第一篇：奧巴馬告別演講

farewell speech

1.Hello Chicago.It's good to be home.你好，芝加哥。回家真好。We're on live TV here.我們正在這兒直播呢。

You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.你們可以感覺到，我現在是只“跛腳鴨”，因為沒有人聽我的指示了。

2.Four more years!Four more years!再干四年！再干四年！I can't do that.我不能這么做啊。

3.Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend.You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor.You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.You’ve made me proud.You’ve made the country proud.米歇爾，在過去25年中，你不僅僅是我的妻子和孩子們的母親，還是我的摯友。你扮演了一個自己從未尋求過的角色，盡顯自己的優雅、堅強、風格和幽默感。你讓白宮屬于每一個人。因為有你做榜樣，新一代年輕人的眼界更開闊。你讓我驕傲，你讓整個國家驕傲。

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion.You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily.Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.瑪麗亞和薩爾，在最奇怪的環境下，你們成長為了兩位出色的年輕女性，聰穎而美麗，更重要的是，善良、有思想、充滿激情。多年來你們在聚光燈下生活，學會輕松地承受這些重擔。回顧我一生中所做的事情，最讓我感到自豪的莫過于成為你們的父親。

My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks.But tonight it's my turn to say thanks.Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people--in living rooms and schools;at farms and on factory floors;at diners and on distant outposts--are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.Every day, I learned from you.You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.我的美國同胞們，米歇爾和我對過去幾周內收到的所有美好祝福非常感動。但今晚，該輪到我說聲謝謝了。也許我們未曾見面，也許我們意見不合，但與你們的交談，我的美國人民——在起居室與學校、在農田與工廠、在餐館與遠方前哨——讓我保持誠實，讓我備受鼓舞并不斷前進。每一天，我都從你們身上學到很多，是你們讓我成為一個更好的總統，一個更好的人。

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was;still searching for a purpose to my life.It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.20歲剛出頭的時候，我第一次來到芝加哥，那時我還在摸索自己的身份，還在尋找人生的目標。就在離這兒不遠的一個社區，我開始和教會一起工作，鋼廠倒閉，社區被陰云籠罩。正是在這些街區上，我見證了信仰的力量和勞動人民在困境與貧窮面前沉默的尊嚴。正是在這里，我學會了，只有當百姓共同參與進來，去要求去爭取，改變才可能發生。

5.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history...if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens--you might have said our sights were set a little too high.如果八年前我告訴你們，美國能逆轉經濟大蕭條，能重振汽車業，能創造史上最長的就業增長期??如果我告訴你們，我們跟古巴人民的關系會開啟新的篇章，不用一槍一彈就能關閉伊朗的核武器項目，還能干掉911的頭目??如果我告訴你們，我們會贏得婚姻平等，能為2000萬人獲得醫保——你們可能會說，我們的目標定得有點太高了。But that's what we did.That's what you did.You were the change.You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.但那就是我們做到的，我們做到了。你們就是改變，你們回應了人民的希望，因為你們，幾乎無論從哪方面來說，美國都比之前更好更強大了。

6.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next.I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.還有十天，世界將見證我們民主進程中的一件大事：權力從一屆自由選舉的總統平穩交棒給下一屆自由選舉的總統。我曾向當選總統特朗普承諾，我的政府將確保此次換屆過程非常平穩，就像當初布什總統把權力交接給我一樣。因為，我們每個人首先要保證美國政府未來有能力應對我們現在仍然面臨的諸多挑戰。

7.We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others;when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.當一些美國人標榜自己比別人“更純正”，當我們把整個民主體制看做是不可避免的腐敗而將其摒棄，當我們責備選出來的領導人卻不反思自己在其中的角色時，我們之間的紐帶就被削弱了。

If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life.If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing.If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.如果你厭倦了在互聯網上與陌生人爭辯，那就試試和現實生活中的人溝通。如果你認為一些問題需要被解決，那就行動起來做些什么。如果你對選舉出來的官員不滿意，那就做好準備，親自參加競選。

8.Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world--unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.我們在世界范圍內的影響力，是像俄羅斯或中國這些對手無法匹敵的——除非我們放棄自己的主張，讓自己也變成一個欺負弱鄰的大霸主。

9.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination--in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system.That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require.But laws alone won't be enough.Hearts must change.If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

為了繼續前行，我們必須在招工、購房、教育和刑事司法系統內堅持用法律抵抗歧視。這是我們的憲法和最高理念所要求的。但光有法律還不夠。人心要改變才行。如果要讓民主在日益多元的國家行之有效，我們每一個人就應該謹記美國小說中最著名的人物之一，阿蒂克斯·芬奇說過的一句忠告：“你永遠無法真正了解一個人，除非你爬進他的身體，披上他的膚色，以他的身份行走于這個世界。”

10.I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists;that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon;a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

我請求你們堅守那些被寫入建國文獻中的信仰；那些奴隸和廢奴主義者低聲吟誦的思想；那些移民、西部拓荒者和為正義游行的人所歌頌的精神；那些將勝利旗幟插在異國戰場和月球表面的人所踐行的信條；這個信條存在于每個尚未書寫下自己故事的美國人的內心： Yes We Can.是的，我們可以。Yes We Did.是的，我們做到了。Yes We Can.是的，我們能做到。

第二篇：奧巴馬告別演講

奧巴馬告別演講

It’s good to be home.My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks.But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks.Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools;at farms and on factory floors;at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.Every day, I learned from you.You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.你好，芝加哥!回家的感覺真好!謝謝，謝謝大家!(省略N個謝謝)

在過去幾個星期里，我和Michelle收到了各種美好的祝愿，我們非常感動，感謝大家對我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你們表達我的感謝，是你們，身處各地，各個場所的每一位美國人讓我保持真誠，是你們給了我靈感，并一直激勵著我前進。我每天都在向你們學習，是你們讓我成為一個更好的總統，成為一個更優秀的人。

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was;still searching for a purpose to my life.It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.我第一次來到芝加哥還是20歲出頭的時候，當時我還處在找尋自我的階段，還在為自己的生活尋找方向。就在離這不遠的一個社區，我開始參與教會團體工作。在這些街區，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了勞動人民面對困境和失意時那種安靜的尊嚴。就是在這里，我了解到只有普通民眾都參與進來，變革才會發生，只有我們的力量聯合起來，社會才會進步。You’re not the only ones.Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend.You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor.You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.You’ve made me proud.You’ve made the country proud.Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion.You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily.Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.感謝Michelle，在過去的25年中，你不僅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母親，也一直是我最好的朋友。你所要承擔的這個角色并不是你自己要求的，但你卻用優雅、堅韌、獨特的風格和幽默感成功地完成了角色轉變。你使白宮成為屬于每個人的地方。而新一代的年輕人視野會更高，因為他們有你作為榜樣。

