第一篇：林肯總統的就職演講

林肯總統的就職演講

First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.“

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up“ their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible.The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government.And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.The Government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.【中文譯文】：

永久聯邦與總統權力

亞伯拉罕-林肯

第一次就職演講

星期一,1861年3月4日

我今天正式宣誓時，并沒有保留意見，也無意以任何苛刻的標準來解釋憲法和法律，盡管我不想具體指明國會通過的哪些法案是適合施行的?但我確實要建議，所有的人，不論處于官方還是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被廢止的法令，這比泰然自若地認為其中某個法案是違背憲法的而去觸犯它，要穩當得多。

自從第一任總統根據我國憲法就職以來已經72年了。在此期間，有15位十分杰出的公民相繼主持了政府的行政部門。他們在許多艱難險阻中履行職責，大致說來都很成功。然而，雖有這樣的先例，我現在開始擔任這個按憲法規定任期只有短暫4年的同一職務時，卻處在巨大而特殊的困難之下。聯邦的分裂，在此以前只是一種威脅，現在卻已成為可怕的行動。

從一般法律和憲法角度來考慮，我認為由各州組成的聯邦是永久性的。在合國政府的根本法中，永久性即使沒有明確規定，也是不盲而喻的。我們有把握說，從來沒有哪個正規政府在自己的組織法中列入一項要結束自己執政的條款。繼續執行我國憲法明文規定的條款，聯邦就將永遠存在，毀滅聯邦是辦不到的，除非采取憲法本身未予規定的某種行動。再者：假如合眾國不是名副其實的政府，而只是具有契約性質的各州的聯盟，那么，作為一種契約，這個聯盟能夠毫無爭議地由緯約各方中的少數加以取消嗎？締約的一方可以違約——也可以說毀約——但是，合法地廢止契約難道不需要締約各方全都同意嗎？從這些一般原則在下推，我們認為，從法律上來說，聯邦是永久性的這一主張已經為聯邦本身的歷史所證實。聯邦的歷史比憲法長久得多。事實上，它在1774年就根據《聯合條款》組成了。1776年，《獨立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持續下來。1778年《邦聯條款》使聯邦愈趨成熟，當時的13個州都信誓旦旦地明確保證聯邦應該永存，最后，1787年制定憲法時所宣市的日標之一就是“建設更完善的聯邦”。

但是，如果聯邦竟能由一個州或幾個州按照法律加以取消的話，那么聯邦就不如制憲前完善了，因為它喪失了永久性這個重要因素。

根據這些觀點，任何一個州都不能只憑自己的動儀就能合法地脫離聯邦；凡為此目的而作出的決議和法令在法律上都是無效的，任何一個州或幾個州反對合眾國當局的暴力行動都應根據憎況視為叛亂或革命。因此，我認為，根據憲法和法律，聯邦是不容分裂的；我將按憲法本身明確授予我的權限，就自己能力所及，使聯邦法律得以在各州忠實執行。我認為這僅僅是我份內的職責，我將以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美國人民，不給予我必要的手段，或以權威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下會把這看作是一種威脅，而只看作是聯邦已宣布過的目標：它將按照憲法保衛和維護它自身。

以自然條件而言，我們是不能分開的，我們無法把各個地區彼此挪開，也無法在彼此之間筑起一堵無法逾越的墻垣。夫妻可以離婚，不再見面，互不接觸，但是我們國家的各個地區就不可能那樣做。它們仍得面對面地相處，它們之間還得有或者友好或者敵對的交往。那么，分開之后的交往是否可能比分開之前更有好處，更令人滿意呢？外人之間訂立條約難道還比朋友之間制定法律容易嗎？外人之間執行條約難道還比朋友之間執行法律忠實嗎？假定你們進行戰爭?你們不可能永遠打下去；在雙方損失慘重，任何一方都得不到好處之后，你們就會停止戰斗，那時你們還會遇到諸如交往條件之類的老問題。

總統的一切權力來自人民，但人民沒有授權給他為各州的分離規定條件。如果人民有此意愿，那他們可以這樣做，而作為總統來說，則不可能這樣做。他的責任是管理交給他的這一屆政府，井將它完整地移交給他的繼任者。

為什么我們不能對人民所具有的最高的公正抱有堅韌的信念呢？世界上還有比這更好或一樣好的希望嗎？在我何日前的分歧中，難道雙方都缺乏相信自己正確的信心嗎？如果萬國全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正義支持你北方這一邊，或者支持你南方這一邊，那么，那種真理和那種正義必將通過美國人民這個偉大法庭的裁決而取得勝利。

就是這些美國人民，通過我們現有的政府結構，明智地只給他們的公仆很小的權力，使他們不能力害作惡，并且同樣明智地每隔很短的時間就把那小小的權力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，無論怎樣作惡和愚蠢的執政人員都不能在短短4年的任期內十分嚴重地損害政府。我的同胞們，大家平靜而認真地思考整個這一問題吧。任何寶貴的東西都下會因為從容對待而喪失，假使有一個目標火急地催促你們中隨便哪一位采取一個措施，而你決不能不慌不忙，那么那個目標會因從容對待而落空；但是，任何好的目標是不會因為從容對待而落空的，你們現在感到不滿意的人仍然有著原來的、完好元損的憲法，而且，在敏感問題上，你們有著自己根據這部憲法制定的各項法律；而新的一屆政府即使想改變這兩種情況，也沒有直接的權力那樣做。那些不滿意的人在這場爭論中即使被承認是站在正確的一邊，也沒有一點正當理由采取魯莽的行動。理智、愛國精神、基行教義以及對從不拋棄這片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，這些仍然能以最好的方式來解決我們目前的一切困難。不滿意的同胞們，內戰這個重大問題的關鍵掌握在你們手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不會對你們發動攻擊。你們不當挑釁者，就下會面臨沖突。你們沒有對天發誓要毀滅政府，而我卻要立下最莊嚴的誓言：“堅守、維護和捍衛合眾國憲法。”我不愿意就此結束演說。我們不是敵人，而是朋友。我們一定不要成為敵人。盡管情緒緊張，也決不應割斷我們之間的感情紐帶。記憶的神秘琴弦，從每一個戰場和愛國志上的墳墓伸向這片廣闊土地上的每一顆跳動的心和家庭，必將再度被我們善良的夭性所撥響，那時就會高奏起聯邦大團結的樂章。

