣充分的法律依據，可以聲稱自己管轄著相關島嶼。

烏克蘭國會否決不信任案，示威者占領政府大樓

更新時間:2013-12-4 21:53:23 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

Ukraine Protests Persist as Bid to Oust Government Fails 烏克蘭國會否決不信任案，示威者占領政府大樓

KIEV, Ukraine — Refusing to grant a central demand of protesters who have laid siege to public buildings and occupied a landmark plaza in this rattled capital, the Ukrainian Parliament on Tuesday defeated a measure calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov and his government.26 烏克蘭基輔——周二，烏克蘭國會拒絕滿足示威民眾的主要訴求，推翻了一項要求總理米克拉·阿扎羅夫(Mykola Azarov)和他領導的政府辭職的議案。連日來，示威者將政府建筑團團圍住，還在為緊張氣氛所籠罩的首都占據了一座地標性大廈。

The failure of the no-confidence vote pushed the battle for the future of Ukraine back onto the streets, where demonstrators and political opposition leaders allied with them say they would not relent until they succeeded in removing the government, including President Viktor F.Yanukovich.不信任案在投票中未能獲得通過，從而再一次將關涉烏克蘭未來的斗爭推回了街頭。街頭的示威者，以及與示威者立場一致的反對派政治領袖都宣稱，不推翻包括總統維克多·F·亞努科維奇(Viktor F.Yanukovich)的現政府，就絕不罷休。

“Our demand is impeachment of the president and dismissal of the government,” said Oleksiy Ivannikov, 35, a construction engineer who was in a crowd of protesters with his friends.“I see no compromises here,” Mr.Ivannikov said.“How long should we go on compromising?”

今年35歲的建筑工程師奧列克西·伊萬尼科夫(Oleksiy Ivannikov)和朋友們加入了示威的人群。他說，“我們的要求是彈劾總統，解散政府。”伊萬尼科夫還說，“這一點沒有妥協的余地，我們到底還要妥協多久？”

In response to Parliament?s refusal to act, demonstrators — who have already blockaded the Cabinet of Ministers building and seized City Hall — said they intended to close off access to the headquarters of the presidential administration, which is heavily guarded by riot police officers.They also plan to try to cordon off Parliament in a bid to paralyze the legislative and executive branches of government.示威者已經在烏克蘭內閣部長大樓前設置了路障，并占領了市政府。他們表示，為了回應國會拒絕行動的決定，打算阻斷通往總統府的交通，而那里現有大量防暴警察把守。為了讓政府的立法和行政分支陷于癱瘓，他們還計劃封鎖國會。Leaders of the protest movement, a loose coalition the three main political opposition parties, civic organizations and student groups, said they were digging in for a long fight.示威運動的領導者表示，他們會堅決地開展長期斗爭。示威運動是由三個主要的反對派政黨、公民組織，以及學生團體組成的松散聯盟發起的。

Since the start of demonstrations on Nov.22, many protesters, especially students, have been skeptical that elected officials would answer their demands, which were a response to Mr.Yanukovich?s decision not to sign far-reaching political and trade agreements with the European Union that had been in the works for years.自從11月22日示威開始以來，許多示威者，尤其是學生，都懷疑民選的官員不會回應他們的訴求。人們之所以發動游行示威，是因為亞努科維奇決定，不與歐洲聯盟簽署影響深遠的政治和貿易協議，盡管這些協議的制定過程已經持續了很多年。

Public anger deepened over brutal tactics used by riot police officers against protesters in Independence Square early Saturday — a display of violence that roused a march and rally by hundreds of thousands of people in Kiev on Sunday, and thousands more in cities around the country.周六早上，由于防暴警察在基輔獨立廣場使用粗暴手法對付示威者，公眾的憤怒情緒進一步升級。警察暴力促使數十萬人周日在基輔舉行游行和集會，在烏克蘭其他城市也有成千上萬人參加了游行。

In a speech to Parliament before Tuesday?s vote, Mr.Azarov once again apologized for the police violence on Saturday and said that an investigation was underway that would hold those responsible accountable.But he also warned that the authorities would answer any violence.28 周二國會表決前，阿扎羅夫在國會發言時，再一次為警察周六采取暴力手段進行了道歉，并表示正在開展調查，會對責任人予以懲戒。但他也警告，官方也會對示威者的暴力行為予以回應。

“We are ready to discuss with peaceful manifestations all conditions of our agreements,” the prime minister said, as opposition lawmakers in the chamber pounded their desks and rendered him nearly inaudible with chants of “Resignation!Resignation!”

“我們樂于與和平的示威者討論協議里的所有條件，”阿扎羅夫說。此時國會里的反對派議員拍著桌子高呼“辭職！辭職！”完全蓋住了阿扎羅夫發言的音量。

“We will give you a hand,” Mr.Azarov said.“If we see a fist, we have enough force.”

