第一篇：休斯頓牧師協會演講譯文【原創】（本站推薦）

休斯頓牧師協會演講譯文【原創】

Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.尊敬的Meza，尊敬的Reck，我衷心感謝你們寬宏大度地邀請我來闡述我的觀點。

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign;the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers only 90 miles from the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign.And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.所謂的宗教問題理所當然地作為今晚的主題，而則要從一開始就強調我相信我們在1960年的競選中有更重要的問題；共產主義影響的蔓延，直到它已經侵蝕到距離佛羅里達海岸只有90英里的地方—那些藐視我們實力的大國們對我們的正、副總統的羞辱—我在西弗吉尼亞州見過的饑餓的兒童們，交不起醫療費的老人們，被迫交出土地的家庭—一個貧民窟過多，學校過少，遲遲沒有載人登月和進入外層空間的美國。這些不是宗教問題—因為戰爭、饑餓、無知和絕望可不受宗教限制。

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this.So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.但是因為我是天主教徒，并且還沒有天主教徒當選過總統，本次選舉中的現實問題就變得撲朔迷離了—或許是那些不像貴協會一樣負責任的團體人為造成的。所以我顯然有必要重申—我信仰什么宗教無所謂，因為這只對我自己重要—但是我信仰什么樣的美國才重要。

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute;where no Catholic prelate would tell the President--should he be Catholic--how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote;where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.我信仰這樣一個美國，那里政教徹底分開；那里沒有天主教士會告訴總統—他是否應該是天主教徒--如何作為，沒有新教牧師會告訴他的教民投誰的票；那里沒有教堂或教會學校可以獲得公共基金或政治偏愛，那里沒有人會僅僅因為他的宗教與可能提拔他的總統不同或與可能選舉他的人們不同而失去公職。

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish;where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source;where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.我信仰一個美國既非天主教、新教，也非猶太教；那里沒有政府官員就公共政策要求或接受教皇，教會的全國會議或任何其它基督教會的指示；那里沒有宗教團體謀求直接或間接地把他的意志強加于大眾或官員的公共作為上，那里宗教自由是如此不可剝奪，以至于反對一個教會的行動會被認為是反對所以教會。

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been--and may someday be again--a Jew, or a Quaker, or a Unitarian, or a Baptist.It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom.Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.盡管今年天主教徒可能被千夫所指，但是其它年份曾經是—也許某一天再一次是猶太教徒，或貴格會教徒，或唯一神教徒，或浸禮教徒。例如對浸禮教傳教士們的侵害，導致杰弗遜宗教自由條款的誕生。今天，我可能是受害者，但是明天可能就是你—直到我們和諧社會的大廈在大國難中徹底崩塌。

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.最后，我信仰一個美國，那里宗教沖突將在某一天結束，那里所有人和所有教派都一視同仁，那里每個人都有同樣的權力選擇參加或不參加教派，那里沒有天主教投票或非天主教投票，沒有任何派系投票，那里天主教徒、新教徒、猶太教徒，無論處于普通教徒還是牧師一級，將戒除過去常常與他們的工作形影不離的鄙視和對立態度，取而代之的是倡導一種美國的兄弟情誼理念。

That is the kind of America in which I believe.And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it--its occupancy from the members of any one religious group.I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him1 as a condition to holding that office.這就是我所信仰的美國。它代表我信仰的總統職責，一個偉大的職位既不會因為被作為任何宗教團體的工具而威信掃地，也不會因為被掌控而聲名狼藉—被任何宗教團體的成員們掌控。我信仰的總統的宗教觀點是他自己的事，既不是國家強加給他的，也不是國家強加給他作為擔任總統的條件。

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty;nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so.And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection.For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.我不會帶著偏愛高看一個致力于修改宗教自由第一次修訂案的總統；我們的監督制衡機制也不會允許他這么做。我也不會帶著偏愛高看那些試圖用要求宗教審查甚至間接議案修改憲法第六款的人們。因為如果他們不贊同這個保障，他們可以公開對其抗訴。

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill;and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual, or obligation.我希望一個首席執行官的公共作為對所有人負責而不是對某個人的義務，只要他的職責要求他履行，他可以出席任何儀式、禮拜或宴會；他履行總統職責不受任何宗教誓言、儀式或義務的限制或制約。

This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe.No one suggested then that we might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened--I quote--“the freedoms for which our forefathers died.” 這就是我所信仰的美國—這就是我在南太平洋為之戰斗的美國，這就是我的哥哥在歐洲為之犧牲的美國。那時沒有人指出我們是否有分立的忠誠，我們不信仰自由，或屬于一個不忠誠的群體威脅著—我引用原話—“我們的先輩為之犧牲的自由”。

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo.For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not.For there was no religious test there.事實上，這才是我們的先輩們為之犧牲的美國，他們躲避不讓不受青睞的教會成員就認公職的宗教審查誓言時投奔的美國—他們為憲法、權利法案、宗教自由的弗吉尼亞條款戰斗的美國—他們在我今天訪問的圣地，阿拉莫戰斗的美國。與Bowie 和 Crockett一同就義的有Fuentes, McCafferty, Bailey, Badillo和Carey—沒有人知道他們是否天主教徒。因為那時沒有宗教審查。I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools--which I attended myself.And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here.And always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.我今晚懇請你們遵從這個傳統—根據我14年的國會工作經歷，根據我宣布的反對駐梵蒂岡大使，根據我反對對教會學校的違憲資助，根據我反對抵制任何公立學校—我曾經就讀于公立學校--的立場來判斷我。絕不能與此相反，根據那些我們都看到的小冊子和出版物的內容來判斷我，因為它們斷章取義，摘錄通常是其他國家的，經常是幾個世紀前的天主教會領導人的講話，與當今這里的情況毫不相干。當然總是回避美國主教在1948年的講話，這個講話強烈支持政教分立，這更接近幾乎所有美國天主教徒的觀點。

I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts.Why should you? 我對其它關于我的公共作為的斷章取義不屑一顧，你們呢？

But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion.And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in any country.And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics.And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer.但是請允許我說，針對其他國家，我堅決反對國家被宗教團體利用，無論是天主教還是新教，來強迫、禁止或迫害任何其它宗教的自由行動。對其它任何迫害，無論何時、由誰行使、在任何國家，我都反對。我希望你和我以同樣的感情譴責那些拒絕新教徒擔任總統和拒絕天主教徒擔任總統的國家。與其提及這些異己國家的惡行，我不如提及在諸如法國和愛爾蘭等國家的天主教會的記錄以及諸如戴高樂和亞當諾這樣的政治家的獨立。