第二篇：林肯就職演講（定稿）

一根根不可思議的回憶之弦，從每個戰場和每個愛國志士的墳墓，伸展到這片遼闊土地上每一顆充滿活力的心房和每一個家庭，只要我們本性中的善念再度，而且一定會，加以撥動，它們終會重新奏出響亮的聯邦協奏曲。

在1860年的總統選舉中，民主黨內的南北分裂，為林肯和共和黨的勝利掃清了道路。雖然林肯被挑選出來作候選人，部分是由于他有溫和主義者的名聲，但是南方人還是警告說，如果林肯獲勝，他們將脫離聯邦。無論在南方還是北方，林肯的當選都被看作是對奴隸制和奴隸主政治權力的排斥。就在林肯當選之后，美國七個州(南卡羅來納、密西西比、佛羅里達、亞拉巴馬、喬治亞、路易斯安那、得克薩斯)脫離了聯邦，并于1861年2月4日，在亞拉巴馬州的蒙哥馬利組成美國南部邦聯。幾 周后，國會提出了一項在美國禁止奴隸制的憲法修正案。(這項修正案于1865年被批準為第十三修正案。)

1861年3月4日，林肯在華盛頓特區國會大廈前的臺階上宣誓就職時，向處于分裂和內戰邊沿的國民發表演說。他呼吁理智和冷靜。他的演說是為維護聯邦和避免戰爭所作的最后一次努力。不過，林肯明確表示，聯邦將保衛自己，脫離聯邦是不合法的，以暴力反對聯邦政府將被看作是叛亂。林肯的祈求沒有人聽。南方邦聯的軍隊于1861年4月12日炮擊南卡羅來納州查爾斯頓的薩姆特堡，內戰由此開始。在薩姆特堡陷落之后，維吉尼亞州、阿肯色州、北卡羅來納州和田納西州都加入了美國南部邦聯。

??在南方各州的人民中似乎存在著一種憂慮，即由共和黨執政，他們的財產、安定的生活和個人安全將會遭到危險。這種憂慮從來就沒有任何理由。說實在的，無須憂慮的最充足的證據一直都是客觀存在的，而且公開接受他們檢查。這可以在這位現在向你們致辭的人的幾乎所有發表過的演講里找到。我現在僅引用那些演說辭中的一篇來聲明：

我無意直接或間接地在有蓄奴制的州里干預蓄奴制度。我相信我沒有這樣做的合法權利，而且我也沒有這樣做的意愿。??

自從一位總統依照國家憲法第一次就職以來已經過了72年。72年里，15位出類拔萃的公民相繼管理了這個政府的行政部門。他們領導這個政府經歷了許多危險，而且一般都取得很大成功。可是。盡管有這種先例，我卻是在巨大而特別困難的情況下，擔負起同樣的任務，履行短暫的四年總統任期。分裂聯邦，以前還只是一種威脅，現在卻已變成令人生畏的行動。

考慮到一般的法律和我們的憲法，我認為這些州所組成的聯邦是永久性的。在所有國家政府的基本大法中，即使沒有明文規定其永久性，也總是含有此意的。我們可以斷言，沒有一個正式政府曾經在其組織法中，規定一個使自己壽終正寢的條款。只要我們繼續執行國家憲法中所有的明文規定，這個聯邦就會永久存在，——除非采取憲法法規以外的某種行動，我們是無法摧毀聯邦的。

再說，即使合眾國不是一個正式的政府，而僅是各州之間一種契約性的組合，那麼，作為一份契約，難道就可以由少數人而不是全體訂約人，不經爭執，心

安理得地予以取消嗎?契約的一方可以違反它——或者說是破壞它，但難道不需要通過全體訂約人就能合法地解除它嗎???

從這些觀點可以推定，任何州均不得僅由自己動議，即可合法脫離聯邦；有關這方面的決議和法令在法律上都是無效的；對于任何一州或數州境內反抗美國政府的暴動，應依據情況來確定其為叛亂還是革命。

因此，我認為依照憲法與法律，聯邦是不可分裂的；我將盡我所能，務使聯邦法律在所有各州得到忠實貫徹，這是憲法本身明文規定責成我這樣做的。我認為這樣做僅是我本身的一種責任；而且我將在可行的范圍內去履行這責任，除非我的合法主人，即美國人民，制止使用這些必要的手段，或者通過某種權威性方式，作出相反的指示。我相信這種說法應該不會被認為是一種威脅，而只是把它看作是聯邦所明確宣布的目標，即它要依照憲法保護和維系自身。

要這樣做，就必須沒有流血和暴力發生，而且只要不是強加于國家權威頭上的，哪怕有一點都不行。所賦予我的權力將用來保存、占領和掌握屬于政府的財產和地盤，并征集稅收和關稅，但是，超出為達到這些目標所必需的手段，就不能去侵犯任何地方的人民，不能使用武力反對任何地方的人民，或在任何地方的人民中使用武力??

據說在這個或那個地區里，有一些人千方百計地企圖摧毀聯邦，甚至不惜利用一切借口非達此目的不可。對此，我不加肯定也不給予否定。但若事情果真如此，我無須對這幫人致辭。可是，對于那些真正熱愛聯邦的人們，我難道能夠緘默不言嗎?

在事情還沒嚴重到破壞我們的國家組織，連同它的一切利益，全部歷史和所有希望之前，把我們這樣做的意圖準確地弄清楚，難道不是明智的嗎?如果你們要躲避的災難可能實際上并不存在，在這種情況下，你們難道還要鋌而走險嗎?如果你即將遇到的災難比你們想逃避的所有實際的災難更為深重，難道你們還要冒險赴難，鑄成可怕的錯誤嗎?

如果憲法規定的一切權利能夠得到維護，則人人都會以身在聯邦而感到滿足的。那麼，憲法里明文規定的權利究竟有哪一項真的被否定了?我認為沒有??