“我們會向你們表達善意，”阿扎羅夫說，“可是如果我們看到有人動一個拳頭，我們可是有足夠的武力。”

The prime minister seemed to be suggesting new talks between the Ukrainian government and European leaders.But while European leaders say they remain open to signing the accords if Ukraine meets previously agreed-upon conditions, like an overhaul of its justice system, they are not willing to renegotiate.烏克蘭總理似乎是在說，烏克蘭政府要與歐盟領導人開展新的談判。盡管歐盟領導人表示，如果烏克蘭滿足過去達成一致的條件，如改革該國司法體系，歐盟仍然愿意簽約，但是他們并不愿意重新談判。

“The European Union is ready to discuss aspects of implementation of the agreement already initialed but not to reopen any kind of negotiations,” said Maja Kocijancic, a spokeswoman for the European Union?s foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton.29 歐盟外交政策負責人凱瑟琳·阿什頓(Catherine Ashton)的發言人瑪雅·科斯亞奇克(Maja Kocijancic)說，“歐盟樂于就執行已經簽署的協議，討論各方面的問題，但是不會重新開展任何談判，”

And in a signal of American unhappiness with Ukraine?s decision to distance itself from the European Union, Secretary of State John Kerry skipped a long-anticipated visit to Kiev that was to follow a meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Brussels.為了表示美國對烏克蘭疏遠歐洲的決定感到不滿，美國國務卿約翰·克里(John Kerry)參加完在比利時布魯塞爾舉行的北約(NATO)外長會議后，略過了人們期待已久的一次基輔之行。

Instead, Mr.Kerry on Wednesday will visit Moldova, a small nation that has pursued closer ties with the European Union in the face of intense pressure from Moscow.周三，克里將訪問摩爾多瓦。這個小國面對著俄羅斯的強烈壓力，仍在尋求與歐盟建立更緊密的聯系。

Mr.Kerry on Tuesday urged the Ukrainian government to “listen to the voices of its people” who favor closer ties with the union.He said Ukrainians should be allowed to make their own choice without “a bidding war.”

周二，克里敦促烏克蘭政府“傾聽民眾的心聲”，他們希望與歐盟建立更緊密的關系。他說，應當允許烏克蘭民眾自己做出選擇，而不必進行一場“競價大戰”。

Mr.Yanukovich, however, has effectively shut the door to new talks over the agreements.In the days since he refused to sign them at a summit meeting in Vilnius, Lithuania, last week, he has turned forcefully toward Russia, which had exerted heavy pressure on him to derail the accords.30 然而亞努科維奇實際上關閉了就協議開展新談判的可能性。上周他在立陶宛維爾紐斯舉行的一場峰會上拒絕簽署協議，之后他已經堅定地轉向了俄羅斯。俄羅斯向他施加了極大的壓力，阻撓與歐盟的協議。

In an interview with Ukrainian television on Monday evening, Mr.Yanukovich said that he would begin working to extend a strategic partnership agreement first executed with Russia in 1997, and that he was close to securing lower natural gas prices from Russia.On Tuesday, officials said Russia had agreed to defer Ukraine?s payments for natural gas for several months.周一晚上，在接受烏克蘭電視采訪時，亞努科維奇說，他將著手擴大跟俄羅斯之間的一個戰略合作伙伴協議，該協議最初生效是在1997年，他還說，以較低價格從俄羅斯獲得天然氣的協商即將成功。周二，官員們說，俄羅斯已同意讓烏克蘭拖延支付天然氣款項數個月。European leaders have said they would not participate in three-way negotiations with Russia, as Mr.Yanukovich has proposed.歐洲的領導者已經表示，他們不會參加亞努科維奇提出的跟俄羅斯進行的三方談判。On Tuesday, as Mr.Yanukovich flew to China to attend business development meetings, opposition lawmakers continued to call for his ouster.周二，當亞努科維奇飛赴中國參加商業發展會議時，反對派議員繼續要求他下臺。“We demand the resignation of the government, the president and the minister of internal affairs,” Arseniy P.Yatsenyuk, the leader of the opposition Fatherland coalition, said in Parliament.“我們要求政府、總統和內政部長下臺，”反對黨祖國聯盟(Fatherland coalition)的領導人阿爾謝尼·P·亞采紐克(Arseniy P.Yatsenyuk)在國會說。

Thousands of protesters, many of whom have remained in the city center since the huge rally, marched to the Parliament building, which was shielded by lines of buses and deep columns of riot police officers.數千名示威者游行到了被公交車和多層防暴警察團團保護的國會大廈，他們中很多人都是在大集會后滯留在市中心的民眾。

Opposition lawmakers said they now expected the action to shift onto the street.反對派議員說，現在他們會把行動轉移到街頭。

“Street politics were always in the forefront,” said Yuri Levchenko, a member of Parliament with the nationalist Svoboda party.“In this environment, they will stay that way.”

“街頭一向都是政治活動的前沿陣地，”民族主義黨派斯沃博達黨(Svoboda)的國會議員尤里·列夫琴科(Yuri Levchenko)說。“在這種情況下，他們會繼續在街頭活動。” The organizers are using a strategy akin to a spreading ink blot, letting the crowds of giddy young men and women spill across an ever-broadening area of central Kiev, occupying the country?s most important political landscape.On Independence Square, protesters huddle around drum fires, play guitars and claim the pavement as their own, clearly confident that momentum is on their side.組織者正在采用一個類似于“延展墨漬”(spreading ink blot)的策略，讓一群群惹眼的年輕男女不斷在基輔中心擴大活動范圍，占領該國最重要的政治地形。在獨立廣場上，示威者們擠在火堆邊彈吉他，并占據了人行道。很顯然，他們堅信自己在勢頭上占了上風。“The last couple of days have shown we are able to increase our area of control,” Mr.Levchenko said.32 “過去幾天的情況已經表明，我們可以擴大我們控制的范圍。”列夫琴科說。