感謝瑪麗亞和薩莎，你們成為了兩個了不起的年輕女性，聰明和美麗，但更重要的是，善良和周到，充滿激情。你們在聚光燈下承受了多年的負擔。在我一生中所做的所有事情中，我最為自豪的是成為你們的父親。

This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country.You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America;you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward.You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.這一代美國人無私、富有創造性，并飽含愛國精神，你們相信公平、公正和包容，你們知道不斷保持變化是美國的標志，所以不要害怕，擁抱這些變化，你們會愿意承擔這項艱巨的民主工作。你們很快就會超越我們這些人，我相信，未來在你們手中。

第三篇：奧巴馬告別演講中英對照原文

中英對照原文： Hello Skybrook!It's good to be home!Thank you, everybody!Thank you.Thank you.Thank you so much, thank you.Thank you.Thank you.It's good to be home.Thank you.你好，芝加哥！回家的感覺真好！謝謝，謝謝大家！（省略N個謝謝）We're on live TV here, I've got to move.我們正在電視直播呢，我要開始演講了。（現場觀眾非常熱情，掌聲不停啊。。）You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.你們叫我“跛腳鴨”總統好了，都沒有人聽從我的指示。（掌聲依然停不下來。。）Everybody have a seat.大家都坐下吧。（求你們了。。）

My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks.But tonight it's my turn to say thanks.Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people--in living rooms and schools;at farms and on factory floors;at diners and on distant outposts--are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.Every day, I learned from you.You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.我的美國同胞們，最近幾周，米歇爾和我收到了無數令人感動的祝福，今晚輪到我來表達謝意了。不管我們曾經意見相合還是相左，各位美國同胞，我同你們的每一次對話，不管是在會客廳還是在學校，在農場還是工廠車間，在餐桌上還是在遙遠的邊哨，這些交流都讓我保持真誠，充滿斗志，勇往直前。每一天，我都從你們身上學到東西。是你們讓我成為一個更好的總統，一個更好的人。

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was;still searching for a purpose to my life.It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.我第一次來到芝加哥的時候，還是一個20歲出頭的小伙子，試圖尋找自我定位，尋找生活的目標。我最初就是在這附近的街區，在一個被關閉的鋼廠旁，和教會團體一起工作。我就是在這里的街道上見證了信仰的力量，見證了這些靠雙手吃飯的人面對生活的掙扎和失利時展現出的那種安靜的尊嚴。（觀眾：連任！連任！連任！）我不能這樣。（觀眾：連任！連任！連任！）就是在這里，我了解到只有普通民眾都參與進來，熱情投入，變革才會發生，只有我們的力量聯合起來，社會才會進步。

After eight years as your President, I still believe that.And it's not just my belief.It's the beating heart of our American idea--our bold experiment in self-government.現在八年時間過去了，我仍然堅信這一點。我相信，這不只是我自己的一個信念，也是我們整個美國思想的核心所在——對自治進行大膽地嘗試。

It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.我們的信念一直是，生來平等，造物者賦予我們一些不可剝奪的權利，其中包括生命、自由以及對幸福的追求。

It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing;that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.這些權利，雖然人人都有，但并不能自動實現。我們，每一個公民，必須通過民主的工具，來創建一個更加完美的國家。

This is the great gift our Founders gave us.The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination--and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.這是造物者賜予我們的禮物，我們擁有用汗水、辛勞和想象力去追逐我們的個人夢想和自由，以及共同奮斗、實現更偉大共同利益的責任。

For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation.It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize.It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima;Iraq and Afghanistan--and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.240年以來，我們國家對公民使命的召喚使得每一代人都有每一代人的工作和目標。正是這一召喚引領著愛國者推翻暴政、選擇共和，引領著西進運動，引領著勇敢的奴隸們建造通向自由的地下鐵路。它也吸引著大批移民和難民越過大洋、越過格蘭德河（位于美墨之間）來到這片土地，鼓動女性走向投票站，給工人們以團結的動力。這是為什么美國大兵在奧馬哈海灘（譯者注：奧馬哈海灘為二戰諾曼底戰役中盟軍主要登陸點之一的代號）、硫磺島戰役（譯者注：硫磺島戰役為二戰太平洋戰爭中最激烈的戰斗之一）、伊拉克和阿富汗中揮灑鮮血，為什么從塞爾瑪（譯者注：1965年馬丁·路德·金在塞爾瑪領導爭取黑人權益的抗議游行）到格林尼治石墻（譯者注：1969年美國同性戀者在格林尼治石墻酒吧進行暴力示威，爭取權利）的男男女女也都準備好了，要獻出他們的生命。

So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional.Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.這就是為什么我們說美國是獨一無二的。我們的國家并不是一開始就是完美無瑕，而是我們有能力做出改變，讓追隨美國夢的人擁有更好的生活。

Yes, our progress has been uneven.The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody.For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.是的，我們取得的進步并不對每個人來說都是公平的，民主的事業總是艱難的、充滿爭議的，有時甚至是血腥的。每向前邁兩步，給人的感覺卻是我們退后了一步。但是美國在漫長的發展過程中，我們一直銳意進取，不斷拓寬我們的信條，去擁抱所有人，而不僅僅是其中一部分人。

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history...if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens--you might have said our sights were set a little too high.如果八年前，我告訴你們，美國將扭轉大衰退，重振汽車行業，并創造出歷史以來最多的就業機會；如果當時我告訴你們，我們將與古巴人民開啟一個新的篇章，停止伊朗核武器計劃并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使；如果當時我告訴你們，我們將實現婚姻平等，為另外2000萬的同胞贏得健康保險的權利；如果當時我告訴你們這些，你們可能會說我的目標定得太高了。

But that's what we did.That's what you did.You were the change.You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.但是現在這就是我們所做到的，這就是你們所做到的。是你們促成了這些變化，你們讓希望成真，也正是因為你們，無論從哪個角度看，現在的美國比我上任時變得更好、更強。