迄今還不曾有過一部根本大法，對于一切實際行政管理中可能出現的任何問題都有專門條款來規范；沒有先知可以預見會發生什麼，也沒有任何繁簡適度的文件所明文規定的條款足以應付一切可能發生的問題。聯邦和州政府要交出逃亡的奴隸嗎?憲法中沒有明文規定。國會可以在準州地區禁止奴隸制度嗎?憲法里沒有明文規定。國會必須在準州地區維護奴隸制度嗎？憲法也沒有明文規定。

就從這類問題中觸發出我們一切有關憲法的爭論，我們可把爭論者分為多數派和少數派。即使少數派不愿支持政府，多數派也必須支持，否則政府就必須停止工作。其它的替代辦法是沒有的；要使政府繼續存在下去，必須得有一方的支持。在這種情況下，如果有一個少數派不支持政府而要脫離聯邦，那麼他們

就開了一個先例，這必然會導致他們內部分裂并毀了他們，因為他們自己內部的多數派拒受這種少數派控制時，這個少數派又會脫離他們。舉例來說，正如目前聯邦中的一些州宣布脫離聯邦那樣，一兩年后南部新邦聯中的一部分難道就不會蠻橫地再行脫離嗎?一切醉心于分裂的人們目前所接受的正是這種思想。

在這些要組成新聯邦的州之間，難道真的具有完全一致的利益，足以使彼此和睦共處，并避免重新分裂嗎?

顯然，脫離聯邦的核心思想正是無政府狀態的實質所在。一個被憲法的強制力和規范所約束，并能順應公眾輿論和公眾感情的審慎的變化而變化的多數派，才是自由人民唯一真正的治理者。誰否認它，誰就必然走向無政府或專制。完全一致是不可能的。少數人的統治，作為一項永久性的安排，是完全不能接受的。因此，如果否認多數原則，剩下來的僅有某種形式的無政府狀態或專制而已??

我國有一部分人相信奴隸制是對的，應當予以延續，而另外一部分人則相信它是錯的，不應予以延續。這是唯一的實質性爭執??

從地理環境上說，我們是無法分離的。我們不能把各地區從彼此的位置上挪開，也不能在它們之間筑起不可逾越的城墻。夫妻可以離婚，以后彼此不相見，也無法找到對方，但是，我國的不同地區之間不能這麼做。它們不得不面面相對，彼此往來，不管是友好的還是敵對的，這情形一定會在它們之間繼續下去。那麼，分裂以后是否有可能使彼此來往比以前更有利或者更令人滿意呢?與外人簽約會比與朋友共訂法律更容易嗎?條約在異邦人之間會比法律在朋友之間得到更忠實的執行嗎?假如你們要打仗，你們也不能一直打下去，在雙方都傷亡慘重，誰也沒有收獲之后，你們停止作戰時，關于交往條件的一些與以前完全相同的老問題又會擺在你們面前??

為什麼不能滿懷信心，耐心等待人民的最終裁決呢?難道還有更好的或能與此相匹的希望嗎?在我們目前的分歧中，難道雙方都沒有信心認為自己是站在正確的一邊嗎?如果代表永恒真理和正義的萬能上帝站在你們北方一邊或者站在你們南方一邊，那麼經過美國人民這個大法庭的裁決，真理和正義定將普照天下。

從管理我們的政府的組織結構來看，聰明的人民沒有給他們的公仆多少權力去胡鬧，而且他們還以同樣的智慧為在短期內將那一點點權力收回到他們自己手中作了準備。只要人民保持他們的道德和警惕，任何行政管理人員，不管他們是多麼邪惡或多麼愚蠢，都不可能在短短四年內給這個政府造成嚴重傷害。

同胞們，你們每個人都應冷靜地好好思考這整個問題。花點時間是不會使任何有價值的東西遭到損失的。如果真有一件東西驅使你們之中任何一個人十萬火急地去采取一個你們在審慎沉著的情況下所決不會采取的步驟，那麼花點時間去思考就可以挫敗這東西。任何好的東西是不會因為你這樣做而遭到挫敗的。就好像你們現在都心懷不滿，可你們還有一部未受損害的老憲法可依，在敏感問題上，你們還有你們自己根據憲法所制定的法律可依，而新的行政當局即便

想，也沒有改變憲法或這些法律的直接權力。就算大家公認你們這些心懷不滿的人是站在爭執的正確一邊，那也沒有任何充足的理由去采取草率的行動。以我們的聰明才智、愛國精神、基督教信仰以及對至今從未據棄過這片沐浴圣恩的土地的上帝的堅定信賴，我們還是有足夠的能力用最好的方武來解決我們目前所遇到的一切困難。

各位心懷不滿的同胞們，內戰這一重大問題，不系于我的手里，而系于你們的手里。政府不會攻擊你們。只要你們自己不當侵略者，你們就不會遇到沖突。你們沒有對天發誓要摧毀政府，但我們卻要立下最莊嚴的誓言來“保存、保護和保衛它”。

我真不愿結束我的演講。我們不是敵人。我們之間感情的紐帶，或會因情緒激動而繃緊，但決不可折斷。那一根根不可思議的回憶之弦，從每個戰場和愛國志士的墳墓，伸展到這片遼闊土地上每一顆充滿活力的心房和每一個家庭，只要我們本性中的善念再度，而且一定會，加以撥動，它們終會重新奏出響亮的聯邦協奏曲。

第三篇：林肯第二次就職演講

在我現在第二次來到這里宣誓就任總統職位的時候，就不十分必要像第一次就職時那樣作長篇演說了。那時，一篇關于我將采取的方針的比較詳盡的說明，似乎是比較合適和理所當然 的。可是現在，四年任期剛剛結束，在這期間，關于那至今仍吸引著舉國上下的注意，消耗著全民的精力的巨大斗爭的各個階段的任何一個細節，隨時都有公告發奉，現在也實在再沒有多少新東西可講了。關于我們的軍事進展情況——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公眾也了解得和我本人一樣清楚；而且我相信對所有的人來說都是相當滿意和令人鼓舞的。既

然對未來充滿了希望，那么在這里也就無意冒昧作出預測了。

也正是在四年之前我就任總統的那一場合，所有的人都在為即將來臨的內戰惴惴不安。所有的人都害怕內戰——都竭力想避免內戰發生。而當我在這里發表就職演說，決定不惜采用一 切力量，但不用戰爭，拯救聯邦的時候，叛亂分子的代理人卻在全城到處活動，力求不用戰爭摧毀聯邦——力求通過談判瓦解聯邦，分裂國家。——雙方都聲稱反對戰爭；但可是他們中的一方卻寧愿發動戰爭也不讓這個國家生存下去；另一方也則寧可接受戰爭也不能眼看著