烏茲別克總統家族現激烈權力內斗

更新時間:2013-11-25 11:17:09 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

A Brutal Feud Emerges in Uzbekistan?s Fractured First Family

烏茲別克總統家族現激烈權力內斗

MOSCOW — Truth be told, Gulnara Karimova, the eldest daughter of the strongman leader of Uzbekistan, never did seem particularly well qualified to succeed her father at the head of their impoverished and troubled Central Asian nation.莫斯科——說實話，烏茲別克斯坦鐵腕領導人的大女兒古爾娜拉·卡里莫娃(Gulnara Karimova)好像一向都不是特別適合接替她父親，領導這個貧窮且問題叢生的中亞國家。A gregarious socialite, she had a clothing line and recorded pop songs under a stage name, Googoosha, while Uzbekistan?s cotton-based economy languished and the government forced students into the fields once a year to bring in the harvest for almost no pay.作為一個熱衷社交的社會名流，她有自己的服裝品牌，還以谷谷莎(Googoosha)為藝名錄制流行歌曲，然而，烏茲別克斯坦以棉花為基礎的經濟停滯不前，政府每年都會把學生趕到田地里一次，強迫他們收割，卻基本上不付報酬。

But Ms.Karimova?s standing has taken a big hit lately amid an escalating family power struggle after her father, President Islam Karimov, apparently allowed reports to circulate on the normally firewalled Internet that he had beaten her in a fit of rage.但近來，在一場日漸升級的家族權力斗爭中，她的地位受到了打擊，目前在互聯網上流傳著她的父親伊斯蘭·卡里莫夫(Islam Karimov)在盛怒之下打了她的報道。在這個一向會給互聯網加設防火墻的國家里，這么做顯然是受到了卡里莫夫的許可。

“Karimov first slapped her on the face and then really started to beat Gulnara,” the account claimed, attributed to a security service insider and published late last month on the website of the opposition People?s Movement of Uzbekistan.“卡里莫夫先是扇了古爾娜拉一耳光，后來真的開始打她，”該報道稱。報道上月底出現在反對派烏茲別克斯坦人民運動(People?s Movement of Uzbekistan)的網站上，并稱消息來源是一名負責安保的內部人士。

Over the two decades of his rule, Mr.Karimov has expelled nearly all foreign journalists and aid workers, so that reporting on the country tends to be fragmentary and based on uncertain sources of information.But drawing on a mix of Twitter messages, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, scattered Western news reports and Uznews and other opposition websites, it seems clear that a vicious and potentially destabilizing feud has broken out inside the ruling family.在統治烏茲別克斯坦的二十多年里，卡里莫夫趕走了幾乎所有外國記者和援助人員，有關該國的報道因此往往是零碎的，依據的也是不確定的信源。但綜合Twitter上的信息、自由歐洲電臺/自由電臺(Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty)的消息、零星的西方新聞報道、《烏茲別克斯坦新聞》(Uznews)和其他反對派網站上的新聞，統治家族內部看來的確爆發了一場劇烈的、可能會影響穩定的爭端。

Even as the family conflict has played out like a Hollywood scandal, its implications are serious for millions of people and for the United States military?s exit plans from Afghanistan, which shares a border with Uzbekistan.盡管這起家族爭端的上演像是一場好萊塢丑聞，但卻和千千萬萬的民眾息息相關，對于要從與烏茲別克斯坦接壤的阿富汗撤軍的美國而言，這起爭端也有重大影響。

Uzbekistan is Central Asia?s most populous country, but institutions are weak and the possibilities for violence are many.As with most authoritarian states nearing a transition in leadership, the succession bears with it the risks of bloodshed, betrayal within the elite and even civil unrest.34 烏茲別克斯坦是中亞人口最多的國家，但制度薄弱，發生暴力的可能性很大。和大部分即將面臨權力交接的獨裁國家一樣，該國的權力交接也伴隨著流血、上層社會內部的背叛乃至社會**的風險。

Over his more than two decades as president, Mr.Karimov, 75, has presided over one of the world?s most repressive governments, and abuse is rife.Even by the standards of former Soviet countries, Uzbekistan is progressing poorly.在擔任總統的二十多年里，現年75歲的卡里莫夫領導的政府是全世界最專制的政府之一，濫用職權的現象隨處可見。即便以前蘇聯國家的標準來看，烏茲別克斯坦也進步甚少。On Oct.28, for example, Human Rights Watch submitted a report to the United Nations Committee Against Torture outlining a litany of egregious abuses, including one case in which a secret police agent used a rolled-up newspaper lighted on fire to burn a man?s genitals during an interrogation.比如，人權觀察組織(Human Rights Watch)10月28日向聯合國禁止酷刑委員會(United Nations Committee Against Torture)提交的一份報告概述了一系列驚人的虐待事件，在其中一個案例中，一名秘密警察在審訊期間用一卷點燃的報紙去燒一名男子的生殖器。According to the Uzbek Constitution, if the president dies, the speaker of the Senate becomes president.But former Soviet states are not always bound by legal norms, and if the intensity of the Karimovs? internecine battles are any indication, they are not planning on answering to the speaker anytime soon.根據烏茲別克憲法，如果總統去世，將由參議院議長接任總統一職。但前蘇聯國家不見得會接受法律準則的約束，因此，如果卡里莫夫家族的激烈內斗說明了什么，那就是，他們暫時沒有搭理參議院議長的打算。