But let me stress again that these are my views.但是請允許我強調我的這些觀點。

For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.與公共報紙的說法不同，我不是天主教總統候選人。

I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.我是民主黨總統候選人恰巧是天主教徒。

I do not speak for my church on public matters;and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views--in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates.And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.我不會就公共問題為我的教會說話；我的教會也不會為我說話。如果我當選，我作為總統將要面對的問題是計劃生育、離婚、檢查、賭博或任何其它項目，我將根據這些觀點—根據我的良心告訴我的什么有利于國家去決策，不管外界宗教壓力或支配。沒有什么權力或懲罰的威脅可以讓我不這樣決策。

But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office;and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise.但是如果有一天—其實我不認為將來會有任何沖突—我的職責要求我要么踐踏我的良心或踐踏國家利益，那么我將辭去這個職責；我希望任何有良知的公務員都如此。

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith;nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.但是我不打算就我對天主教或新教的批評觀點道歉；我也不打算為了贏得這次選舉而放棄我的觀點或宗教。

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my best and was fairly judged.如果我輸在現實問題上，我將重返國會，對自己盡了最大努力和被公正評價而滿足。

But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.但是如果本次選舉由四千萬美國人從被洗禮的那天起就喪失了擔任總統的機會了決定，那么整個國家在全世界天主教徒和非天主教徒看來、在歷史看來、在我們的人民看來就是失敗者。

But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress.For without reservation, I can, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution--so help me God.但是如果是另一種情況，我當選總統，那么我就殫精竭慮履行我的總統誓言—實際上，我加一句，與我在國會14年的誓言一致。我將毫無保留地“莊嚴宣誓，我將忠實地履行美國總統職責，盡我最大努力維護、捍衛和保護憲法—上帝保佑。

第二篇：楊瀾的演講譯文

楊瀾的演講譯文

來蘇格蘭（做TED講演）的前夜，我被邀請去上海做”中國達人秀“決賽的評委。在裝有八萬現場觀眾的演播廳里，在臺上的表演嘉賓居然是（來自蘇格蘭的，因參加英國達人秀走紅的）蘇珊大媽（Susan Boyle)。我告訴她，“我明天就要啟程去蘇格蘭。” 她唱得很動聽，還對觀眾說了幾句中文，她并沒有說簡單的”你好“或者”謝謝“，她說的是——“送你蔥”。為什么？這句話其實來源于中國版的“蘇珊大媽”——一位五十歲的以賣菜為生，卻對西方歌劇有出奇愛好的上海中年婦女（蔡洪平）。這位中國的蘇珊大媽并不懂英文，法語或意大利文，所以她將歌劇中的詞匯都換做中文中的蔬菜名，并且演唱出來。在她口中，歌劇《圖蘭朵》的最后一句便是“Song Ni Cong”。當真正的英國蘇珊大媽唱出這一句“中文的”《圖蘭朵》時，全場的八萬觀眾也一起高聲歌唱，場面的確有些滑稽。

我想Susan Boyle和這位上海的買菜農婦的確屬于人群中的少數。她們是最不可能在演藝界成功的，而她們的勇氣和才華讓她們成功了，這個節目和舞臺給予了她們一個實現個人夢想的機會。這樣看來，與眾不同好像沒有那么難。從不同的方面審視，我們每個人都是不同的。但是我想，與眾不同是一件好事，因為你代表了不一樣的觀點，你擁有了做改變的機會。我這一代中國人很幸運的目睹并且參與了中國在過去二三十年中經歷的巨變。我記得1990年，當我剛大學畢業時，我申請了當時北京的第一家五星級酒店——長城喜來登酒店的銷售部門的工作。這家酒店現在仍在北京。當我被一位日本籍經理面試了一個半小時之后，他問到，“楊小姐，你有什么想問我的嗎？”，我屏住呼吸，問道“是的，你能告訴我，具體我需要銷售些什么嗎？” 當時的我，對五星級酒店的銷售部門沒有任何概念，事實上，那是我第一次進到一家五星級酒店。

我當時也在參加另一場“面試”，中國國家電視臺的首次公開試鏡，與我一起參與選拔的還有另外1000名大學女畢業生。節目制作人說，他們希望找到一位甜美，無辜（LOL），漂亮的新鮮面孔。輪到我的時候，我問道“為什么在電視屏幕上，女性總應該表現出甜美漂亮，甚至是服從性的一面？為什么她們不能有她們自己的想法和聲音？“我覺得我的問題甚至有點冒犯到了他。但實際上，他們對我的表現印象深刻。我進入了第二輪選拔，第三輪，第四輪，直至最后的第七場選拔，我是唯一一個走到最后的試鏡者。我從此走上了國家電視臺黃金時段的熒幕。你可能不相信，但在當時，我所主持的電視節目是中國第一個，不讓主持人念已經審核過的稿件的節目（掌聲）。我每周需要面對兩億到三億左右的電視觀眾。

幾年以后，我決定來美國哥倫比亞大學繼續深造，之后也開始運營自己的媒體公司，這也是我在職業生涯初始時所沒有預料到的。我的公司做很多不同的業務，在過去這些年里，我訪談過一千多人。經常有年輕人對我說，“楊瀾，你改變了我的人生”，我對此感到非常自豪。我也幸運的目睹了整個國家的轉變：我參與了北京申奧和上海世博會。我看到中國在擁抱這個世界，而世界也進一步的接受中國。但有時我也在想，今天的年輕人的生活是什么樣的？他們（與我們相比）有什么不同？他們將帶給中國，甚至整個世界的未來一些怎樣的變化？ 我想通過社交媒體來談一談中國的年輕人們。首先，他們是誰，他們是什么樣子？這是一位叫郭美美的女孩兒，20歲，年輕漂亮。她在中國版的Twitter上——新浪微博上，炫耀她所擁有的奢侈品，衣服，包和車。她甚至宣稱她是中國紅十字會的工作人員。她沒有意識到她的行為觸及了中國民眾極為敏感的神經，這引發了一場全民大討論，民眾開始質疑紅十字會的公信力。中國紅十字會為了平息這場爭議甚至舉辦了一場記者會來澄清，直至今日，對于”郭美美事件“的調查仍在繼續。

時至今日，我們所知道的事實是，她謊報了她的頭銜，可能是因為她的虛榮心，希望把自己和慈善機構聯系起來。所有那些奢侈品都是她的男朋友給她買的，而那位”男朋友 “的確曾經是紅十字會的工作人員。這解釋起來很復雜，總之，公眾對他們的解釋仍然不滿意，這仍