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next.I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.十天之內，世界將會見證我們民主的一個標志：（觀眾：不——）自由選舉選出的總統之間，權力交接應當是和平的。我已向即將就職總統的特朗普先生承諾，我的團隊將會盡己所能保證平穩交接，就像布什總統之前為我做的一樣。因為我們所有人都需要確保政府可以幫助我們應對目前面臨的諸多挑戰。

We have what we need to do so.After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth.Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.我們擁有這些，我們擁有一切應對挑戰的武器。畢竟，我們仍然是這個世界上最富有、最強大、最受尊敬的國家。我們的青年和發展動力，我們的多樣性和開放程度，我們應對風險和進行革新的能力，都在向我們表明未來應該是屬于我們的。

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works.Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people.Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.但是，只有我們保持民主這些潛力才會發揮出來。只有當我們的政治反映出人民的正直，只有我們所有人，不論黨派關系或特殊利益，都有助于推動我們實現共同目的的渴望時，這些潛力才會發揮出來。

That's what I want to focus on tonight--the state of our democracy.這就是今晚我想說的重點——我們的民主體制。

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity.Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same.But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity--the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together;that we rise or fall as one.要知道，民主并不強求一致。我們的領袖會爭吵，會妥協，但他們知道民主需要一種基本的團結意識，雖然我們存在各種差異，但我們卻是一個整體，我們共興亡。

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity.The beginning of this century has been one of those times.A shrinking world, growing inequality;demographic change and the specter of terrorism--these forces haven't just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well.And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.In other words, it will determine our future.歷史上，我們國家的團結曾多次受到威脅。在本世紀初，我們的國家就面臨了這樣的挑戰：世界不斷變小，不平等持續擴大，人口變化以及恐怖主義蔓延，這些因素不只是對我們國家安全和經濟繁榮的考驗，也是對我們民主體制的考驗。我們如何來應對這些挑戰，將決定我們是否有能力教育好我們的孩子，創造新的就業機會，并保護我們的家園。換言之，怎樣應對挑戰將決定我們的未來。

Our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.Today, the economy is growing again;wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again;poverty is falling again.The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records.The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low.The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.首先，我們的民主政體發揮作用的前提是我們承認每個人都在經濟發展中享有機會。值得高興的是今天的美國經濟正在增長。薪資水平、房產價值和退休金都在增長。貧困率正在降低。股價實現歷史新高，而富裕階層的交稅比例也日趨合理。失業率實現了十年最低。參保比例達到了從未有過的高水平。

Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years.And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system--that covers as many people at less cost--I will publicly support it.醫療成本的增長速度實現了半個世紀以來的最低水平。如我之前所說，如果有哪個方案可以實現醫療體系的更大提升，實現以更低成本覆蓋更多人群，那么我一定會公開支持這一方案，我當時所說是認真的。

That, after all, is why we serve--to make people's lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough.Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class.But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles.While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind--the laid-off factory worker;the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills--convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful--a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.我當選后，出現了一種說法是美國進入后種族時代（種族歧視已經不存在），這只是一個愿景，并不是現實。因為種族問題在我們的社會中仍然是一種強有力的分裂力量。雖然這一問題得到了某種程度的改善，但我們每一個人都需要做出更多的努力。畢竟，如果每一個經濟問題都被看作是勤勞的白人中產階級和不受歡迎的少數民族之間的矛盾，那所有種族的工人只能是爭奪蠅頭小利，而富人坐收漁翁之利。

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend.I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free.But the next wave of economic dislocation won't come from overseas.It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.但是針對這種長期形成的問題，沒有快速解決方案。我同意我們應該在推行自由貿易的同時重視貿易公平。但是其他國家的影響不會是下一次經濟危機爆發的原因，持續的自動化發展才會帶來這樣的后果。自動化將使許多優質崗位上的中產階級工人被取代。

And so we must forge a new social compact--to guarantee all our kids the education they need;to give workers the power to unionize for better wages;to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their success possible.We can argue about how to best achieve these goals.But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves.For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.因此，我們必須達成一份新的社會契約以保證所有孩子能夠接受他們所需的教育，以給予工人聯合在一起的力量從而爭取更高薪資，以完善社會保障從而使其更加適應我們現在的生活狀況，以推進稅收改革，從而使那些在我們經濟體中攫取最多的公司和個人承擔起對國家的義務，因為他們正是仰賴國家才得以取得成功。我們可以就如何才能更好地實現這些目標展開討論。但是我們不能因這些目標本身而感到自滿。因為如果我們不能為所有人創造機會的話，不滿和分裂會阻礙我們的進步，并且這種阻力會逐年增強。

There's a second threat to our democracy--one as old as our nation itself.After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America.Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society.I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago--you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.我們的民主政體還面臨第二道威脅，這一威脅幾乎和我們的國家一樣古老。我當選總統之后，出現了后種族時代的說法。這樣的圖景是美好的，但從未實現。種族問題依然是造成我們社會分裂的一股強力。現在，不管有些人持怎樣的說法，我的閱歷告訴我種族間的關系比10年、20年或30年前都要融洽。你可以從數據中看到這一點，不同政治背景的年輕美國人所持的態度也可以證實這一點。

But we're not where we need to be.All of us have more work to do.After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children--because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America's workforce.And our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game.Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.但是我們現在所實現的仍不夠，我們還應付出更多努力。如果把每個經濟問題都視為努力工作的白人中產階級和不付出勞動的少數群體之間的斗爭，那么各個階層工人的努力都只是徒勞，富裕階層卻得以進一步堅守他們的既得利益。如果我們單憑移民群體的孩子和我們相貌不同便不愿意投資在他們身上，那么我們將同時損害我們自己孩子的前途。因為那些棕色皮膚的孩子將逐漸成為美國勞動力中越來越重要的一部分。經濟并不一定是一場零和博弈，這一點已經被證實了。去年，不同種族、年齡和性別群體的收入都實現了增長。

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination--in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system.That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require.所以如果我們想要嚴肅地對待種族問題，我們就應該支持反歧視的相關法律。這些法律包括雇傭、住房、教育和司法體系方面的反歧視。這是我們憲法的要求，也是我們最高理想的要求。