Since the summer, Mr.Karimov?s government has closed a half-dozen television channels and radio stations that constituted the crown jewels of Ms.Karimova?s media empire, ostensibly for license violations.The authorities in Uzbekistan 35 opened official inquiries into her charitable foundations and apparently froze some of her bank accounts.從夏季開始，卡里莫夫政府已經關閉了大約6家電視臺和廣播電臺，表面理由是它們違反了許可證的規定。這些電視臺和廣播電臺正是卡里莫娃媒體帝國中最顯要的那部分。烏茲別克斯坦當局還對她的慈善基金會啟動了官方調查，而且看來還凍結了她的部分銀行賬戶。For her part, Ms.Karimova, 41, on Instagram and Twitter has accused her younger sister, Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva, and her mother, Tatiana Karimova, of practicing witchcraft.41歲的卡里莫娃則在Instagram和Twitter上指責她的妹妹蘿拉·卡里莫娃-迪利亞耶娃(Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva)和母親塔蒂阿娜·卡里莫娃(Tatiana Karimova)在使巫術。The mother and father are separated, Uzbek dissident websites report.A cousin has been arrested for involvement in organized crime.And Ms.Karimova says her father?s police officers arrested her bodyguards.據烏茲別克異見人士網站的報道，她們的父母已經分居。一個表親因涉嫌有組織犯罪被逮捕。卡里莫娃說她父親的警察逮捕了她的保鏢。

“Only a small number of people inside the country really understand the state of play,” Scott Horton, a lecturer at Columbia Law School and a specialist on Central Asia, said in a telephone interview.Of Ms.Karimova, he said, “What is obvious is there has been a change in her position.”

“在這個國家里，只有很少幾個人真正知道此事的內情，”哥倫比亞法學院(Columbia Law School)講師、中亞問題專家斯科特·霍爾頓(Scott Horton)在一次電話采訪中說。對于卡里莫娃，他說，“她的地位發生了變化，這一點是明確的。”

Ms.Karimova-Tillyaeva, the younger sister, who is 35, told the BBC that her older sister should forget about becoming president of Uzbekistan because her 36 odds of succeeding their father were minuscule.She then went on to dismiss Ms.Karimova as “different.”

妹妹卡里莫娃-迪利亞耶娃現年35歲，她對BBC說，她的姐姐不應該再惦記著當烏茲別克斯坦總統的事，因為她繼承父業的機會微乎其微。而后她又不屑地說，卡里莫娃這個人“與眾不同”。

In a conservative Muslim country, she has a point.Platinum blonde and divorced, Ms.Karimova has made a music video, “Dare How,” in which she runs her hands over her body and sings, “She looks fine but she has 100 things on her mind.”

在這個保守的穆斯林國家，她的話不無道理。一頭鉑金發的卡里莫娃離了婚，還拍過一個音樂視頻《膽大妄為》(Dare How)，她在里面用雙手撫摸著自己的身體，唱道：“她看起來一切如常，心里卻有萬千思緒。”

By contrast, Ms.Karimova-Tillyaeva is dark-haired, demure, married and, by all appearances, now the apple of her father?s eye.相比之下，黑發的卡里莫娃-迪利亞耶娃儀態端莊，已婚，種種跡象都表明她現在是其父的掌上明珠。

Ms.Karimova?s troubles at home follow setbacks abroad, contributing to an overall picture of the unraveling of the career of a coddled descendant of an authoritarian ruler.在國內遇到這些麻煩之前，卡里莫娃在國外也不順利，愈發讓人覺得她就是一個被寵壞的獨裁者后代，其事業正在土崩瓦解。

She was banned from showing her label, Guli, at New York Fashion Week in 2011 because rights groups said her father?s government used child slave labor to harvest the cotton used in fabric in her clothes.37 2011年紐約時裝周上，她的品牌Guli被禁止舉辦秀展，因為有人權組織說，她的衣服所使用的布料來自其父政府奴役童工所采摘的棉花。

This year, it was widely reported in Sweden that prosecutors there had accused Ms.Karimova of accepting a bribe of about $340 million from TeliaSonera, the largest telecommunications company in Sweden, in exchange for access to the Uzbek cellphone market.TeliaSonera has denied wrongdoing.今年，瑞典檢察官對卡里莫娃發起指控一事在瑞典國內被廣泛報道，她被控的罪名是收受來自瑞典最大電信公司TeliaSonera的賄賂，這筆約3.4億美元的賄賂的目的是獲得進入烏茲別克手機市場的機會。該公司已經否認存在不當行為。

Some analysts suggest that the family fight is partly a ruse to underscore distinctions between assets in Ms.Karimova?s name and other family holdings in Europe, lest investigators broaden their inquiry to the rest of the family.有分析人士提出，這場家族內斗在一定程度上也許是一個計謀，為的是給卡里莫娃名下的資產和家族在歐洲持有的其他資產劃清界限，以免調查人員將調查范圍擴大到家族其他成員。After her younger sister?s interview on the BBC, Ms.Karimova called her a witch.“The other part of the family destroys and is friends with sorcerers,” she wrote in a post on Instagram.在妹妹接受BBC采訪后，卡里莫娃稱她是個巫婆。“家里其他人搞破壞，與巫師為伍，”她在Instagram上寫道。

Ms.Karimova then wrote on Twitter that her father?s secret police had arrested and were torturing her bodyguards.卡里莫娃隨后在Twitter上寫道，她父親的秘密警察逮捕并拷打了她的保鏢。

“An officer was seriously beaten up,” she wrote on the Twitter account widely believed to be hers because she has posted on it unpublished photographs of herself doing yoga.“Last time, ribs were broken.”