然是在風口浪尖的一件事。這件事體現出（中國社會）對長期不透明的政府機關的不信任，同時也表現出社交媒體（微博）巨大的社會影響力。

微博在2010年得到了爆炸性的增長，微博的訪問用戶增長了一倍，用戶的訪問時間是09年的三倍。新浪（Sina.com)，一個最主要的微博平臺，擁有 1.4億的微博用戶，而騰訊擁有兩億用戶。（在中國）最有名的微博主——不是我——是一位電影明星，她擁有近九百五十萬”粉絲“。接近80％的微博用戶是年輕人，三十歲以下。因為傳統媒體還在政府的強力控制之下，社交媒體提供了一個開放的平臺進行了一些（民眾觀點的）分流。因為這樣分流的渠道并不多，從這個平臺上爆發出的能量往往非常強烈，有時候甚至過于強烈。

通過微博，我們可以更好的了解到中國的年輕一代。首先，他們中的大多數都出生在八零九零年代，在獨生子女的生育政策的大背景下長大。因為偏好男孩的家庭會選擇性的墮胎，現在（中國）的年輕男性的數量多過年輕女性三千萬，這可能帶來社會的不穩定（危險），但是我們知道，在這個全球化的社會中，他們可能可以去其他國家找女朋友。大多數人都擁有良好的教育。這一代中國人中的文盲率已經低于1％。在城市中，80％的孩子可以上大學，但他們將要面對的是一個，有接近7％的人口都是老年人的社會，這個數字在2030年會增長到15%。在這個國家，傳統是讓年輕人來從經濟上和醫療上來支持老年人，這意味著，一對年輕的夫妻將需要支持四個平均年齡是73歲的老人。

所以對于年輕人而言，生活并不是容易。本科畢業生也不在是緊缺資源。在城市中，本科生的月起薪通常是400美元（2500人民幣），而公寓的平均月租金卻是500美元。所以他們的解決方式是合租——擠在有限的空間中以節省開支，他們叫自己”蟻族。“對于那些準備好結婚并希望購買一套公寓的中國年輕夫婦而言，他們發現他們必須要不間斷的工作30到40年才可以負擔得起一套公寓。對于同樣的美國年輕夫婦而言，他們只需要五年時間。

在近兩億的涌入城市的農民工中，他們中的60％都是年輕人。他們發現自己被夾在了城市和農村中，大多數人不愿意回到農村，但他們在城市也找不到歸屬感。他們工作更長的時間卻獲得更少的薪水和社會福利。他們也更容易面臨失業，受到通貨膨脹，銀行利率，人民幣升值的影響，甚至美國和歐盟對于中國制造產品的抵制也會影響到他們。去年，在中國南方的一個制造工廠里，有十三位年輕的工人選擇了結束自己的生命，一個接一個，像一場傳染病。他們輕生的原因各有不同，但整個事件提醒了中國社會和政府，需要更多的關注這些在精神上和生理上都與外界脫節的年輕農民工人。

對于那些回到農村的年輕人，他們所經歷的城市生活，所學到的知識，技巧和建立的社會網絡，讓他們通常更受歡迎。特別是在互聯網的幫助下，他們更有可能獲得工作，提升農村的農業水平和發展新的商業機會。在過去的一些年中，一些沿海的城鎮甚至出現了勞動力短缺。這些圖片展現出整體的社會背景。第一張圖片是恩格斯系數（食品支出占總消費支出的比例），可以看到在過去的十年中，食物和生活必需品在家庭消費中的比例有所下降（37％），然后在過去的兩年中，這項指數上升到39％，說明近兩年中生活成本的攀升。基尼系數早已越過了危險的0.4，到達0.5——這甚至高過了美國——體現出極大的貧富差距，所以我們才看到整個社會的失衡。同時，“仇富心態”也開始在整個社會蔓延，任何與腐敗和走后門相關的政府或商業丑聞都會引發社會危機和不穩定。

通過微博上很火的話題，我們可以看到年輕人的關注點。社會公正和政府的公信力是他們首要需求的。在過去的十年中，急速的城市化讓民眾讀到太多強制私人住戶拆遷的新聞，這引發了年輕一代的憤怒和不理解。有時候，被拆遷的住戶以自殺和自焚的方式來抗議（強制拆遷行為）。當這些事件越來越常在互聯網上被揭露出來，人們期待政府可以采取一些更積極的制止行動。

好消息是，今年早些時候，人民代表大會通過了一項關于房屋征用和拆遷的新法規，將征用和拆遷的權利從當地政府移交到了法庭。相同的，很多其他與公共安全相關的問題也在互聯

網上被熱烈討論。我們聽到有太多空氣污染，水污染，有毒食品的報道。你甚至都想不到，我們還有假牛肉。人們用一種特殊的材料加入雞肉和魚肉中，然后以牛肉的價格進行出售。最近，人們對食用油也很擔憂，大量的餐館被發現在使用“地溝油“。所有這些事件引發了互聯網上民眾觀點的大爆發。幸運的是，我們看到了政府正在更積極和更及時的對這些民眾的質疑給予回應。

一方面，年輕人越來越積極的參與到公共事務中；另一方面，他們也在尋找或者說迷失與個人生活的價值和定位。中國很快就要超過美國，成為世界上第一大奢侈品消費國——這還不包括中國人在國外的消費。但你知道嗎，超過半數中國的奢侈品消費者的（年）收入都低于兩千美元。他們其實并不富裕，他們用那些奢侈品牌的服裝和包體現身份和社會地位。這是一位在電視節目上公然表明，自己寧愿在寶馬車里哭也不坐在自行車后笑的年輕女孩。當然，我們也有更多的年輕人，喜歡微笑，不管是在寶馬還是在自行車上。

在下一幅圖中，你看到的是現在非常流行的”裸婚“，這并不代表這“裸露出席婚禮”，這體現的是年輕人愿意接受結婚不買房，不買車，不買鉆戒，甚至不辦婚宴的這個現實，作為對純樸的真愛的致敬。但同時，人們也在通過社交媒體做一些善事。這副圖片里，這輛車上裝有500只被”綁架“來，準備被送去屠宰的狗，這輛車被網友們發現后，人們開始通過微博關注事態的進展，并且通過捐錢，捐食物和做義工來試圖攔截該車。在幾個小時的周旋后，這500條狗獲救并被放生。有更多的人在通過微博尋找丟失的孩子。一位父親將他失散的兒子的照片發布到微博上，在幾千條”轉發“之后，他的兒子被找到，家庭的團聚也在微博上被報道出來。