But laws alone won't be enough.Hearts must change.If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.” 但是僅僅依靠法律是不夠的。我們必須轉變觀念，當然這種轉變不會在一朝一夕間實現。社會觀念的轉變一般通過幾代人的努力才能完成。但是我們的民主制度將繼續在這個多元的國家中發揮作用。而我們每一個人都應該從一部美國小說中的主角身上吸取教訓，這一角色是阿提克斯·芬奇（譯者注：阿提克斯·芬奇為作家哈珀·李的小說《殺死一只知更鳥》中塑造的正直律師的典范形象），他曾說“除非你站在另一個人的角度考慮問題，除非你爬進他的身體并來回走動，否則你是不會真正了解這個人的。”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face--the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.對于黑人和其他少數群體來說，應該將我們為正義而進行的奮斗同其他群體正面臨的挑戰聯系在一起。這些群體不僅包括難民、移民、城市里的貧窮家庭和跨性別美國人，還包括中年白人，因為他們也許看起來具有優勢，但他們同時也正面臨經濟、文化和技術方面的變革。我們應該關注他們，傾聽他們的想法。

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s;that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness;that when they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.對于美國白人來說，這意味著我們要明白奴隸制的影響和吉姆·克勞法（譯者注：吉姆·克勞法為1876年至1965年間美國南部及邊境各州對有色人種實行的種族隔離制度的法律）并不是在60年代憑空消失的，我們要明白少數群體發出不滿時，他們不是為了反對種族主義或倡導政治正確。當他們發起和平示威時，他們不是在要求特殊對待，他們只是在要求國父們承諾的平等對待。

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles.America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers;they embraced this nation's creed, and it was strengthened.對于本土美國人來說，這意味著我們要認識到自己今天對于移民的種種偏見，如針對愛爾蘭人、意大利人和波蘭人的偏見，將摧毀美國最本質的精神。正如我們所見，美國并沒有因為這些移民而走向衰落；這些移民忠于美國倡導的宗旨，他們的到來使美國變得更強。

So regardless of the station we occupy;we have to try harder;to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do;that they value hard work and family like we do;that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.因此無論我們持什么立場，我們都應該更加努力。我們都應該以這樣的認知為出發點：每一個公民都同我們一樣熱愛著這個國家，同我們一樣努力工作、一樣重視家庭；他們的孩子也像我們的孩子一樣，充滿好奇、前途無量并且值得愛護。

None of this is easy.For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions.The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste--all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.要做到這一點并非易事。對于我們中的太多人來說，躲進我們自己的圈子是更安全，這些圈子包括我們的鄰里、大學校園、教堂或是社交網絡，在安全地帶我們周圍盡是和我們相像、有相同政治立場和從不挑戰我們觀點的人。赤裸裸的黨爭、經濟和地域方面不斷攀升的自滿情緒、迎合不同人群造成的媒體間的分裂，這些都使區別對待的做法看起來是自然的，甚至是不可避免的。于是我們在自己的安全地帶越來越感到安心，于是我們開始只接受迎合我們的觀點，無論這些觀點是對是錯，而不是接受那些基于現有證據的說法。This trend represents a third threat to our democracy.Politics is a battle of ideas;in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them.But without some common baseline of facts;without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.這一趨勢構成了對我們民主體制的第三道威脅。但是政治就是一場有關理念的戰斗。我們的民主體制設計便是基于此。在針對醫療方面的爭論中，我們為不同目標劃分了優先次序并制定了實現它們的不同方案。但是如果沒有對底線的堅守和接受新信息的意愿，如果我們不承認我們對手的觀點也許是公正的，不承認科學和理性的重要性，那么我們便不能實現真正的溝通，不能相互妥協并建立共同立場。

Isn't that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts;it's self-defeating.Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.不正是這些因素使人們對政治感到失望的嗎？如果政客沒有對削減企業稅感到不滿的話，那我們提議增加對學齡前兒童的支出時，他們憑什么感到憤怒呢？在抨擊其他政黨腐敗的同時，我們怎么能寬宥黨內腐敗呢？這些行為不只是不誠實，更是對事實的區別對待，是自我毀滅的行徑。因為，就像我母親曾經告訴我的，現實總能讓你自食其果。Take the challenge of climate change.In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change;they'll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.讓我們接受氣候變化帶來的挑戰吧。僅僅八年，我們對國外石油的需求量就削減了一半，可再生能源的產量也翻了一倍。我們領導世界各國達成協議，承諾拯救我們生活的星球。但是如果不堅決地采取行動，我們的孩子將沒有時間再討論氣候變化問題是否存在，他們將忙于應對氣候變化帶來的各種影響——更多的環境問題，更多對經濟的阻礙和一撥又一撥尋求美好生活環境的氣候移民。

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem.But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations;it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.現在，我們可以并且應該討論解決環境問題的最佳方案。單純地否認問題的存在是對后人的不負責，是對我們開國元勛的創新與解決實際問題精神的背離，而這一精神是我們國家精神的實質。

It's that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse--the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral;the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.這一精神起源于啟蒙時代。正是這一精神使我們國家成為世界經濟的引擎。小鷹鎮和卡納維拉爾角起飛的航天飛機承載的也正是這一精神。在這一精神的指導下，我們治愈了疾病、將智能手機放進了每個人的口袋。

It's that spirit--a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles--the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.這一精神是一種信念，是對理性、進取心的信念，對權利應始終高于權力的信念，這一信念引導我們在經濟蕭條時期拒絕了法西斯和專制的誘惑，引導我們在二戰后同其他民主政體一起建立了戰后秩序。我們建立的戰后秩序不僅基于軍事力量和國家的團結，更是基于我們堅守的原則——法制、人權、宗教自由、言論自由、集會自由和媒體自由。

That order is now being challenged--first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam;more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power.The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile.It represents the fear of change;the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently;a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable;an intolerance of dissent and free thought;a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.這一秩序現在正經受挑戰。首先，挑戰來自號稱伊斯蘭代言人的狂熱暴力分子；如今外國資本中的獨裁者將自由市場、開放的民主政體和公民社會視為威脅他們權力的眼中釘，他們開始挑戰民主秩序。這兩方面遠比汽車爆炸和導彈對民主政體帶來的威脅要深遠。他們帶來的威脅源于對變化的恐懼，對不同外表、言行和信仰的恐懼；法治是保證當權者承擔責任的手段，他們卻蔑視法治，他們對異見和思想自由從來不尊重。他們認為刀槍、炸彈和宣傳機器即是正義。