這個Twitter賬號被廣泛認為的確屬于她本人，因為她曾經通過這個賬號發布此前未曾發布過的照片，顯示她在做瑜伽。她寫道：“一位官員遭到嚴重的毆打。上次，肋骨都被打斷了。” With Ms.Karimova now apparently out of contention, the succession in Uzbekistan has narrowed to two insiders, a prime minister and a deputy prime minister, while the National Security Service chief, Rustam Inoyatov, is trying to assert a role as kingmaker.如今卡里莫娃看似已經退出角逐，烏茲別克斯坦繼承人之爭只剩下兩位內部人士，分別是總理和副總理，而國家安全局(National Security Service)局長魯斯塔姆·伊諾亞托夫(Rustam Inoyatov)則嘗試在事關候選人的決策上占據一席之地。

Far from showing that the president is weak, some analysts of Central Asia say, the family fight left Mr.Karimov appearing as strong as ever.許多中亞分析人士認為，這次家族內斗非但沒有讓總統顯得軟弱，反而讓他的形象前所未有地強大起來。

“Gulnara is probably the person Karimov loves most because she looks like him and is very smart,” said one Western official who has met both father and daughter.“But he is capable of turning on his daughter.He is not the only one on earth that fits in that category.But he is certainly in that category.” “卡里莫夫可能最喜歡古爾娜拉，因為她長得像他，又很聰明，”一位和父女兩人都見過面的西方國家官員稱。“但他是會去攻擊自己的女兒的人。世上能這么干的人不只他一個。但他無疑屬于其中之一。”

泰國反政府示威者闖入財政部大樓

更新時間:2013-11-26 12:58:30 來源:本站原創 作者:佚名

Bangkok Protesters Raid Finance Ministry Compound 泰國反政府示威者闖入財政部大樓

Anti-government protesters raided the compound of Thailand?s Finance Ministry and entered the grounds of the Foreign Ministry on Monday in the latest escalation of a long-running battle between supporters and opponents of Thaksin Shinawatra, the billionaire former prime minister whose party has a commanding majority in Parliament and determined opponents in Bangkok.泰國反政府抗議者周一占領了財政部，并進入了外交部大院，這是前富豪總理他信·西那瓦(Thaksin Shinawatra)的支持者與反對者之間長期斗爭的最近一次升級，他信所在黨派在議會中占壓倒性多數席位，但曼谷也有其堅定的反對者。

Tens of thousands of protesters, who on Sunday staged one of Thailand?s largest demonstrations in years, split into a dozen groups early on Monday and marched through Bangkok chanting “Get out!” — apparently in reference to Mr.Thaksin?s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, the current prime minister, and to others in Mr.Thaksin?s circle.成千上萬的抗議者在周日發動了泰國近年來最大的一起抗議活動，周一早些時候抗議者分成幾組，喊著“滾出去！”的口號在曼谷市游行，這一口號明顯針對的是他信的妹妹、現任總理英拉·西那瓦(Yingluck Shinawatra)和他信圈內的其他人。

The takeover of the Finance Ministry recalled previous protests against Mr.Thaksin and his allies in 2008, when demonstrators occupied and shut down the prime minister?s office and Bangkok?s main international airport.這次占領財政部讓人回想起2008年針對他信及其盟友的抗議活動，當時游行抗議者占領并關閉了總理辦公室以及曼谷最大的國際機場。

Suthep Thaugsuban, a former deputy prime minister who is one of the leaders of the protest, led the takeover of the Finance Ministry on Monday, shouting instructions to protesters from atop a large truck.前副總理、抗議活動領導人之一素貼·特素班(Suthep Thaugsuban)領導了周一占領財政部的行動，他站在一輛大卡車上向抗議者喊著命令。

“Everyone get in the building!” Mr.Suthep said as his supporters blew ear-piercing whistles.The protesters eventually turned off the ministry?s electricity after he urged them to do so, “so that the police will not receive their daily allowance.”

素貼喊道：“大家都進去！”他的支持者吹著刺耳的口哨。最后，抗議者在他的敦促下切斷了財政部的電源，“這樣警察就拿不到他們的每日津貼了。”

By late afternoon, protesters could be seen napping and snacking in two of the ministry?s conference rooms.By evening, they were starting to camp out in the courtyard.Riot police officers have been deployed in Bangkok for several weeks, but no officers were visible in the compound.到下午晚些時候，能看到抗議者在財政部的兩個會議室里睡覺和吃東西。晚上，他們開始在財政部的院子里扎營。雖然防爆警察已經部署在曼谷好幾周了，但在財政部院子里沒看到有警察。

Mr.Suthep said protesters had chosen to occupy the Finance Ministry because it is at the heart of the government.素貼說，抗議者選擇占領財政部是因為這里是政府的心臟。

“From now on, this government can no longer transfer money,” he said.“Not a single coin will be used by the Thaksin regime anymore.”