“幸福（感）”是近兩年中國的流行詞匯。幸福感不僅僅與個人體驗和價值觀相關，更多的，它與環境息息相關。人們在思考：我們是否要犧牲環境來提升GDP？我們要怎樣進行社會和政治體制的改革來應對經濟的發展，保持穩定性和可持續性發展？同時，這個系統的自我修正能力是否足夠強大，是否能夠讓生活在其中的人民接受在前進過程中的各種壓力和困難？我想這些都是中國人民需要回答的問題，而中國的年輕一代將在改變這個國家的過程中也改變自己。

Thank you very much.非常感謝。

第三篇：福克納演講全文(中英譯文)

演講全文：Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech / William Faulkner

I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work--a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before.So this award is only mine in trust.It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin.But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand here where I am standing.Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it.There are no longer problems of the spirit.There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.He must learn them again.He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid;and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed--love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice.Until he does so, he labors under a curse.He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion.His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars.He writes not of the heart but of the glands.Until he relearns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man.I decline to accept the end of man.It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still talking.I refuse to accept this.I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail.He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.The poet's, the writer's, duty is to write about these things.It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past.The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

第四篇：奧巴馬演講譯文

奧巴馬在今天于內華達大學發表演講時稱：“如果一家美國公司希望創造就業崗位和實現增長，那么我們就應該幫助其達成這一目標。”根據白宮公布的內容概要說明書顯示，向能源抵稅計劃補充50億美元資金將可吸引到大約120億美元的私人投資，從而為清潔能源制造行業創造數以千計的工作崗位，這將意味著聯邦政府所花費的每1美元都將為清潔能源項目換來大約2.40美元的私人資本。奧巴馬稱，聯邦政府提供的50億美元投資將可創造將近4萬個工作崗位，而120億美元的私人投資活動則將進一步創造9萬個工作崗位。

奧巴馬目前正處于視察密蘇里州和內華達州的兩天之旅中，他將利用此次視察來宣傳自己的經濟政策，并為民主黨參議院候選人籌集競選資金。在11月份的選舉活動中，經濟、就業和預算赤字很可能將成為首要問題，此次選舉將決定美國國會的控制權。在今天的演講中，奧巴馬對其上任不久后推出的總額8620億美元的經濟刺激性計劃作出了辯護，這項計劃中有一項內容是為清潔能源行業提供價值23億美元的抵稅。奧巴馬曾在1月份表示，在這項抵稅計劃的幫助下，共有183個清潔能源項目創造了1.7萬多個就業崗位，這些項目所涉及的產品包括渦輪發電機和太陽能面板等。

奧巴馬今天還表示，美國經濟正在從20世紀30年代以來最嚴重的衰退周期中復蘇。據勞工部此前公布的非農就業報告顯示，6月份私營企業的就業人數增加了8.3萬人，但失業率則仍舊高達9.5%。就內華達州而言，5月份該州的失業率為14%。奧巴馬稱：“就我所知，對于內華達州而言，我們已經走過了艱難的時刻，但并非所有的困難日子都已經被甩在身后。不過我可以作出承諾的是，我們正在朝著正確的方向前進。

我想下載（單擊右鍵）Mp3

我想下載（單擊右鍵）Mp4

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody.Thank you.(Applause.)Please have a seat.Have a seat.(Applause.)Well, thank you, Harry.Thanks for giving me a chance to get out of Washington.It’s very hot there.(Laughter.)It’s hot here, too, but there’s a little more humidity there.And I just love coming to Vegas.(Applause.)I love being here.I mentioned last night, I'm not the only one who loves it, because I noticed that, for some reason, Air Force One is more crowded when we're coming to Vegas.(Laughter.)Somehow I need more staff and logistical support and a couple extra Secret Service guys.(Laughter.)

We've got some wonderful leaders here, and I just want to acknowledge them very quickly.U.S.Representative Dina Titus is here--(applause)--doing a great job.And Nevada’s Secretary of State, Ross Miller, is here.(Applause.)Dr.Neal Smatresk is here, and his family.And they’re doing a great job on behalf of UNLV.(Applause.)And all of you are here.(Applause.)And I am thrilled to see you.But I’m especially here to be with my friend and your Senator, Harry Reid.(Applause.)One of the first stories I heard about Harry was that he was a boxer back in the day here in Nevada.And I was mentioning last--she’s laughing, she’s--oh, I can't believe it.(Laughter.)No, he was.(Laughter.)You wouldn't know that because he’s so soft-spoken.He’s all “well, I'm Harry Reid.”(Laughter.)But when he first told me he was a boxer, he said, “Barack, I wasn’t the fastest, I wasn’t the hardest hitting, but I knew how to take a punch.”(Laughter.)He knew how to take a punch.And Harry Reid became a pretty good boxer because he would simply outlast his opponents.He had a stronger will.I think that tells you something about the kind of person he is, the kind of senator he is, the kind of Senate Majority Leader he is.He’s a fighter, and you should never bet against him.(Applause.)And that’s just what we need right now.That's what Nevada needs right now.(Applause.)That's what Nevada needs, is somebody who’s going to fight for the people of Nevada and for the American people.And you know that he wasn’t born with a silver spoon in his mouth--in Searchlight, Nevada.So when you're going through tough times, Harry Reid has been there.He knows what it feels like to be scraping and scrimping, and struggle to make ends meet.And so when his home state is having a tough time, when the country is having a tough time, he knows that he’s got to be fighting on behalf of not those who are powerful, but on behalf of those who need help the most.Now, let me tell you, when we first took office, amidst the worst economy since the Great Depression, we needed Harry’s fighting spirit--because we had lost nearly three million jobs during the last six months of 2008.The month I was sworn in, January 2009, we lost 750,000 jobs in that month alone.The following month we lost 600,000 jobs.And these were all the consequence of a decade of misguided economic policies--a decade of stagnant wages, a decade of declining incomes, a decade of spiraling deficits.So our first mission was to break the momentum of the deepest and most vicious recession since the Great Depression.We had to stop the freefall and get the economy and jobs growing again.And digging out of this mess required us taking some tough decisions, and sometimes those decisions were not popular.And Harry knew they weren’t popular.I knew they weren’t popular.But they were the right thing to do.And Harry was willing to lead those fights because he knew that we had to change course;that to do nothing, to simply continue with the policies that had gotten us into this mess in the first place would mean further disaster.And to fail to act on some of the great challenges facing the country that we had been putting off for decades would mean a lesser future for our children and our grandchildren.Now, as a result of those tough steps that we took, we’re in a different place today than we were a year ago.An economy that was shrinking is now growing.We’ve gained private sector jobs for each of the past six months instead of losing them--almost 600,000 new jobs.But as Harry pointed out, that’s not enough.I don’t have to tell you that.The unemployment rate is still unacceptably high, particularly in some states like Nevada.And a lot of you have felt that pain personally or you’ve got somebody in your family who’s felt the pain.Maybe you found yourself underwater on your mortgage and faced the terrible prospect of losing your home.Maybe you’re out of work and worried about how you’re going to provide for your family.Or maybe you’re a student at UNLV and you’re wondering if you’re going to be able to find a job when you graduate, or if you’re going to be able to pay off your student loans, or if you’re going to be able to start your career off on the right foot.Now, the simple truth is it took years to dig this hole;it’s going to take more time than any of us would like to climb out of it.But the question is, number one, are we on the right track? And the answer is, yes.And number two, how do we accelerate the process? How do we get the recovery to pick up more steam? How do we fill this hole faster?