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years;and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever.We've taken out tens of thousands of terrorists--including Osama bin Laden.The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory.ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe.To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.由于軍人們的勇氣和情報人員、執法力量和外交官們給予他們的支持，在過去的八年，沒有任何一個國外恐怖組織得以在我們的領土策劃或實施恐怖襲擊。盡管在波士頓（譯者注：2013年4月15日，波士頓馬拉松比賽發生爆炸案造成3人死亡，嫌犯曾表示捍衛伊斯蘭教的決心）、奧蘭多（譯者注：2016年6月12日，響應伊斯蘭圣戰號召的嫌犯在奧蘭多同性戀酒吧發起槍擊，造成50人死亡）、圣貝納迪諾郡（譯者注：2015年12月2日，加州圣貝納迪諾郡發生槍擊案，造成14人死亡，行兇者曾宣誓效忠伊斯蘭國首領）和胡德堡（譯者注：2009年11月5日，美國陸軍胡德堡基地發生圣戰分子大規模槍擊案，造成13人死亡）發生的悲劇使我們意識到極端主義有多危險，但我們的執法部門也自此變得更加高效、警惕。我們清除了成千上萬的恐怖主義者，其中包括本拉登。我們領導的反伊斯蘭國全球聯盟除掉了他們的首領，他們侵占的土地我們奪取了大約一半。伊斯蘭國終將被擊毀，從沒有哪個對美國造成威脅的人是安全的。對于保衛或曾經保衛我們的國家的人，我想對你們說，擔任你們的總司令是我一生的光榮。我們每個人都應該向你們表示最真摯的謝意。

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military.Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear.So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.但是維護我們的生活方式僅靠軍事力量是不夠的。如果我們屈服于恐懼，民主就會變質。因此作為美國公民的我們應該保持對外來侵犯的警覺，應該捍衛那些決定我們是誰的價值觀。

That's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing.That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.這就是為什么在過去的八年中，我致力于將堅決打擊恐怖主義的行動合法化。這就是為什么我們終結酷刑、致力于關閉關塔那摩監獄并變革與監管相關的法律以保護公民隱私和自由。這就是為什么我堅決反對針對穆斯林美國人的歧視，他們同我們一樣熱愛這個國家。

That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans.That's why we cannot withdraw from global fights--to expand democracy, and human rights, women's rights, and LGBT rights--no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem.For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression.這就是為什么我們不能從全球化中撤身，我們應該發揚民主、人權以及對女性和LGBT群體權利的關注，即使我們現在所做的工作并不完善，即使當面臨現實問題時，我們總無暇顧及這些價值觀。對極端主義、排斥異己、宗派主義和沙文主義的反抗是反對專制、反對國家主義的一部分。

If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.如果在全球范圍內對自由和法制的尊重減弱，那么國家間和一國內爆發戰爭的可能性便會增加，我們自己的自由也就會因此受到威脅。

So let's be vigilant, but not afraid.ISIL will try to kill innocent people.But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world--unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.所以，我們應該保持警覺，而不是充滿恐懼。企圖濫殺無辜的伊斯蘭國永遠不能戰勝我們，除非我們背離了我們的憲法和基本原則；俄羅斯和中國這樣的對手也不可能與我們匹敵，除非我們拋棄了立場、變成另一個欺凌周邊小國的大國。

Which brings me to my final point--our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote.When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service.When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.這也是我想要表達的最后一點：當我們把民主視為理所當然時，我們的民主就會受到威脅。我們所有人，不論黨派，都應該致力于重建我們的民主體制的任務。當投票率是發達民主國家中最低之一時，我們應該使投票更容易，而不是更難。當我們的組織信任度降低時，我們應該減少金錢在政治中的腐蝕性影響，并堅持透明度和道德的公共服務原則。當國會功能失調時，我們應該吸引我們的地區鼓勵政客迎合大眾需求，而不是僵化的極端。

And all of this depends on our participation;on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.但是我們要牢記，所有這些目標的實現都不會是自然而然的。所有這些都取決于我們每個人的參與，取決于無論政治風向如何變動，我們都能夠承擔公民責任。Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift.But it's really just a piece of parchment.It has no power on its own.We, the people, give it power--with our participation, and the choices we make.Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms.Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law.America is no fragile thing.But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.憲法是我們無可比擬的、天賦的優勢。但這只是我們優勢的一部分，因為憲法本身是無力的。是我們、是民眾給予了它力量。是我們賦予了它意義。是我們通過參與、我們所做的選擇和我們結成的聯盟做到這一點的。我們是否堅守自由、是否尊重并貫徹法治決定了憲法的力量。這些都取決于我們。美國并不是一個脆弱的國家，但是我們通向自由的旅程并不是安穩無憂的。

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken...to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.喬治華盛頓在他的告別演講中提到自治是我們安全、繁榮和自由的支柱。但是由于各種各樣的原因，取得自治的道路將是艱難的，會有很多阻礙威脅我們對真理的信念。因此我們應該以嫉妒般的敏感保衛我們的信念，任何分離我們國家、割裂將我們維系的神圣紐帶的企圖都應該被扼殺在襁褓之中。

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service;so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent.We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others;when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.如果我們允許政治對話變得激烈，以致具備高貴品質的人放棄參與服務民眾的工作；如果我們允許政治對話變得粗暴而充滿敵意，以致我們的對手被誤導而變得不懷好意，那么我們之間的連結就會被削弱。如果我們認為一部分人比其他人更具備自稱美國人的資格，如果我們默認整個系統的腐敗是不可避免的，如果我們不詳加考量便決定自己的選票，那么我們之間的紐帶也會被削弱。

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy;to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours.Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.我們每個人都有責任去敏感警惕地捍衛民主；每個人都應該熱情洋溢地投身于發展我們偉大的國家這一使命。因為我們的外表也許不同，但我們都被授予了同一頭銜：公民。

Ultimately, that's what our democracy demands.It needs you.Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime.If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life.民主需要的就是正是這一點。它需要你的參與。你的參與不應僅限于選舉，不應僅限于影響你切身利益的事情，你的參與應該貫穿你的一生。

If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing.If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.Show up.Dive in.Persevere.如果已經厭煩了同互聯網上的陌生人爭論，那便和現實中的人交流吧；如果遇到了麻煩，那便系好鞋帶去行動吧；如果對自己選出的政客失望，那便抓起紙板、寫上你的名字然后親自參加競選吧。參與進來、投入進去然后堅持到底。