他說：“從現在起，這個政府不能再轉移資金。他信統治集團將再也動用不了一分錢。”

Later in the day, other protesters had also reached the grounds of the Foreign Ministry but had not entered the main building.There were also plans to stay overnight in the Foreign Ministry?s courtyard, organizers said.當天晚些時候，其他抗議者也到達了外交部的院子，但沒有進入主樓。抗議組織者說，也有在外交部院里過夜的計劃。

Mr.Suthep has not detailed specific goals for the protest, but he has said he would not be satisfied by the dissolution of Parliament or by the resignation of members of the government led by Ms.Yingluck.素貼還沒有給出這次抗議活動的具體目標，但他說，他不會滿足于解散議會或是英拉領導的政府成員辭職。

“We will not stop fighting until the Thaksin regime is entirely eradicated from Thailand,” he told the crowd on Sunday.他在周日對一群人說：“在他信統治集團被徹底清除出泰國之前，我們不會罷休。” Mr.Thaksin, who has lived overseas since a conviction for abuse of power in 2008, maintains strong support in the populous northern and northeastern provinces of Thailand.Many analysts, including some of his opponents, say his party, Pheu Thai, would most likely win again if fresh elections were called.他信曾在2008年被判犯有濫用職權罪，之后他一直住在國外，但在泰國人口眾多的北部和東北部的邦中，他信的支持率依然很高。包括一些他信的反對者在內的很多分析人士認為，如果舉行新的大選，他信的泰黨(Pheu Thai)很可能會再次獲勝。

Mr.Thaksin?s opponents say they are concerned that he has accumulated too much power in Thailand and are angry that he appears to be making policy decisions from abroad.42 他信的反對者說，他們擔心他信在泰國積累了過多的權力，而且他們對他似乎從海外制定國內政策表示憤怒。

The current protests began several weeks ago, in what proved to be a successful effort to force the government to withdraw a wide-reaching amnesty bill that would have eased Mr.Thaksin?s return to Thailand.But to the chagrin of some business associations in the country, which fear economic fallout from the protests, the demonstrations have continued despite the amnesty bill?s defeat.這次抗議活動從幾周前就已開始，并已經成功地迫使政府撤回一項廣泛的赦免法案，該法案會讓他信回國變得更加容易。但是，讓一些泰國商業協會感到懊惱的是，雖然赦免法案已被擊敗，但示威活動仍在繼續，商業組織擔心抗議活動可能給泰國經濟帶來的影響。Independent analysts have criticized what they say appears to be an open-ended protest.“The protest leaders need to clarify their demands,” Yuttaporn Issarachai, the dean of political science at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University, said Monday on Thai television.獨立分析人士對此提出批評，他們稱這似乎是一場無止境的抗議。素可泰塔馬提拉開放大學(Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University)政治學系教授尤塔彭·伊薩拉扎(Yuttaporn Issarachai)周一在泰國電視臺上說：“抗議活動的領導人需要明確提出他們的要求。”

Mr.Yuttaporn said he worried about the possibility of clashes between rival protesters.Thousands of government supporters have gathered at a sports stadium in Bangkok.尤塔彭說，他擔心敵對的抗議者之間會發生沖突。成千上萬的政府支持者已經聚集在曼谷一家體育場內。

Mr.Thaksin, who was prime minister from 2001 until the military removed him from power in a coup d'état in 2006, cemented his support in the northern rural areas through policies such as universal health care and microloans to villagers.他信從2001年開始擔任總理，直到2006年發生軍事政變將他推下臺，在執政期間，他用諸如全民醫療和給村民提供小額貸款等做法，在北部的農村地區鞏固了自己得到的支持。Ms.Yingluck has continued to put populist policies in place in her two and a half years in power.Some of those programs have come at great cost to the country?s finances.News services reported Monday that the government was having trouble finding enough buyers for 75 billion baht, or $2.3 billion, in bonds that it needs to sell to finance a program that pays farmers well above market price for rice.英拉上臺兩年半以來，一直在繼續推行這些民粹主義政策。其中一些項目已經成為泰國財政的巨大負擔。新聞媒體周一報道稱，政府正在為一筆約23億美元（約合140億元人民幣）的債券找到足夠多的買家發愁，政府需要這筆錢為一個以遠高于市價收購農民大米的項目提供資金。

第二篇：資信證明 英文

資信證明英文

No.Dateofissue：(mm/dd/yyyy)

To(hereinaftercalledtheRecipient):

(hereinaftercalledtheClient)entrustsourbank(hereinaftercalledtheBank)toissuethiscreditreference(hereinaftercalledtheReference)for.Situationhasbeenconfirmedasfollowing：

TheClientholds(a)settlementaccount(s)withtheBank.From(mm/dd/yyyy)to(mm/dd/yyyy),theClientheldno/somepast-dueloan(s)orunpaidinterest(s)owedtotheBank,hadno/somebadrecord(s)intheaspectofcapitalsettlementduringthecooperationwiththeBank,andperformedwell/badlyinthethecompliancewiththeregulationsregardingsettlement.ThestatementsoftheBank:

1.TheBankshallonlyberesponsiblefortheaccuracyofClient’srecordwiththeBankintermsofloanandinterestrepayment,capitalsettlementandthecompliancewiththeregulationsregardingsettlementduringtheperiodasindicatedhereninabove.TheBankshallnotberesponsibleforanychangesarisingbeforeandaftertheperiodasindicatedintheReference.2.TheReferenceisnullandvoidforanyotherpurpose,exceptthosestatedhereinabove.TheReferenceshallnotbetransferred,norbeuesedforguarantee,financingoranyotherpurpose.3.TheReferenceistheoriginalone,limitedtobesenttotheRecipientanditshallbeinvaliduponbeingalteredandduplicated.TheBankshallholdnolegalresponsibilityfortheconsequencearisingfromtheapplicationoftheReferencebytheClientandtheRecipient.4.TheReferenceshalltakeeffectupontheexecutionbyundertakerorauthorizedrepresentativeoftheBankwiththebanksealaffixed

5.ThisReferenceiswritteninChineseandEnglish.IntheeventofanydiscrepancybetweentheChineseandEnglishversion,theChineseversionshallprevail.6.TheReferenceshallbegovernedbythelawsofpeople’sRepublicofChina.7.TheReferenceissubjecttotheinterpretationoftheBank.ChinaConstructionBank,(Branch/Sub-branch/Department).(BankSeal)

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第三篇：個人資信證明英文

個人資信證明英文人資信證明業務是指我行為客戶出具中英文對照的資信證明書，如實證明其在我行的金融資產數量及與我行業務往來情況(包括存款、購買理財產品、基金、保險、賬戶黃金/實物黃金、貸款、信用卡等)的業務。資信證明書是對個人資金實力、信用狀況、資金往來情況的有力客觀證明。

我行可出具的個人資信證明內容包括:個人存款(含憑證式/儲蓄式國債)證明、個人存款發生額證明、個人購買記賬式國債證明、個人購買本外幣理財產品證明、個人購買本外幣理財產品證明交易記錄證明、個人購買基金證明、個人購買保險證明、個人購買賬戶黃金/實物黃金證明、個人貸款證明、個人信用卡守信證明、個人信用卡信用額度證明以及個人客戶在我行辦理的其他業務證明。個人資信證明內容包括:個人存款(含憑證式/儲蓄式國債)證明、個人存款發生額證明、個人購買記賬式國債證明、個人購買本外幣理財產品證明、個人購買本外幣理財產品證明交易記錄證明、個人購買基金證明、個人購買保險證明、個人購買賬戶黃金/實物黃金證明、個人貸款證明、個人信用卡守信證明、個人信用卡信用額度證明以及個人客戶在銀行辦理的其他業務證明。ACCOUNT OF CREDIT 日期：2000年8月20日 August 20，2000 中華人民共和國重慶工商管理局 中國，重慶

People's Republic of China Chongqing Commercial and Industrial Administration Chongqing，China 關于：美國國際出口有限公司資信證明

Re： Account of American International Export Credit 編號 NO.：

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茲證明美國國際出口有限公司總裁約克·J·史密斯先生在商業銀行開立有數個賬戶。正式商務賬戶于1997年9月開立，金融市場賬戶于1999年8月開立。先在敝銀行的全部存款余額為883，360.00美元。Please be advised that Mr.York J.Smith，President of American International Export Co.，Ltd.has established several accounts with Commerce Bank.The regular busineaccount was established in September 1997 and the money market account was established in this August 1999.The total balance of deposit at our bank for both accounts is US$833，360.00 其賬戶信譽一貫良好。