There’s a big debate in Washington right now about the role that government should play in all this.As I said in the campaign--and as I’ve repeated many times as President--the greatest generator of jobs in America is our private sector.It’s not government.It’s our entrepreneurs and innovators who are willing to take a chance on a good idea.It’s our businesses, large and small, who are making payroll and working with suppliers and distributing goods and services across the country and now across the world.The private sector, not government, is, was, and always will be the source of America’s economic success.That’s our strength, the dynamism of our economy.And that’s why one of the first things Harry Reid did, one of the first things we did, was cut dozens of taxes--not raise them, cut them--for middle class and small business people.And we extended loan programs to put capital in the hands of startups.And we worked to reduce the cost of health care for small businesses.And right now, Harry is fighting to pass additional tax breaks and loan authority to help small businesses grow and hire all across the country.But he has also tried to look out specifically for Nevada.He understands, for example, that tourism is so enormous an aspect of our economy, and so helped to move our trade promotion act that is going to be helping to do exactly what it says--promote tourism--and bring folks here to enjoy the incredible hospitality.The point is, our role in government, especially in difficult times like these, is to break down barriers that are standing in the way of innovation;to unleash the ingenuity that springs from our people;to give an impetus to businesses to grow and expand.That’s not some abstract theory.We’ve seen the results.We’ve seen what we can do to catalyze job growth in the private sector.And one of the places we’ve seen it most is in the clean energy sector--an industry that will not only produce jobs of the future but help free America from our dependence on foreign oil in the process, clean up our environment in the process, improve our national security in the process.So let me give you an example.Just yesterday, I took a tour of Smith Electric Vehicles in Kansas City, Missouri, on the way here.This is a company that just hired its 50th worker, it’s on the way to hiring 50 more, and is aiming to produce 500 electric vehicles at that plant alone.(Applause.)And these are spiffy-looking trucks.I mean, they are--and they’re used by Fortune 500 companies for distribution--PepsiCo, Frito-Lay.They’re also used for the United States military –-electric trucks with a lot of--they’re very strong, great horsepower.And the reason for their success is their entrepreneurial drive.But it’s also partly because of a grant that we’re offering companies that manufacture electric vehicles and the batteries that power them.Because of these grants, we’re going to be going from only having 2 percent of the global capacity to make advanced batteries that go in trucks and cars, run on electricity--we’re going to go from 2 percent of advanced battery market share to 40 percent just in the next five years--just in the next five years.(Applause.)And that will create thousands of jobs across the country--thousands of jobs across the country, not just this year, not just next year, but for decades to come.So it’s a powerful example of how we can generate jobs and promote robust economic growth here in Nevada and all across the country by incentivizing private sector investments.That’s what we’re working to do with the clean energy manufacturing tax credits that we enacted last year, thanks to Harry’s leadership.Thanks to Harry’s leadership.(Applause.)Some people know these tax credits by the name 48c, which refers to their section in the tax code.But here’s how these credits work.We said to clean energy companies, if you’re willing to put up 70 percent of the capital for a worthy project, a clean energy project, we’ll put up the remaining 30 percent.To put it another way, for every dollar we invest, we leverage two more private sector dollars.We’re betting on the ingenuity and talent of American businesses.(Applause.)

Now, these manufacturing tax credits are already having an extraordinary impact.A solar panel company--a solar power company called Amonix received a roughly $6 million tax credit for a new facility they’re building in the Las Vegas area-– a tax credit they were able to match with roughly $12 million in private capital.That's happening right now.And that’s just one of over--(applause)--that's just one of over 180 projects that received manufacturing tax credits in over 40 states.Now, here’s the--the only problem we have is these credits were working so well, there aren’t enough tax credits to go around.There are more worthy projects than there are tax credits.When we announced the program last year, it was such a success we received 500 applications requesting over $8 billion in tax credits, but we only had $2.3 billion to invest.In other words, we had almost four times as many worthy requests as we had tax credits.Now, my attitude, and Harry’s attitude, is that if an American company wants to create jobs and grow, we should be there to help them do it.So that’s why I’m urging Congress to invest $5 billion more in these kinds of clean energy manufacturing tax credits, more than doubling the amount that we made available last year.(Applause.)And this investment would generate nearly 40,000 jobs and $12 billion or more in private sector investment, which could trigger an additional 90,000 jobs.Now, I’m gratified that this initiative is drawing support from members of Congress from both sides of the aisle, including Republican Senators Richard Lugar and Orrin Hatch.Unfortunately, that kind of bipartisanship has been absent on a lot of efforts that Harry and I have taken up over the past year and a half.We fought to keep Nevada teachers and firefighters and police officers on the job, and to extend unemployment insurance and COBRA so folks have health insurance while they’re looking for work.We fought to stop health insurance companies from dropping your coverage on the basis of preexisting conditions, or right when you get sick, or placing lifetime limits on the amount of care that you can receive.We fought to eliminate wasteful subsidies that go to banks that were acting as unnecessary middlemen for guaranteed student loans from the federal government, and as a consequence, freed up tens of billions of dollars that are now going directly to students, which means more than a million students have access to financial aid that they didn't have before.(Applause.)And we’re now on the cusp of enacting Wall Street reforms that will empower consumers with clear and concise information that they need to make financial decisions that are best for them--(applause)--and to help prevent another crisis like this from ever happening again, and putting an end to some of the predatory lending and the subprime loans that had all kinds of fine print and hidden fees that have been such a burden for the economy of a state like Nevada and haven’t been fair to individual consumers in the process.So that’s what Harry and I fought for.And, frankly, at every turn we’ve met opposition and obstruction from a lot of leaders across the aisle.And that’s why I’m glad I’ve got a boxer in the Senate who is not afraid to fight for what he believes in.(Applause.)And Harry and I are going to keep on fighting until wages and incomes are rising, and businesses are hiring again right here in Nevada, and Americans are headed back to work again, and we’ve recovered from this recession, and we’re actually rebuilding this economy stronger than before.(Applause.)That’s what we’re committed to doing.(Applause.)