國家滅亡。于是戰爭便打起來了。

在全國人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隸，他們并非遍布在全國各地，而是大部分集中在我國南方。這些黑人構成一個特殊強有力的權益。大家都知道這權益是導致戰爭的原因。為了達到加強、永久化保持和擴大這個權益的目的，叛亂分子甚至不惜通過戰爭瓦解聯邦；而政府方面，只不過是要求有權限制奴隸制擴大其地域。雙方誰也沒有料想到，戰爭竟會達到現在已出現了這種規模，或持續這么久。雙方誰也不曾料到，沖突的緣由可能會隨著沖突的結束而結束，或甚至在沖突本身結束之前，便已終止；每一方都尋求能比較輕易地獲得勝利，戰爭的結果也不那么帶有根本性和驚人。雙方都讀著同一部《圣經》，祈禱于同一個上帝；每一方都求上帝幫助他們一方，而反對另一方。這看來也許有些不可思議，怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝幫助他從別人的血汗中榨取面包；不過，我們且不要論斷別人，以免自 己遭到論斷吧。雙方的祈禱都不可能得到回應；任何一方的祈禱也沒有得到充分的回應。全能的上帝另有他自己的目標。“由于種種罪過，世界受難了!因為這些罪過是不可避免的；但是，讓那引來罪過的人去受罪吧。”*如果我們假定美國的奴隸制是這里所說的罪惡之一，它按上帝的意旨是不可避免的，而現在在經過了上帝規定的時限之后，他決心要消滅它，再假定上帝使得南北雙方進行了這場可怕的戰爭，以作為那些犯下罪過的人應該遭受到的苦難，那么我們從中能看出有什么地方有悖于信仰上帝的信徒們總是賦于永遠存在的上帝的那種神性嗎?我們衷心地希望——熱情地祈禱——但愿這可怕的戰爭災禍能迅速過去。然而，如果上帝一定要讓它繼續下去，一直到奴隸們通過二百五十年的無償勞動所堆積起來的財富煙消云散，一直到，如三千年前人們所說的那樣，用鞭子抽出的每一滴血都要用刀劍刺 出的另一滴血來償還，而到那時，我們也仍然得說，“主的審判是完全公正無誤的”。** 我們對任何人也不懷惡意，我們對所有的人都寬大為懷，堅持正義；上帝既使我們認識正義，讓我們繼續努力向前，完成我們正在進行的事業；包扎起國家的創傷，關心那些為戰爭作出犧牲的人，關心他們的遺孀和孤兒——盡一切力量，以求在我們自己之間，以及我們和所有

的國家之間實現并維護一個公正和持久的和平。篇二：林肯第二次就職演講(英文)at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.篇三：林肯第二次就職演講 second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it;all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other.which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.林肯第二次就職演說

（1865年3月4日）一八**年當林肯再度當選連任總統職位時，美國仍為內戰所分裂。當時戰爭的結果仍不能確定，而林肯的再度當選，成為北方人民決心作戰到底爭取最后勝利的一個令人振奮的表現。一八六五年三月四日當林肯宣誓就職時，局勢清楚顯示北方即將戰勝，戰爭行將結束。在這篇就職演講詞中，林肯致力于討論戰后美國人民將面臨的重大課題。林肯希望避免一切過錯與懲罰的問題。當他準備實施這項政策時，一個刺客的槍彈葬送了他的崇高理想。

各位同胞：

在這第二次的宣誓就職典禮中，不像第一次就職的時候那樣需要發表長篇演說。在那個時候，對于當時所要進行的事業多少作一詳細的說明，似乎是適當的。現在四年任期已滿，在這段戰爭期間的每個重要時刻和階段中——這個戰爭至今仍為舉國所關懷，還且占用了國家大部分力量——都經常發布文告，所以現在很少有什么新的發展可以奉告。我們的軍事進展，是一切其它問題的關鍵所在，各界人士對此情形是跟我一樣熟悉的，而我相信進展的情況，可以使我們全體人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然可以對將來寄予極大的希望，那么我們也就用不著在這一方面作什么預言了。

四年前在與此同一場合里，所有的人都焦慮地注意一場即將來臨的內戰。大家害怕它，想盡了方法去避免它。當時我正在這里作就職演說，竭盡全力想不用戰爭方法而能保存聯邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人卻沒法不用戰爭而破壞聯邦——他們力圖瓦解聯邦，并以談判的方法來分割聯邦。雙方都聲稱反對戰爭，可是有一方寧愿打仗而不愿讓國家生存，另一方則寧可接受這場戰爭，而不愿國家滅亡，于是戰爭就來臨了。我們全國人口的八分之一是黑奴，他們并非遍布整個聯邦，而是局部地分布于南方。這些奴隸構成了一種特殊而重大的權益。大家知道這種權益可說是這場戰爭的原因。為了加強、保持及擴大這種權益，反叛分子會不惜以戰爭來分裂聯邦，而政府只不過要限制這種權益所在地區的擴張。當初，任何一方都沒有想到這場戰爭會發展到目前那么大的范圍，持續那么長的時間。也沒有料到沖突的原因會隨沖突本身的終止而終止，甚至會在沖突本身終止以前

而終止。雙方都在尋求一個較輕易的勝利，都沒有期望獲致帶根本性的和驚人的結果。雙方念誦同樣的圣經，祈禱于同一個上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反對另一方，人們竟敢求助于上帝，來奪取他人以血汗得來的面包，這看來是很奇怪的。可是我們不要判斷人家，免得別人判斷我們。

我們雙方的祈禱都不能夠如愿，而且斷沒全部如愿以償。上蒼自有他自己的目標。由于罪惡而世界受苦難，因為罪惡總是要來的；然而那個作惡的人，要受苦難」假使我們以為美國的奴隸制度是這種罪惡之一，而這些罪惡按上帝的意志在所不免，但既經持續了他所指定的一段時間，他現在便要消除這些罪惡；假使我們認為上帝把這場慘烈的戰爭加在南北雙方的頭上，作為對那些招致罪惡的人的責罰，難道我們可以認為這件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些圣德嗎? 我們天真地希望著，我們熱忱地祈禱著，希望這戰爭的重罰可以很快地過去。可是，假使上帝要讓戰爭再繼續下去，直到二百五十年來奴隸無償勞動所積聚的財富化為烏有，并像三千年前所說的那樣，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀劍之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我們仍然只能說，「主的裁判是完全正確而且公道的。」