Sometimes you'll win.Sometimes you'll lose.Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you.But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire.And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.有時你會成功，有時你將面臨失敗。假定他人總心懷善意是有風險的，有時你會感到失望。但是對于那些幸運的、得以參與其中一部分工作并見證這些工作得以完成的人來說，他們從中吸取了力量，備受鼓舞。更重要的是，他們對美國、對美國人的信念從中得到了肯定。

Mine sure has been.Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers.I've mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church.I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again.I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.I've seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.我自己對美國及美國人的信念的確也加強了。這八年，我看到那么多年輕畢業生和新晉軍官洋溢著希望的臉龐。我和心碎的、失落的家庭一同悲傷，我也曾在查爾斯頓教堂中蒙恩。（譯者注：2015年6月17日，在美國南卡羅萊納州查爾斯頓的一起重大槍擊案。一名白人在當地的一座黑人教堂開槍，造成九人死亡，包括一名議員）我看到我們的科學家幫助一個癱瘓男人重獲觸感，讓受傷的戰士恢復行走能力。我看到地震后我們的醫生和志愿者們開展重建工作、遏止流行疾病的蔓延。我看到很小的孩子用行動和寬容給予我們警醒——我們身負幫助難民的責任，我們應該為實現和平而努力，最重要的是，我們得愛護彼此。

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn't possibly have imagined.I hope yours has, too.Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off.過去的幾年，我一直相信普通美國人可以帶來改變，這種信念從各個方面使我受益，這在此前是難以預料的。我希望你的信念也能使你受益匪淺。今天現場和電視機前的一部分人，在2004、2008、2012年的時候也和我在一起，也許你們到現在也無法相信我們真的做到了。我想告訴你們，不敢相信的不只有你們。

You're not the only ones.Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you've been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend.You took on a role you didn't ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor.You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.You've made me proud.You've made the country proud.感謝米歇爾！米歇爾·拉范恩·羅賓森，這個來自南部的女孩。在過去的25年里，你不僅是我的妻子，我孩子們的母親，同時也是我最好的朋友。你擔任的角色自己從未設想過，卻把它演繹得優雅、勇敢而幽默，頗具自己的風格。你將白宮變成一個歡迎所有人來的地方。新一代人把自己的目標定得更高，因為他們有你作為模范。你讓我感到驕傲。你讓整個國家為你驕傲。

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion.You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily.Of all that I've done in my life, I'm most proud to be your dad.感謝瑪利亞和薩莎，在一種和普通青少年成長環境不同的氛圍中，你們成長為兩位讓人驚艷的少女，智慧而美麗。但更重要的是，你們善良、體貼、充滿熱情。你們對這些年來外界的關注應付自如。我這一生中最驕傲的事情，就是能做你們的父親。

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best.Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother.We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.副總統喬·拜登，從斯克蘭頓的一個愛打架的孩子成長為特拉華州最愛的兒子。你是我最早提名的內閣成員，也是最好的。并不僅僅因為你是成功的副總統，更因為在我們共事的過程中，你成了我的兄弟。我們愛你和吉爾有如家人，你的友誼是我們生命中最為珍視的快樂之一。

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I've drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism.I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own.Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you.The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we've done is the thought of all the remarkable things you'll achieve from here.我極為出色的白宮職員們：這八年，你們其中一些人和我共事成長，我從你們身上獲得了很多能量，也嘗試把每天從你們身上獲得的輻射給其他人：愛心、個性和理想主義。我見證你們成長、結婚、生子，并開啟屬于你們自己的事業。哪怕時事變得艱難，使人受挫，你們也從未被華盛頓的這些破事擊倒過。我們一起在這里促成了很多好事，但讓我感到更為驕傲的是，從這里起步的你們將會取得更大成就。

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful.Because yes, you changed the world.所有支持我的人：每一個搬到自己不熟悉的小鎮的組織者，還有那些熱情招呼他們進門的家庭，每一個上門游說的志愿者，每一個第一次投票的年輕人，每一位在充滿變數的時事中艱難生活的美國人……你們是最好的支持者和組織者，我永遠感激你們。是的，你們的確改變了世界，你們做到了。

That's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started.Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans;it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference;to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.這是為什么今天我比剛任職時，更為樂觀地看待我們國家的未來。因為我知道我們所做的工作不僅幫助了很多人，更激勵了很多人，尤其是年輕人。要相信你們可以促成改變，要為比自身更重要的事情而努力奮斗。

This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I've seen you in every corner of the country.You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America;you know that constant change has been America's hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward.You'll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.我想說，這一代年輕人不自私、有創意、愛國。我在美國處處可以見到你們。你們相信美國可以更公平、更公正、更包容；你們了解不斷的變化正是美國的特質，我們應該面對而不應該懼怕；你們也愿意去承受推進民主的重任。你們將最終超越我們所有人，我相信國家的未來在你們手中將會更加光明。

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you.I won't stop;in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain.For now, whether you're young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.我的同胞們，能夠為你們服務是我的榮幸。我會一直為你們服務。事實上，在我以后的人生中，我會以一位普通公民的身份一直和你們在一起。而現在，無論你年輕與否，作為你們的總統我還有一個請求，八年前你們剛把我選上來時我提出過同樣的請求。

I am asking you to believe.Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.我請求你們繼續保持信念。不是相信我可以帶來改變，而是相信你們自己的力量。I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists;that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon;a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: 我請求你們依然堅信在建國時我們寫下的信念，那個奴隸和廢奴主義者低語過的信念，那個被移民和追求正義的人們吟誦過的信念；我們勝利的星條旗，從國外的戰場一路飄揚到月球表面，更加強化了這一信念；它也將會是每一個還未開始書寫自己故事的美國人的精神內核。Yes We Can.是的，我們能行。Yes We Did.是的，我們做到了。Yes We Can.是的，我們能行！

Thank you.God bless you.And may God continue to bless the United States of America.謝謝！愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅！

第四篇：奧巴馬演講

May 25, 2013 WASHINGTON, DC—In his weekly address Saturday, Obama noted that members of the U.S.military often risk their lives without seeking the limelight or any special reward.As Americans observe Memorial Day weekend, U.S.President Barack Obama is calling on his fellow citizens to remember the men and women who have given their lives in service to the country, and to remember the military families who make sacrifices of their own.奧巴馬在例行的周六演說中指出，美軍官兵經常將生命危險置之度外而并不尋求關注和特別獎賞。他說，星期一就是陣亡將士紀念日，這一天應該用來感謝烈士的奉獻。美國總統奧巴馬呼吁美國民眾牢記為國捐軀的英烈們，記住烈士家屬做出的犧牲。

第五篇：奧巴馬演講

奧巴馬演講《我們為什么要上學》全文

發布者：weleve 日期：2013年09月05日 01:39 來源： weleve.com 【字號 ：大 中 小】 你要記住，哪怕你表現不好、哪怕你失去信心、哪怕你覺得身邊的人都已經放棄了你——永遠不要自己放棄自己。因為當你放棄自己的時候，你也放棄了自己的國家。

【時間地點】弗吉尼亞州，阿林頓市，2009年9月8日

嗨，大家好!你們今天過得怎么樣?