So, Nevada, I know we’ve been through tough times.And not all the difficult days are behind us.There are going to be some tough times to come.But I can promise you this: We are headed in the right direction.We are moving forward.We are not going to move backwards.(Applause.)

And I’m absolutely confident that if we keep on moving forward, if we refuse to turn backwards, if we’re willing to show the same kind of fighting spirit as Harry Reid has shown throughout his career, then out of this storm brighter days are going to come.Thank you very much, everybody.God bless you.(Applause.)

第五篇：蓋茨哈佛演講譯文

President Bok, former President Rudenstine, incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:

校長博克，前任校長魯登斯坦，接任校長福斯特，校董事會的各位董事，校務監督委員會的各位委員，各位老師，各位家長，特別是，諸位畢業生：

I’ve been waiting more than 30 years to say this: “Dad, I always told you I’d come back and get my degree.”

我一直等了三十多年，現在終于可以說了：“爸，我老跟你說，我會回來拿到我的學位的！”

I want to thank Harvard for this timely honor.I’ll be changing my job next year … and it will be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.感謝哈佛及時地給我這個榮譽。明年，我就要換工作（譯者注：從微軟公司退休）??我終于可以在簡歷上寫我有一個大學學歷，這真是不錯啊。

I applaud the graduates today for taking a much more direct route to your degrees.For my part, I’m just happy that the Crimson has called me “Harvard’s most successful dropout.” I guess that makes me valedictorian of my own special class … I did the best of everyone who failed.我為在座的各位畢業生而鼓掌，你們拿到學位可比我輕松多了。而我，之所以高興，是因為哈佛的校報稱我是“哈佛大學歷史上最成功的輟學生”。我想這大概使我有資格代表我這一類特殊的學生在此致辭——在所有的失敗者中，我做得最好。

But I also want to be recognized as the guy who got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school.I’m a bad influence.That’s why I was invited to speak at your graduation.If I had spoken at your orientation, fewer of you might be here today.同時，我也想讓大家也知道，我就是那個讓史蒂夫

All of us here in this Yard, at one time or another, have seen human tragedies that broke our hearts, and yet we did nothing – not because we didn’t care, but because we didn’t know what to do.If we had known how to help, we would have acted.此刻身處校園的我們，生命中總有這樣或那樣的時刻，目睹人類的悲劇，痛徹心扉，但是我們什么也沒做——并非我們無動于衷，而是因為我們不知道做什么和怎么做。如果我們知道要如何應對，我們將立即行動。

The barrier to change is not too little caring;it is too much complexity.需要我們去消除的屏障，并非人類的冷漠無情，而是世界的紛繁復雜。

To turn caring into action, we need to see a problem, see a solution, and see the impact.But complexity blocks all three steps.要把關心轉為行動，我們需要發現問題，找到方法，評估后果。但是紛繁復雜的世界阻擋了我們的腳步，以上的三個步驟不能得以實施。

Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour news, it is still a complex enterprise to get people to truly see the problems.When an airplane crashes, officials immediately call a press conference.They promise to investigate, determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.即使有了互聯網的出現和全天候的新聞播報，要讓人們發現問題的真實面貌，仍然是相當艱巨。如果有一架飛機墜毀，政府官員就會立刻召開新聞發布會，他們承諾進行調查，找到原因，防止將來再次發生類似的事故。

But if the officials were brutally honest, they would say: “Of all the people in the world who died today from preventable causes, one half of one percent of them were on this plane.We’re determined to do everything possible to solve the problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent.”

但是如果那些官員敢于說真話，他們就會說：“在今天，全世界死于可避免事故中的所有人，只有0.5%的人在這次飛機事故中罹難。我們決心盡一切努力，徹底調查這0.5%的死亡原因。”

The bigger problem is not the plane crash, but the millions of preventable deaths.顯然，更重要的問題不是這次空難，而是其他幾百萬可避免的死亡事件。

We don’t read much about these deaths.The media covers what’s new – and millions of people dying is nothing new.So it stays in the background, where it’s easier to ignore.But even when we do see it or read about it, it’s difficult to keep our eyes on the problem.It’s hard to look at suffering if the situation is so complex that we don’t know how to help.And so we look away.對這些死亡事件，我們知之甚少。媒體總是報告新聞，但是幾百萬人將要死去并非新聞。新聞是在事件的幕后，這很容易被忽視。即使我們確實目睹了事件的真相或者看到了相關報道，我們也很難持續去關注這些事件。問題是如此之復雜，我們也束手無策，要直面這樣的災難就顯得相當困難，所以我們就對此視而不見，置若罔聞。

If we can really see a problem, which is the first step, we come to the second step: cutting through the complexity to find a solution.就算我們真正能發現問題，也不過是邁出了第一步，接著還有第二步：那就是，從這個復雜的世界中走出一條捷徑，找到解決問題的辦法。

Finding solutions is essential if we want to make the most of our caring.If we have clear and proven answers anytime an organization or individual asks “How can I help?,” then we can get action – and we can make sure that none of the caring in the world is wasted.But complexity makes it hard to mark a path of action for everyone who cares — and that makes it hard for their caring to matter.如果我們要讓關心落到實處，我們就必須找到解決問題的方法。一旦我們有一個明確可行的方案，那么無論何時，當任何組織和個人來詢問“我該怎么提供幫助”的時候，我們就能采取行動。這樣，我們就充分發揮全世界人類對他人的關愛之情。但是，紛繁的世界使得我們很難找出一條適合每一位善者的行動方針，這樣一來，人類對他人的關愛往往很難奏效。

Cutting through complexity to find a solution runs through four predictable stages: determine a goal, find the highest-leverage approach, discover the ideal technology for that approach, and in the meantime, make the smartest application of the technology that you already have — whether it’s something sophisticated, like a drug, or something simpler, like a bednet.要從這個復雜的世界中走出一條捷徑，找到解決問題的辦法，可以分為以下四個步驟：確定目標，找到最高效的方法，發現適用于這個方法的最理想的技術，同時最聰明地利用現有的技術——不管這項技術是復雜如藥物，還是簡單如蚊帳。