我們對任何人都不懷惡意，我們對任何人都抱好感，上帝讓我們看到正確的事，我們就堅定地信那正確的事，讓我們繼續奮斗，以完成我們正在進行的工作，去治療國家的創傷，去照顧艱苦作戰的志士和他的孤兒遺孀，盡力實現并維護在我們自己之間和我國與各國之間的公正和持久的和平。篇四：林肯第二次就職演說

林肯第二次就職演說 second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it;all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern p art of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other.fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.林肯第二次就職演說

（1865年3月4日）一八88年當林肯再度當選連任總統職位時，美國仍為內戰所分裂。當時戰爭的結果仍不能確定，而林肯的再度當選，成為北方人民決心作戰到底爭取最后勝利的一個令人振奮的表現。一八六五年三月四日當林肯宣誓就職時，局勢清楚顯示北方即將戰勝，戰爭行將結束。在這篇就職演講詞中，林肯致力于討論戰后美國人民將面臨的重大課題。林肯希望避免一切過錯與懲罰的問題。當他準備實施這項政策時，一個刺客的槍彈葬送了他的崇高理想。

各位同胞：

在這第二次的宣誓就職典禮中，不像第一次就職的時候那樣需要發表長篇演說。在那個時候，對于當時所要進行的事業多少作一詳細的說明，似乎是適當的。現在四年任期已滿，在這段戰爭期間的每個重要時刻和階段中——這個戰爭至今仍為舉國所關懷，還且占用了國家大部分力量——都經常發布文告，所以現在很少有什么新的發展可以奉告。我們的軍事進展，是一切其它問題的關鍵所在，各界人士對此情形是跟我一樣熟悉的，而我相信進展的情況，可以使我們全體人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然可以對將來寄予極大的希望，那么我們也就用不著在這一方面作什么預言了。

四年前在與此同一場合里，所有的人都焦慮地注意一場即將來臨的內戰。大家害怕它，想盡了方法去避免它。當時我正在這里作就職演說，竭盡全力想不用戰爭方法而能保存聯邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人卻沒法不用戰爭而破壞聯邦——他們力圖瓦解聯邦，并以談判的方法來分割聯邦。雙方都聲稱反對戰爭，可是有一方寧愿打仗而不愿讓國家生存，另一方則寧可接受這場戰爭，而不愿國家滅亡，于是戰爭就來臨了。我們全國人口的八分之一是黑奴，他們并非遍布整個聯邦，而是局部地分布于南方。這些奴隸構成了一種特殊而重大的權益。大家知道這種權益可說是這場戰爭的原因。為了加強、保持及擴大這種權益，反叛分子會不惜以戰爭來分裂聯邦，而政府只不過要限制這種權益所在地區的擴張。當初，任何一方都沒有想到這場戰爭會發展到目前那么大的范圍，持續那么長的時間。也沒有料到沖突的原因會隨沖突本身的終止而終止，甚至會在沖突本身終止以前而終止。雙方都在尋求一個較輕易的勝利，都沒有期望獲致帶根本性的和驚人的結果。雙方念誦同樣的圣經，祈禱于同一個上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反對另一方，人們竟敢求助于上帝，來奪取他人以血汗得來的面包，這看來是很奇怪的。可是我們不要判斷人家，免得別人判斷我們。

我們雙方的祈禱都不能夠如愿，而且斷沒全部如愿以償。上蒼自有他自己的目標。由于罪惡而世界受苦難，因為罪惡總是要來的；然而那個作惡的人，要受苦難」假使我們以為美國的奴隸制度是這種罪惡之一，而這些罪惡按上帝的意志在所不免，但既經持續了他所指定的一段時間，他現在便要消除這些罪惡；假使我們認為上帝把這場慘烈的戰爭加在南北雙方的頭上，作為對那些招致罪惡的人的責罰，難道我們可以認為這件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些圣德嗎? 我們天真地希望著，我們熱忱地祈禱著，希望這戰爭的重罰可以很快地過去。可是，假使上帝要讓戰爭再繼續下去，直到二百五十年來奴隸無償勞動所積聚的財富化為烏有，并像三千年前所說的那樣，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀劍之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我們仍然只能說，「主的裁判是完全正確而且公道的。」

我們對任何人都不懷惡意，我們對任何人都抱好感，上帝讓我們看到正確的事，我們就堅定地信那正確的事，讓我們繼續奮斗，以完成我們正在進行的工作，去治療國家的創傷，去照顧艱苦作戰的志士和他的孤兒遺孀，盡力實現并維護在我們自己之間和我國與各國之間的公正和持久的和平。篇五：林肯就職演講 the gettysburg address gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主講：亞伯拉罕·林肯

時間：1863年11月19日

地點：美國，賓夕法尼亞，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我們先輩在這個大陸上創立了一個新國家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生來平等的原則。

我們正從事一場偉大的內戰，以考驗這個國家，或者任何一個孕育于自由和奉行上述原則的國家是否能夠長久存在下去。我們在這場戰爭中的一個偉大戰場上集會。烈士們為使這個國家能夠生存下去而獻出了自己的生命，我們來到這里，是要把這個戰場的一部分奉獻給他們作為最后安息之所。我們這樣做是完全應該而且非常恰當的。