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第五篇：紐約時報：War Horse《戰馬》影評

Innocence Is Trampled, but a Bond Endures

By A.O.SCOTT

Published: December 22, 2011

There is no combat in the early scenes of “War Horse,” Steven Spielberg’s sweeping adaptation of the popular stage spectacle, but the film opens with a cinematic assault as audacious and unsparing as the Normandy landing in “Saving Private Ryan.” With widescreen, pastoral vistas dappled in golden sunlight and washed in music(by John Williams)that is somehow both grand and folksy, Mr.Spielberg lays siege to your cynicism, bombarding you with strong and simple appeals to feeling.You may find yourself resisting this sentimental pageant of early-20th-century rural English life, replete with verdant fields, muddy tweeds and damp turnips, but my strong advice is to surrender.Allow your sped-up, modern, movie-going metabolism, accelerated by a diet of frantic digital confections — including Mr.Spielberg’s just-released “Adventures of Tintin” — to calm down a bit.Suppress your instinctive impatience, quiet the snarky voice in your head and allow yourself to recall, or perhaps to discover, the deep pleasures of sincerity.If you can fake that, the old Hollywood adage goes, you’ve got it made.But while “War Horse” is, like so many of Mr.Spielberg’s films, a work of supreme artifice, it is also a self-conscious attempt to revive and pay tribute to a glorious tradition of honest, emotionally direct storytelling.Shot the old-fashioned way, on actual film stock(the cinematographer is Mr.Spielberg’s frequent collaborator Janusz Kaminski), the picture has a dark, velvety luster capable of imparting a measure of movie-palace magic to the impersonal cavern of your local multiplex.The story, in its early chapters, also takes you back to an older — you may well say cornier — style of entertainment.Joey, the fleet-footed, headstrong half-Thoroughbred of the title, is purchased at auction by Ted Narracott(Peter Mullan), a proud and grouchy Devon farmer with a tendency to drink too much.His household includes a loving, scolding wife, Rosie(Emily Watson);a cantankerous goose;and a strapping lad named Albert(Jeremy Irvine), who forms an immediate and unbreakable bond with Joey.The teenage boy trains the horse to pull a plow and together they ride through the stunning scenery.But this pastoral is darkened by memories of war — Ted fought the Boers in South Africa, an experience so terrible he cannot speak of it to his son — and by social divisions.The Narracotts are tenant farmers at the mercy of their landlord(David Thewlis), and if “War Horse” pays tribute to solid British virtues of decency and discipline it also, like a Thomas Hardy novel, exposes the snobbery and economic oppression that are, if anything, even more deeply rooted in that nation’s history.So it is not entirely a simpler, more innocent world that is swept away by the war but rather a way of life whose contradictions are as emphatically presented as its charms.And what follows, as Joey is taken across the English Channel to the battlefields and trenches of Flanders and France, is a nightmare of cruelty that is not without its own sinister magic.Like most movies with an antiwar message, “War Horse” cannot help but be enthralled by the epic scale and transformative power of military conflict.“The war has taken everything from everyone” — the truth of this reckoning, uttered more than once by characters on screen, is self-evident, but it is complicated by the visceral charge and cathartic relief that an effective war movie gives to its audience.The extreme violence of the slaughter in World War I is implied rather than graphically depicted.Mr.Spielberg steps back from the bloody, chaotic naturalism of “Saving Private Ryan” — this is an animal fable for children, after all, with echoes of “E.T.” and Carroll Ballard’s “Black Stallion” — but his ability to infuse action sequences with emotional gravity has hardly diminished.An early battle scene dramatizes the modernization of warfare with remarkable and haunting efficiency.A British cavalry unit attacks a German encampment, charging through the enemy ranks with swords in what appears to be a clean and devastating rout.But then, at the edge of the field, the German machine guns begin to fire, and the British horses crash into the forest, suddenly riderless and instantly obsolete.Joey, who of course never sought out heroism in the first place, is relegated to a life of brutal labor that seems fated to end in an ignoble death.He is kept alive by instinct, human kindness and the companionship of a regal black horse named Topthorn.Joey’s episodic journey takes him from British to German hands and back again, with a sojourn on a French farm owned by an elderly jam-maker(Niels Arestrup)and his young granddaughter(Celine Buckens).Albert, meanwhile, makes his own way to the war, and his and Joey’s parallel experiences — harrowing escapes, the loss of friends, the terror and deprivation brightened by flickers of tenderness or high spirits — give the story texture and momentum, as well as giving Mr.Spielberg an opportunity to show off, once again, his unmatched skill at cross-cutting.(The large cast, mostly British and almost entirely male, acquits itself admirably, with a few moments of maudlin overacting and many more of heartbreaking understatement.)

Mr.Spielberg and the screenwriters, Lee Hall and Richard Curtis, have wisely avoided attempting to reproduce the atmosphere and effects of the stage production, in which Joey and the other horses are portrayed by huge puppets.He prefers to translate the tale, which originates in a novel by Michael Morpurgo, into a fully cinematic idiom.And “War Horse” turns out to have a central Spielbergian theme — perhaps the dominant idea in this director’s body of work — namely the fraught and fascinating relationship between the human and the nonhuman.What do they — sharks, horses, aliens, dinosaurs, intelligent machines — mean to us? What are we supposed to do with them? The boundary can be hard to maintain: sometimes, as in “E.T.” and “A.I.,” nonhuman beings are virtually impossible to distinguish from humans;at other times, as in “Amistad” and “Schindler’s List,” self-evidently human beings are denied that status.Sometimes the nonhuman is a threat, at other times a comfort, but it always presents a profound ethical challenge based in a stark existential mystery: Who are we?

Mr.Spielberg’s answers to this question tend to be hopeful, and his taste for happy, or at least redemptive endings is frequently criticized.But his ruthless optimism, while it has helped to make him an enormously successful showman, is also crucial to his identity as an artist, and is more complicated than many of his detractors realize.“War Horse” registers the loss and horror of a gruesomely irrational episode in history, a convulsion that can still seem like an invitation to despair.To refuse that, to choose compassion and consolation, requires a measure of obstinacy, a muscular and brutish willfulness that is also an authentic kind of grace.“War Horse” is rated PG-13(Parents strongly cautioned).The violence is intense and upsetting, though not especially gory by present-day standards.WAR HORSE

Directed by Steven Spielberg;written by Lee Hall and Richard Curtis, based on the novel by Michael Morpurgo;director of photography, Janusz Kaminski;edited by Michael Kahn;music by John Williams;production design by Rick Carter;costumes by Joanna Johnston;visual-effects supervisor, Ben Morris;produced by Mr.Spielberg and Kathleen Kennedy;released by DreamWorks Pictures and Walt Disney Studios Motion Pictures.Running time: 2 hours 26 minutes.WITH: Emily Watson(Rosie Narracott), David Thewlis(Lyons), Peter Mullan(Ted Narracott), Niels Arestrup(Grandfather), Tom Hiddleston(Captain Nicholls), Jeremy Irvine(Albert Narracott), Benedict Cumberbatch(Major Stewart), Toby Kebbell(Geordie Soldier), Celine Buckens(Emilie), Rainer Bock(Brandt)and Patrick Kennedy(Lieutenant Waverly).