The AIDS epidemic offers an example.The broad goal, of course, is to end the disease.The highest-leverage approach is prevention.The ideal technology would be a vaccine that gives lifetime immunity with a single dose.So governments, drug companies, and foundations fund vaccine research.But their work is likely to take more than a decade, so in the meantime, we have to work with what we have in hand – and the best prevention approach we have now is getting people to avoid risky behavior.艾滋病就是一個例子。其總目標，毫無疑問是消滅這種疾病。最高效的方法是預防。最理想的技術是發明一種疫苗，只要注射一次，就可終生免疫。所以，政府、制藥公司和基金會應該資助疫苗研究。但是，這樣的研究工作很可能需要十幾年，因此，與此同時，我們必須利用現有的技術——目前最有效的預防方法，就是設法讓人們避免那些危險的行為。

Pursuing that goal starts the four-step cycle again.This is the pattern.The crucial thing is to never stop thinking and working – and never do what we did with malaria and tuberculosis in the 20th century – which is to surrender to complexity and quit.要實現讓人們避免危險行為這一目標，上述四步依然適用，可以再次循環。這是一種模式。關鍵問題是，我們永遠不要停止思考，永遠不能停止行動，永遠不能重蹈覆轍，犯下20世紀在應對瘧疾和肺結核時的同樣錯誤，那時我們臣服于這個復雜的社會，從而放棄了采取行動。

The final step – after seeing the problem and finding an approach – is to measure the impact of your work and share your successes and failures so that others learn from your efforts.在發現問題并且找到解決方法之后，就剩下最后一步——評估工作結果，分享成敗經驗，這樣就可以讓你的努力去惠及他人。

You have to have the statistics, of course.You have to be able to show that a program is vaccinating millions more children.You have to be able to show a decline in the number of children dying from these diseases.This is essential not just to improve the program, but also to help draw more investment from business and government.當然，你必須有一些統計數字。你必須讓他人知道，你的項目正為幾百萬兒童接種疫苗。你也必須讓他人知道，這種患病兒童的死亡人數下降了多少。這些都關鍵，不僅有利于改善項目效果，而且也有利于從商界和政府得到更多的資助。

But if you want to inspire people to participate, you have to show more than numbers;you have to convey the human impact of the work – so people can feel what saving a life means to the families affected.但是，如果你還想激勵其他人參加你的項目，你就必須拿出更多的統計數字；你必須展示你項目的人性因素，這樣就會讓其他人感受到，拯救一個生命，對那些身處困境中的家庭到底意味著什么。

I remember going to Davos some years back and sitting on a global health panel that was discussing ways to save millions of lives.Millions!Think of the thrill of saving just one person’s life – then multiply that by millions.… Yet this was the most boring panel I’ve ever been on – ever.So boring even I couldn’t bear it.幾年前，我去瑞士達沃斯旁聽一個全球健康問題會議，會議的內容是討論如何挽救幾百萬條生命。天哪，是幾百萬！想想吧，拯救一個人的生命已經讓人何等激動，現在要把這種激動放大幾百萬倍??但是，不幸的是，這是我參加過的最最乏味的會議，乏味到我不想再聽下去。

What made that experience especially striking was that I had just come from an event where we were introducing version 13 of some piece of software, and we had people jumping and shouting with excitement.I love getting people excited about software – but why can’t we generate even more excitement for saving lives?

那次經歷之所以讓我難忘，是因為之前我們剛剛發布了一個軟件的第13個版本，當時有些人激動得又蹦又叫。我喜歡人們因為軟件而激動，那么我們為什么不能夠讓人們因為能夠拯救生命而感到更加激動呢？

You can’t get people excited unless you can help them see and feel the impact.And how you do that – is a complex question.除非你能夠讓人們看到并且感受到行動的影響力，否則你無法讓他們激動。如何做到這一點，并非易事。

Still, I’m optimistic.Yes, inequity has been with us forever, but the new tools we have to cut through complexity have not been with us forever.They are new – they can help us make the most of our caring – and that’s why the future can be different from the past.對此，我依然樂觀。沒錯，不平等現象一直存在，但是有一些新技術，能夠帶領我們走出世界的紛擾。這些新技術才剛剛出現，它可以幫助我們，將人類的關愛發揮到極至，這就是未來之所以有別于過去的原因所在。

The defining and ongoing innovations of this age – biotechnology, the computer, the Internet – give us a chance we’ve never had before to end extreme poverty and end death from preventable disease.當今世界，技術革新，不斷涌現——生物技術，計算機，互聯網——給我們展示出前所未有的機會，以消除赤貧，根除一些疾病導致的無謂的死亡。

Sixty years ago, George Marshall came to this commencement and announced a plan to assist the nations of post-war Europe.He said: “I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation.It is virtually impossible at this distance to grasp at all the real significance of the situation.”

六十年前，喬治·馬歇爾也是在這個地方的畢業典禮上，宣布了一項計劃，幫助歐洲國家的戰后建設。他說：“我認為，困難在于這個問題太復雜，報紙和電臺源源不斷地向公眾提供各種事實，使得大街上的百姓難于清晰地判斷形勢。事實上，經過層層傳播，想要真正地把握形勢，是根本不可能的。”

Thirty years after Marshall made his address, as my class graduated without me, technology was emerging that would make the world smaller, more open, more visible, less distant.馬歇爾發表這個演講之后的三十年，我那一屆學生畢業，當然我不在其中。那時，新技術剛剛開始萌芽，它們將使得這個世界變得更小、更開放、更透明、距離更近。

The emergence of low-cost personal computers gave rise to a powerful network that has transformed opportunities for learning and communicating.低成本個人電腦的出現，使得強大的互聯網有機會誕生，它為學習和交流提供了全新的機會。

The magical thing about this network is not just that it collapses distance and makes everyone your neighbor.It also dramatically increases the number of brilliant minds we can have working together on the same problem – and that scales up the rate of innovation to a staggering degree.網絡的神奇之處，不僅僅在于它跨越了距離，使得天涯猶若比鄰。它還匯聚了英才，為共同理想而一起奮斗——這就能促進革新，以驚人的速度發展。

At the same time, for every person in the world who has access to this technology, five people don’t.That means many creative minds are left out of this discussion--smart people with practical intelligence and relevant experience who don’t have the technology to hone their talents or contribute their ideas to the world.與此同時，世界上有條件上網的人，只是全部人口的六分之一。這意味著，還有許多具有創造性的人才不能參與討論——那些具有實踐經驗和相關經歷的杰出人才，卻沒有辦法磨礪他們的才智，發揮他們思想。