但是，從更廣泛的意義上說，這塊土地我們不能夠奉獻，不能夠圣化，不能夠神化。那些曾在這里戰斗過的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經把這塊土地圣化了，這遠不是我們微薄的力量所能增減的。我們今天在這里所說的話，全世界不大會注意，也不會長久地記住，但勇士們在這里所做過的事，全世界卻永遠不會忘記。毋寧說，倒是我們這些還活著的人，應該在這里把自己奉獻于勇士們已經如此崇高地向前推進但尚未完成的事業。倒是我們應該在這里把自已奉獻于仍然留在我們面前的偉大任務——我們要從這些光榮的死者身上吸取更多的獻身精神，來完成他們已經完全徹底為之獻身的事業；我們要在這里下定最大的決心，不讓這些死者白白犧牲；我們要使國家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使這個民有、民治、民享的政府永世長存。abraham lincoln 亞伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865），美國第十六任總統（1861－1865）。他自修法律，以反對奴隸制的綱領當選為總統，導致南方諸州脫離聯邦。在由此引起的南北戰爭（1861－1865）中，他作為總統，發揮了美國歷史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的領導作用，以其堅定的信念、深遠的眼光和完美無缺的政治手腕，成功地引導一個處于分裂的國家度過了其歷史上流血最多的內戰，從而換救了聯邦。他致力于推進全人類的民主、自由和平等，以最雄辯的語言闡述了人道主義的思想，不失時機地發表《解放黑奴宣言》，因而被后人尊稱為“偉大的解放者”。林肯不僅是一個偉大的總統，更是一個偉人。他出生于社會低層，具有勤勞簡樸、謙虛和誠懇的美德。在美國歷屆總統中，林肯堪稱是最平易近人的一位。林肯的著作主要是演講詞和書信，以樸素莊嚴、觀點明確、思想豐富、表達靈活、適應對象并具有特殊的美國風味見稱。此篇演講是美國文學中最漂亮、最富有詩意的文章之一。雖然這是一篇慶祝軍事勝利的演說，但它沒有好戰之氣。相反，這是一篇感人肺腑的頌辭，贊美那些作出最后犧牲的人們，以及他們為之獻身的那些理想。其中“政府應為民有、民治、民享”的名言被人們廣為傳頌。

第四篇：林肯就職演講經典句子

1、我主要關心的，不是你是不是失敗了，而是你對失敗是不是甘心。

2、法律是顯露的道德，道德是隱藏的法律。

3、卓越的天才不屑走一條人家走過的路。他尋找迄今沒有開拓過的地區。

4、我們關心的，不是你是否失敗了，而是你對失敗能否無怨。

5、凡是不給別人自由的人，他們自己就不應該得到自由，而且在公正的上帝統治下，他們也是不能夠長遠地保持住自由的。

6、給別人自由和維護自己的自由，兩者同樣是崇高的事業。

7、人生最美好的東西，就是他同別人的友誼。

8、好學的人必成大器。

9、意志來自道德感和自身利益這兩個因素。

10、事實上教育便是一種早期的習慣。

11、一個人過了四十歲，應當為自己的長相負責。

（當一位友人詢問林肯為何回拒他所推薦的閣員人選時）

12、一滴蜂密比一加侖膽汁招引的蒼蠅還要多。

13、你可以一時欺騙所有人,也可以永遠欺騙某些人,但不可能永遠欺騙所有人。you can fool all the people some of the time, some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.14、勿以怨恨對待任何人，請以慈愛加給所有的人!

15、最勇敢的男人是怕老婆的男人。

16、最重要的是，在關鍵的時刻能夠堅持原則。

17、恪盡職守的精神比個人的聲望更重要。

18、世界上極需這種人才，他們在任何情況下都能克服種種阻力完成任務

19、我們要做的是讓紀律看守西點，而不是教官時刻監視學員。20、“魔鬼”隱藏在細節中，永遠不要忽視任何細節。

21、千萬不要縱容自己，給自己找借口。

22、哪怕是對自己的一點小的克制，也會使人變得強而有力。

23、為了贏得勝利，也許你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。

24、學會忍受不公平，學會恪盡職責。

25、只要充分相信自己，沒有什么困難可以足夠持久。

26、等待比做事要難得多。

27、要有信心，把握住自己的未來。

28、不要沉淪，在任何環境中你都可以選擇奮起。

29、有耐心的人無往而不利。

30、確信無法突破的時候，首先要選擇的是等待。

31、如果你沒有選擇的話，那么就勇敢地迎上去。

32、責任、榮譽、國家！

33、要培養各方面的能力，包括承受悲慘命運的能力。

34、沖動，絕不是真正英雄的性格。

35、適應環境，而不是讓環境適應你！

36、歷經嚴酷的訓練是完善自我的必由之路。

37、速度決定成敗。

38、不要怕有瘋狂的想法，只要你肯努力。

39、首先要建立起自信心。40、勝利，是屬于最堅韌的人。

41、要敢于戰勝一切恐懼！

42、要感謝生活中的逆境和磨難！

43、主動鍛煉自己，培養果決的性格。

44、要立即行動，不要拖延。

45、現實中的恐怖，遠比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。

46、目標要明確，信念要堅定。

47、只有自己去做，才可能知道能否成功。

48、做一個真正勇敢無畏的人。

49、要戰勝恐懼，而不是退縮。

50、失敗者任其失敗，成功者創造成功。

51、要敢于“硬干”，不要懷疑自己。

52、沒有什么不可能——“沒有辦法”或“不可能”常常是庸人和懶人的托辭。

53、成功始于覺醒，心態決定命運！

54、任何個人，在危機來臨時，都要想到打破常規。

55、我不一定會勝利，但一定會真誠行事。我不一定成功，但會抱持一貫的信念。

56、我會與任何正直持平的人并肩而立。他對的時候，我會給予支持；他錯的時候，我不求必勝，但矢志真誠。我不一定求成功，但定必言行如一，貫徹始終。

57、我必將與正人君子并肩，是其所是，非其所非。

58、我未必穩操勝算，卻始終以誠處世。我未必馬到成功，卻不忘心中真理。

59、我當與天下正直之士并肩而立，知其是而擁護之，知其非而離棄之。60、為真理而戰，死也光榮。61、狼和羊都沒有資格談論自由。

62、民主主義就是人民的，通過人民，為人民的政治。63、正像我不想做奴隸一樣，我也不愿做主人.。64、今天能夠著手進行的事情絕不拖到明天。

65、各行各業的對一個人的指導原則就是勤奮，今天能夠著手進行的事情不拖到明天。66、只要充分相信自己，沒有什么困難可以足夠持久。67、要有信心，把握住自己的未來。