我現在和弗吉尼亞州阿林頓郡韋克菲爾德高中的學生們在一起，全國各地也有從幼兒園到高三的眾多學生們通過電視關注這里，我很高興你們能共同分享這一時刻。

我知道，對你們中的許多人來說，今天是開學的第一天，你們中的有一些剛剛進入幼兒園或升上初高中，對你們來說，這是在新學校的第一天，因此，假如你們感到有些緊張，那也是很正常的。我想也會有許多畢業班的學生們正自信滿滿地準備最后一年的沖刺。不過，我想無論你有多大、在讀哪個年級，許多人都打心底里希望現在還在放暑假，以及今天不用那么早起床。

我可以理解這份心情。小時候，我們家在印度尼西亞住過幾年，而我媽媽沒錢送我去其他美國孩子們上學的地方去讀書，因此她決定自己給我上課——時間是每周一到周五的凌晨4點半。顯然，我不怎么喜歡那么早就爬起來，很多時候，我就這么在廚房的桌子前睡著了。

每當我埋怨的時候，我媽總會用同一副表情看著我說：“小鬼，你以為教你我就很輕松?” 所以，我可以理解你們中的許多人對于開學還需要時間來調整和適應，但今天我站在這里，是為了和你們談一些重要的事情。我要和你們談一談你們每個人的教育，以及在新的學年里，你們應當做些什么。我做過許多關于教育的講話，也常常用到“責任”這個詞。

我談到過教師們有責任激勵和啟迪你們，督促你們學習。我談到過家長們有責任看管你們認真學習、完成作業，不要成天只會看電視或打游戲機。我也很多次談到過政府有責任設定高標準嚴要求、協助老師和校長們的工作，改變在有些學校里學生得不到應有的學習機會的現狀。但哪怕這一切都達到最好，哪怕我們有最盡職的教師、最好的家長、和最優秀的學校，假如你們不去履行自己的責任的話，那么這一切努力都會白費。——除非你每天準時去上學、除非你認真地聽老師講課、除非你把父母、長輩和其他大人們說的話放在心上、除非你肯付出成功所必需的努力，否則這一切都會失去意義。

而這就是我今天講話的主題：對于自己的教育，你們中每一個人的責任。首先，我想談談你們對于自己有什么責任。

你們中的每一個人都會有自己擅長的東西，每一個人都是有用之材，而發現自己的才能是什么，就是你們要對自己擔起的責任。

教育給你們提供了發現自己才能的機會。或許你能寫出優美的文字——甚至有一天能讓那些文字出現在書籍和報刊上——但假如不在英語課上經常練習寫作，你不會發現自己有這樣的天賦;或許你能成為一個發明家、創造家——甚至設計出像今天的iPhone一樣流行的產品，或研制出新的藥物與疫苗——但假如不在自然科學課程上做上幾次實驗，你不會知道自己有這樣的天賦;或許你能成為一名議員或最高法院法官，但假如你不去加入什么學生會或參加幾次辯論賽，你也不會發現自己的才能。而且，我可以向你保證，不管你將來想要做什么，你都需要相應的教育。——你想當名醫生、當名教師或當名警官?你想成為護士、成為建筑設計師、律師或軍人?無論你選擇哪一種職業，良好的教育都必不可少，這世上不存在不把書念完就能拿到好工作的美夢，任何工作，都需要你的汗水、訓練與學習。不僅僅對于你們個人的未來有重要意義，你們的教育如何也會對這個國家、乃至世界的未來產生重要影響。

今天你們在學校中學習的內容，將會決定我們整個國家在未來迎接重大挑戰時的表現。你們需要在數理科學課程上學習的知識和技能，去治療癌癥、艾滋那樣的疾病，和解決我們面臨的能源問題與環境問題;你們需要在歷史社科課程上培養出的觀察力與判斷力，來減輕和消除無家可歸與貧困、犯罪問題和各種歧視，讓這個國家變得更加公平和自由;你們需要在各類課程中逐漸累積和發展出來的創新意識和思維，去創業和建立新的公司與企業，來制造就業機會和推動經濟的增長。

我們需要你們中的每一個人都培養和發展自己的天賦、技能和才智，來解決我們所面對的最困難的問題。假如你不這么做——假如你放棄學習——那么你不僅是放棄了自己，也是放棄了你的國家。當然，我明白，讀好書并不總是件容易的事。我知道你們中的許多人在生活中面臨著各種各樣的問題，很難把精力集中在專心讀書之上。我知道你們的感受。我父親在我兩歲時就離開了家庭，是母親一人將我們拉扯大，有時她付不起帳單，有時我們得不到其他孩子們都有的東西，有時我會想，假如父親在該多好，有時我會感到孤獨無助，與周圍的環境格格不入。

因此我并不總是能專心學習，我做過許多自己覺得丟臉的事情，也惹出過許多不該惹的麻煩，我的生活岌岌可危，隨時可能急轉直下。但我很幸運。我在許多事上都得到了重來的機會，我得到了去大學讀法學院、實現自己夢想的機會。我的妻子——現在得叫她第一夫人米歇爾·奧巴馬了——也有著相似的人生故事，她的父母都沒讀過大學，也沒有什么財產，但他們和她都辛勤工作，好讓她有機會去這個國家最優秀的學校讀書。你們中有些人可能沒有這些有利條件，或許你的生活中沒有能為你提供幫助和支持的長輩，或許你的某個家長沒有工作、經濟拮據，或許你住的社區不那么安全，或許你認識一些會對你產生不良影響的朋友，等等。