We need as many people as possible to have access to this technology, because these advances are triggering a revolution in what human beings can do for one another.They are making it possible not just for national governments, but for universities, corporations, smaller organizations, and even individuals to see problems, see approaches, and measure the impact of their efforts to address the hunger, poverty, and desperation George Marshall spoke of 60 years ago.我們需要盡力讓更多的人有機會掌握這一新技術，因為這些進步會引發一場革命，人類將因此可以互相幫助。新技術不僅僅能夠讓政府，還能夠讓大學、公司、小機構、甚至個人發現問題、找到解決辦法、評估他們努力的結果，從而去解決那些馬歇爾早在六十年前就談到過的所有問題——饑餓、貧窮和絕望。

Members of the Harvard Family: Here in the Yard is one of the great collections of intellectual talent in the world.在座的所有哈佛人，你們都是全世界的精英，今天匯集在此。

What for?

我們為什么而來？

There is no question that the faculty, the alumni, the students, and the benefactors of Harvard have used their power to improve the lives of people here and around the world.But can we do more? Can Harvard dedicate its intellect to improving the lives of people who will never even hear its name?

毫無疑問，哈佛的師生、哈佛的校友和哈佛的資助者已經盡力改善了在座各位的的生活，也改善了世界各地人們的生活。但是，我們還能夠再做什么呢？哈佛人能夠將他們的才智奉獻出來嗎？哈佛人能夠改善那些甚至沒有聞“哈佛”之名的人們的生活嗎？

Let me make a request of the deans and the professors – the intellectual leaders here at Harvard: As you hire new faculty, award tenure, review curriculum, and determine degree requirements, please ask yourselves:

各位院長，各位教授，你們是哈佛知識分子的領袖，請允許我提出一個請求——當你們雇用新任教師、授予終身教職、評估全部課程、決定學位頒發標準的時候，請問你們自己如下的問題：

Should our best minds be dedicated to solving our biggest problems?

我們最優秀的人才是否在致力于解決最困難的問題？

Should Harvard encourage its faculty to take on the world’s worst inequities? Should Harvard students learn about the depth of global poverty … the prevalence of world hunger … the scarcity of clean water …the girls kept out of school … the children who die from diseases we can cure?

哈佛是否鼓勵其教師去解決世界上最嚴重的不平等問題？哈佛的學生是否了解全球性的貧困？是否了解世界性的饑荒？是否了解水資源的缺乏？是否了解輟學的女童？是否了解那些死于非惡性疾病的兒童？

Should the world’s most privileged people learn about the lives of the world’s least privileged?

那些養尊處優的人們，你們是否了解那些含辛茹苦的人民？

These are not rhetorical questions – you will answer with your policies.我并不是在設問，請用你行動的方針來做答。

My mother, who was filled with pride the day I was admitted here – never stopped pressing me to do more for others.A few days before my wedding, she hosted a bridal event, at which she read aloud a letter about marriage that she had written to Melinda.My mother was very ill with cancer at the time, but she saw one more opportunity to deliver her message, and at the close of the letter she said: “From those to whom much is given, much is expected.”

在我被哈佛大學錄取的那一天，我母親倍感自豪，但她一直敦促我，要為他人謀取更多的福祉。在我結婚典禮的前幾天，她特意主持了一個儀式。在這個儀式上，她高聲朗讀了一封信，是寫給梅林達的，關于婚姻方面的問題。那時，我母親已經因癌癥而病入膏肓，但她還是抓住了一線機會，傳播她的信念。在信的結尾，她寫道：“天賦于斯，大任在肩，得到越多，期望更大。”

When you consider what those of us here in this Yard have been given – in talent, privilege, and opportunity – there is almost no limit to what the world has a right to expect from us.在座各位，請想一想吧，你們得到了什么——天才、特權、機遇——既如此，全世界的人都在期望，期望我們做出無窮無盡的貢獻。

In line with the promise of this age, I want to exhort each of the graduates here to take on an issue – a complex problem, a deep inequity, and become a specialist on it.If you make it the focus of your career, that would be phenomenal.But you don’t have to do that to make an impact.For a few hours every week, you can use the growing power of the Internet to get informed, find others with the same interests, see the barriers, and find ways to cut through them.同這個時代的期望一樣，我也要勉勵各位畢業生去解決一個問題，一個復雜的問題，那就是去解決這種明顯的社會不平等問題，然后把自己變成這方面的專家。如果你們能夠以此作為你職業的目標，你將脫穎而出。但是，你不可以僅僅為擴大影響而為。你可以一周花幾個小時，從日益壯大的互聯網上獲得信息，找到志同道合的朋友，發現困難之所在，找到解決困難的捷徑。

Don’t let complexity stop you.Be activists.Take on the big inequities.It will be one of the great experiences of your lives.不要讓這個復雜的世界阻礙了你前進的腳步。做一個行動主義者。將解決人類的不平等視為己任，它將成就你生命歷程中的最輝煌。

You graduates are coming of age in an amazing time.As you leave Harvard, you have technology that members of my class never had.You have awareness of global inequity, which we did not have.And with that awareness, you likely also have an informed conscience that will torment you if you abandon these people whose lives you could change with very little effort.You have more than we had;you must start sooner, and carry on longer.諸位畢業生，你們所處的時代是一個神奇的時代。當你們離開哈佛的時候，你們擁有了我們那時未曾擁有的技術，你們認識到了我們那時未曾認識的社會不平等現象。既然認識到了這個問題，如果你棄之不管，你可能就會受到良心的譴責，因為一點小小的努力，你就可以改變那些人的生活。既然你們比我們擁有更大的能力，你們就應該爭朝夕，謀長遠，持之以恒地做下去。

Knowing what you know, how could you not?

既知之，怎能無動于衷？

And I hope you will come back here to Harvard 30 years from now and reflect on what you have done with your talent and your energy.I hope you will judge yourselves not on your professional accomplishments alone, but also on how well you have addressed the world’s deepest inequities … on how well you treated people a world away who have nothing in common with you but their humanity.我希望，30年后，你們再到哈佛，回想你們用青春和才智換來的一切。我希望各位，在那個時候，你們不僅僅用自己專業成就來衡量自己；還要用你們如何為消除社會的不平等的努力來衡量自己；還要用你們如何善待那些遠隔千山萬水的世人來衡量自己；他們與你們，或許無一點相似，但他們都是人類。

Good luck.祝福好運。