68、預測未來最好的方法就是去創造未來。

69、與其跟一只狗爭路，不如讓它先行一步；如果被它咬了一口，你即使把它打死，也不能治好你的傷口。

70、品格如同樹木，名聲如同樹陰。我們常常考慮的是樹陰，卻不知樹木才是根本。71、民有、民治、民享。

of the people, by the people, for the people。72、如果我有第二張臉，我還需要用現在這張嗎？（林肯的政敵批評林肯有“兩面三刀”時的幽默回應。因為就政治人物而言，林肯的長相極不討喜，像個野猴。）73、想了解一個人的個性，那就賦予他權力。

74、我之所有，我之所能，都歸功于我天使般的母親。75、我這個人走得很慢，但是我從不后退。76、一個好的目標決不會因為慢慢來而落空。

77、我的生活經驗使我深信，沒有缺點的人往往優點也很少。

78、黃金誠然是寶貴的，但是生氣勃勃、勇敢的愛國者卻比黃金更為寶貴。79、法律是顯露的道德，道德是隱藏的法律。80、何謂保守？就是過于恐懼而不敢戰。81、世上沒有卑賤的職業，只有卑賤的人。82、好漢不怕出身低。83、豆腐愛厚，臉皮愛薄。

84、噴泉的高度不會超過它的源頭；一個人的事業也是這樣，他的成就決不會超過自己的信念。

85、我們要想涵養公正的品德，就應養成一種“不茍”的優良習慣。86、何謂保守？不就是因循守舊，反對新生事物嗎？

87、凡是不給別人自由的人，他們自己就不應該得到自由，而且在公正的上帝統治下，他們也是不能夠長遠地保持住自由的。

88、為了贏得勝利，也許你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。89、現實中的恐怖，遠比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。90、主動鍛煉自己，培養果決的性格。91、要感謝生活中的逆境和磨難！

92、歷經嚴酷的訓練是完善自我的必由之路。

93、要培養各方面的能力，包括承受悲慘命運的能力。94、有耐心的人無往而不利。

95、不要以怨恨相對，應以慈悲為懷，讓我們共同奮斗來完成我們正在從事的工作。96、勝利，是屬于最堅韌的人。

97、我盡量用最好的方法去做，盡我所能去做，我打算一直這樣把事情做完。如果結果證明我是對的，那么人家怎么說我，就無關緊要了；如果結果證明我是錯的，那么

即使花十倍的力氣來說我是對的，那也是沒用的。

98、我不知道我的祖父是誰，我更加關心的是他的孫子將成為什么樣的人。99、如果你沒有選擇的話，那么就勇敢地迎上去。100、選票比子彈更有力量。101、如果一個目的是正當而必須做的，則達到這個目的的必要手段也是正當而必須采取的。

102、記住，當人生的道路陡峭的時候，要保持沉著。103、恪盡職守的精神比個人的聲望更重要。

104、對任何人不懷惡意，對一切人心存寬厚，按上帝的指引堅持正義。篇二：林肯就職演說原文1 林肯的第二任總統就職演說

這篇演說的講稿是人類歷史上最偉大的演說詞，永久地刻在了林肯紀念堂里，英文原文是：

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper.now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself;and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came.one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god;and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nations wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后兩段譯文：

(交戰)每一方都在尋求一個快速的、不傷根本的勝利。雙方都讀同一本圣經，向同一位上帝禱告，求祂的幫助。看起來真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝讓別人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要讓我們論斷，如果我們自己不想被論斷的話。雙方的禱告不會同時被回答，任何一方的禱告也不會被完全應允。全能的神自有其旨意。“禍哉世界！因著必來之罪；禍哉此人，罪因其而來。”如果我們假設，美國奴隸制度乃是眾罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去這個制度，引發這一場可怖的南北戰爭，因為災降于那些罪因其而來的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描寫的神的屬性，神的作為難道會有任何偏差嗎？我們熱切地盼望--恒切地禱告--這場懲罰性的戰爭得以迅速地遠離我們而去。然而，如果神定意讓戰爭持續下去，直到我們從所有奴隸在兩百五十年間沒有報酬、困苦勞動之下所累積的財富毀去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血跡被報之以刀下每一條冤魂，就如同我們在三千年前所說，而今天仍要再說的那樣：“主的審判信實，合乎公義。”

不以惡待人，而以仁愛相處。當神開啟我們的眼，得見公義時，我們必須持守公義。讓我們全力以赴，完成我們手中的工作，醫治國家的創傷；并照料在戰場上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡婦、孤兒，不忘記關懷他們-讓我們竭盡全力，達成在我們中間，及眾民族之間的永久的公義和和平。

簡單統計：

? 講演總字數：699 ? 提到上帝次數：10(god: 6;the almighty: 1;lord: 1;he: 2)? 提到禱告次數：3 ? 提到圣經次數：1 ? 引用圣經次數：2 所以只要讀一下這篇講演，就會知道林肯是怎樣一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝帶領的人了！就如林肯傳記《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(hey whitney)所總結的：“(這篇演講是)一串向神連綿不斷的祈求，求祂對我們這個如火如荼的國家伸出援手。”

這篇講演發生在1865年3月4號上午，當時在現場的記者noah brooks寫到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登臺的一瞬間，陽光沖出了已盤踞了一整天的云層，放射出驚人的景象，榮耀和光輝如洪水般涌來??而此時，林肯已經站在了死亡的陰影之中。)--僅僅40天后，即同年4月15號，林肯在劇院里被謀殺了。

其實早年的林肯是一個無神論者，作為政治家，認為財富和權力更為重要。然而，隨著美國內戰戰局的發展，林肯越來越感受到上帝的主權和公義，越來越依靠神，承認自己和人的無能為力，開始把國家的命運交托在神的手里。

例如，在1862年9月，在一個本來看似樂觀的形勢下，北方軍卻經歷了在bull run的第二次戰役的徹底失敗，林肯開始認真的反思這次戰爭，并且考慮解放黑奴的具體計劃。這時，他寫下了“meditation on the divine will”(對神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails.in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god.both may be，and one must be，wrong.god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time.in the present civil war it is quite possible that gods purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻譯是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在內戰中，雙方都認為自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是錯的，因為上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我們的目標，但是上帝使用我們作為器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯將被謀殺的最后時刻，據d.james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一書，林肯坐在戲院里，對妻子瑪麗說的最后的話是：“你知道我現在想做什么嗎？我想帶你到中東去旅行。”“我們要去祂(主耶穌)誕生的伯利恒。我們要拜訪伯大尼，隨著那條圣潔腳蹤所行過的路途走。然后我們上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”篇三：林肯的就職演講稿