但歸根結底，你的生活狀況——你的長相、出身、經濟條件、家庭氛圍——都不是疏忽學業和態度惡劣的借口，這些不是你去跟老師頂嘴、逃課、或是輟學的借口，這些不是你不好好讀書的借口。你的未來，并不取決于你現在的生活有多好或多壞。沒有人為你編排好你的命運，在美國，你的命運由你自己書寫，你的未來由你自己掌握。而在這片土地上的每個地方，千千萬萬和你一樣的年輕人正是這樣在書寫著自己的命運。

例如德克薩斯州羅馬市的賈斯敏·佩雷茲(Jazmin Perez)。剛進學校時，她根本不會說英語，她住的地方幾乎沒人上過大學，她的父母也沒有受過高等教育，但她努力學習，取得了優異的成績，靠獎學金進入了布朗大學，如今正在攻讀公共衛生專業的博士學位。我還想起了加利福尼亞州洛斯拉圖斯市的安多尼·舒爾茲(Andoni Schultz)，他從三歲起就開始與腦癌病魔做斗爭，他熬過了一次次治療與手術——其中一次影響了他的記憶，因此他得花出比常人多幾百個小時的時間來完成學業，但他從不曾落下自己的功課。

這個秋天，他要開始在大學讀書了。又比如在我的家鄉，伊利諾斯州芝加哥市，身為孤兒的香特爾·史蒂夫(Shantell Steve)換過多次收養家庭，從小在治安很差的地區長大，但她努力爭取到了在當地保健站工作的機會、發起了一個讓青少年遠離犯罪團伙的項目，很快，她也將以優異的成績從中學畢業，去大學深造。賈斯敏、安多尼和香特爾與你們并沒有什么不同。和你們一樣，他們也在生活中遭遇各種各樣的困難與問題，但他們拒絕放棄，他們選擇為自己的教育擔起責任、給自己定下奮斗的目標。我希望你們中的每一個人，都能做得到這些。因此，在今天，我號召你們每一個人都為自己的教育定下一個目標——并在之后，盡自己的一切努力去實現它。你的目標可以很簡單，像是完成作業、認真聽講或每天閱讀——或許你打算參加一些課外活動，或在社區做些志愿工作;或許你決定為那些因為長相或出身等等原因而受嘲弄或欺負的孩子做主、維護他們的權益，因為你和我一樣，認為每個孩子都應該能有一個安全的學習環境;或許你認為該學著更好的照顧自己，來為將來的學習做準備……

當然，除此之外，我希望你們都多多洗手、感到身體不舒服的時候要多在家休息，免得大家在秋冬感冒高發季節都得流感。不管你決定做什么，我都希望你能堅持到底，希望你能真的下定決心。我知道有些時候，電視上播放的節目會讓你產生這樣那樣的錯覺，似乎你不需要付出多大的努力就能腰纏萬貫、功成名就——你會認為只要會唱rap、會打籃球或參加個什么真人秀節目就能坐享其成，但現實是，你幾乎沒有可能走上其中任何一條道路。

因為，成功是件難事。你不可能對要讀的每門課程都興趣盎然，你不可能和每名帶課教師都相處順利，你也不可能每次都遇上看起來和現實生活有關的作業。而且，并不是每件事，你都能在頭一次嘗試時獲得成功。但那沒有關系。因為在這個世界上，最最成功的人們往往也經歷過最多的失敗。

J.K.羅琳的第一本《哈利·波特》被出版商拒絕了十二次才最終出版;邁克爾·喬丹上高中時被學校的籃球隊刷了下來，在他的職業生涯里，他輸了幾百場比賽、投失過幾千次射籃，知道他是怎么說的嗎?“我一生不停地失敗、失敗再失敗，這就是我現在成功的原因。” 他們的成功，源于他們明白人不能讓失敗左右自己——而是要從中吸取經驗。從失敗中，你可以明白下一次自己可以做出怎樣的改變;假如你惹了什么麻煩，那并不說明你就是個搗蛋貴，而是在提醒你，在將來要對自己有更嚴格的要求;假如你考了個低分，那并不說明你就比別人笨，而是在告訴你，自己得在學習上花更多的時間。沒有哪一個人一生出來就擅長做什么事情的，只有努力才能培養出技能。

任何人都不是在第一次接觸一項體育運動時就成為校隊的代表，任何人都不是在第一次唱一首歌時就找準每一個音，一切都需要熟能生巧。對于學業也是一樣，你或許要反復運算才能解出一道數學題的正確答案，你或許需要讀一段文字好幾遍才能理解它的意思，你或許得把論文改上好幾次才能符合提交的標準。這都是很正常的。不要害怕提問。不要不敢向他人求助。——我每天都在這么做。求助并不是軟弱的表現，恰恰相反，它說明你有勇氣承認自己的不足、并愿意去學習新的知識。所以，有不懂時，就向大人們求助吧——找個你信得過的對象，例如父母、長輩、老師、教練或輔導員——讓他們幫助你向目標前進。

你要記住，哪怕你表現不好、哪怕你失去信心、哪怕你覺得身邊的人都已經放棄了你——永遠不要自己放棄自己。因為當你放棄自己的時候，你也放棄了自己的國家。美國不是一個人們遭遇困難就輕易放棄的國度，在這個國家，人們堅持到底、人們加倍努力，為了他們所熱愛的國度，每一個人都盡著自己最大的努力，不會給自己留任何余地。

250年前，有一群和你們一樣的學生，他們之后奮起努力、用一場革命最終造就了這個國家;75年前，有一群和你們一樣的學生，他們之后戰勝了大蕭條、贏得了二戰;就在20年前，和你們一樣的學生們，他們后來創立了Google、Twitter和Facebook，改變了我們人與人之間溝通的方式。因此，今天我想要問你們，你們會做出什么樣的貢獻?你們將解決什么樣的難題?你們能發現什么樣的事物?

二十、五十或百年之后，假如那時的美國總統也來做一次開學演講的話，他會怎樣描述你們對這個國家所做的一切?你們的家長、你們的老師和我，每一個人都在盡最大的努力，確保你們都能得到應有的教育來回答這些問題。

例如我正在努力為你們提供更安全的教室、更多的書籍、更先進的設施與計算機。但你們也要擔起自己的責任。因此我要求你們在今年能夠認真起來，我要求你們盡心地去做自己著手的每一件事，我要求你們每一個人都有所成就。

請不要讓我們失望——不要讓你的家人、你的國家和你自己失望。你們要成為我們驕傲，我知道，你們一定可以做到。

謝謝大家!