林肯的就職演講稿(中英文版)2007年07月15日 星期日 下午 12:10the gettysburg address gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore(80年 and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent（大陸a new nation,conceived（設想 and dedicated（奉獻的to the proposition（主題that all men are created equal.now we are egaged in a great civil（民族間的 war,testing whether that nation or any but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate(奉獻,we can not consecrate（神圣的,we can not hallow（視什么為神圣的 this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated（被奉為神 it far above our power to add or detract（減損.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure（尺寸 of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish（死亡from the earth.主講：亞伯拉罕·林肯

時間：1863年11月19日

地點：美國，賓夕法尼亞，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我們先輩在這個大陸上創立了一個新國家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生來平等的原則。

我們正從事一場偉大的內戰，以考驗這個國家，或者任何一個孕育于自由和奉行上述原則的國家是否能夠長久存在下去。我們在這場戰爭中的一個偉大戰場上集會。烈士們為使這個國家能夠生存下去而獻出了自己的生命，我們來到這里，是要把這個戰場的一部分奉獻給他們作為最后安息之所。我們這樣做是完全應該而且非常恰當的。

但是，從更廣泛的意義上說，這塊土地我們不能夠奉獻，不能夠圣化，不能夠神化。那些曾在這里戰斗過的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經把這塊土地圣化了，這遠不是我們微薄的力量所能增減的。我們今天在這里所說的話，全世界不大會注意，也不會長久地記住，但勇士

們在這里所做過的事，全世界卻永遠不會忘記。毋寧說，倒是我們這些還活著的人，應該在這里把自己奉獻于勇士們已經如此崇高地向前推進但尚未完成的事業。倒是我們應該在這里把自已奉獻于仍然留在我們面前的偉大任務——我們要從這些光榮的死者身上吸取更多的獻身精神，來完成他們已經完全徹底為之獻身的事業；我們要在這里下定最大的決心，不讓這些死者白白犧牲；我們要使國家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使這個民有、民治、民享的政府永世長存。

第五篇：亞伯拉罕 林肯 就職演講

亞伯拉罕 林肯--連任就職演說

（1865年3月14日）

同胞們：

在這第二次宣誓就任總統時，我不必像第一次那樣發表長篇演說。對于將要執行的方針稍作詳盡的說明似乎是恰當而適宜的。現在，4年任期已滿，對于這場仍然吸引著全國關注并占用了全國力量的重大斗爭的每一重要關頭和方面，這4年間已不斷地發布公告，因此我沒有什么新情況可以奉告。我們軍隊的進展是其他一切的主要依靠，公眾和我一樣都清楚地了解軍隊的情況，我深信，大家對此都是感到滿意和鼓舞的。我們對未來抱有極大的希望，但卻不敢作出任何預測。

4年前我就任總統時，同胞們的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的內戰上。大家都害怕內戰，都想避免內戰。當我在這個地方就職演說，竭盡全力想不經過戰爭來拯救聯邦時，叛亂分子卻在這個城市里圖謀不經過戰爭來毀滅聯邦——企圖以談判方式解放邦并分割財產。雙方都表示反對戰爭，但一方寧愿發動戰爭也不愿讓國家生存，而一方則寧可接受戰爭也不肯讓國家滅亡，于是戰爭就爆發了。

我國全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隸，他們并不是遍布于聯邦各地，而是集中在聯邦南部。這些奴隸構成了一種特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道，這種利益由于某種原因竟成了這次戰爭的根源。叛亂者的目的是加強，永保和擴大這種利益，為此他們不惜用戰爭來分裂聯邦，而政府卻只是宣布有權限制這種利益的地區和擴大。雙方都沒有料到戰爭 竟會達到如此規模，歷時如此長久。雙方也沒有預期沖突的根源會隨著沖突本身而消除，甚至會提前消除。各方都期望贏得輕松些，期望結局不至于那么涉及根本，那么驚人。雙方同讀一本《圣經》，向同一個上帝祈禱，而且都乞求上帝的幫助來與對方為敵。看來十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝幫助他們從黑人臉上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我們且勿評論別人，以免被人評論。雙方的禱告不可能都應驗。也沒有一方的禱告全部得到應驗。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“這世界有禍了，因為將絆倒，絆倒人的事是免不了的，但那絆倒人的有禍了。”如果我們設想美國的奴隸制按照天意必然來到的罪惡之一，并且在上帝規定的時間內繼續存在，而現在上帝要予以鏟除，于是他就把這場可怕的戰爭作為犯罪者應受的災難降臨南北雙方，那么，我們能看出其中有任何違背天意之處嗎？相信上帝永存的人總是把天意歸于上帝的。我們深情地期望，虔誠的禱告，這場巨大的戰爭災禍能夠很快地過去，但是如果上帝要它繼續下去，直至奴隸們250年來無償勞動所積聚的財富全部毀滅，或如人們在三千年前說過的，直至鞭子下流出的每一滴血都要用劍下流出的每一滴血來償還，那么今天我們還得說：“主的審判是完全正確和公正的。”

對任何人不懷惡意，對一切人心存寬厚，堅持正義，因為上帝使我們看到了正義，讓我們繼續努力完成正在從事的事業，包扎好國家的創傷，關心那些肩負戰爭重任的人，照顧他們的遺孀孤兒，去做能在我們自己中間和與一切國家之間締造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。賞析

亞伯拉罕 林肯在1860年就任美國總統期間，他作為新興工業資產階級的政治領袖，領導并平定了南部奴隸主的武裝叛亂，頌布了解放奴隸的宣言，勝利地進行了一場影響學會的資產階級革命，由于他的卓絕政績，1864年他再次當選總統，第二年春天，他在華盛頓發表了第二次就職演說。在他的演說中，感情激烈卻不逾越理智的范疇，聽眾一方面在情感上受感染，另一方面卻不過于被情緒所牽制，這樣更明確了演講的要旨。林肯的演說能給人以力量和希望，而語言樸實無華，淺顯易懂，更縮短了同人民的距離。由于它情理交融，充滿了演講者把南北戰爭進行到底的決心和信心，曾使站立于寒風中的聽眾激動得熱淚盈眶。