第一篇：奧巴馬就職演講

First Inaugural Address

by Barack Obama

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.今天，我告訴大家，我們面臨的挑戰真實存在，并且嚴重而且多種多樣。它們不可能在一個短時間內被輕易征服。但是，美國，請記住這句話——它們將被征服。

1.span [sp?n] n.一段時間

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.我們今天聚集在這里是因為我們選擇希望而不是恐懼，選擇齊心協力而不是沖突對立。

2.discord ['d?sk?rd] n.沖突

On this day, we come to proclaiman end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminationsand worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.我們今天在這里宣告，讓斤斤計較與虛假承諾就此結束，讓窒息我國政治為時太久的相互指責和陳詞濫調就此完結。

3.proclaim [pr?'klem] v.宣告，宣布4.pettya.心胸狹窄的5.grievance ['griv?ns] n.不滿，抱怨（grievevt.使悲傷，使苦惱）

6.recrimination n.反責7.worn outa.陳腐的8.dogman.教條

9.strangle ['str??gl] vt.使窒息

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come toset aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit；to choose our better history；to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation：the God-given promise that all are equal,all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.我們仍是一個年輕的國家，但用《圣經》的話說，現在是拋棄幼稚的時候了。現在應是我們讓永恒的精神發揚光大的時候，應是選擇創造更佳歷史偉績的時候，應是將代代相傳的寶貴財富、崇高理想向前發展的時候：上帝賦予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的機會。

10.Scripturen.《圣經》11.set aside不顧，放棄

12.reaffirm v.重申，再肯定（affirmv.確認）

13.the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.上帝賦予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的機會。

這句話來源于美國《獨立宣言》，原文是：We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，他們都從他們的“造物主”那兒被賦予了某些不可轉讓的權利，其中包括生命權、自由權和追求幸福的權利。

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我們國家之偉大精神的同時，我們懂得，偉大從非天生，而是必須去贏得。我們的歷程從來不是走捷徑或是退而求其次。它不是弱者的道路，它不屬于好逸惡勞或只圖名利享受的人；這條路屬于冒險者、實干家、創造者——有些人享有盛名，但大多數是默默無聞地耕耘勞作的男女志士，是他們帶我們走向通往繁榮和自由的漫長崎嶇之路。

14.givenn.給出物（givenprep.如果有，假如，考慮到）15.short-cutn.捷徑

16.faint-hearteda.膽怯的17.fame [fem] n.名聲，名望（famousa.著名的）

18.obscure [?b'skjur] vt.使變暗，使不明顯19.rugged a.崎嶇的For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.為了我們，他們打點起貧寒的行裝上路，遠涉重洋，追求新的生活。

20.pack up打包21.worldly ['w?ldl?] a.世間的（worldn.世界）

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the whip and plowed the hard earth.為了我們，他們在血汗工廠勞作，在西部原野拓荒，忍著鞭笞之痛在堅硬的土地上耕耘。

22.toilv.（喻）辛苦從事23.sweatshop n.血汗工廠（工作條件惡劣而工資低的工廠）

24.lash n.鞭打，抽打25.plow [plau] v.犁，耕

For us, they fought and died, in places likeConcord and Gettysburg；Normandy and Khe Sanh.為了我們，他們奔赴疆場，英勇捐軀，長眠于康科德、葛底斯堡、諾曼底和溪山。

26.Concord and Gettysburg；Normandy and Khe Sanh

列克星敦和康科德戰役（Battles of Lexington and Concord），發生在1775年4月19日的馬薩諸塞州米德爾塞克斯縣，是美國獨立戰爭中發生的第一場軍事沖突，標志著英國與其北美十三個殖民地正式爆發了戰爭。

鏈接：

蓋茨堡之役(Gettysburg)，1863年7月1日，十五萬名士兵各自為了理想中的民主政治在美國蓋茲堡打響了戰役，有三分之一的人倒下了，這場戰役成為美國南北戰爭的轉折點。諾曼底登陸（Normandy Invasion）是第二次世界大戰中的著名戰役。1944年6月6日凌晨，美英盟軍登陸部隊在海空軍的掩護下，橫渡英吉利海峽，在法國西北部的諾曼底登陸，為第二戰場向縱深發展奠定了基礎。

溪山戰役（Battle of Khe Sanh），發生在1968年1月到4月間的越南戰爭。在此戰役中，越南人民軍部隊猛烈圍攻了美國海軍第3兩棲作戰部隊和越南共和國陸軍駐守的溪生基地。而美軍則在優勢空中火力的支援下堅守基地。最終越南人民軍在激戰77天后結束了對溪山的圍攻。

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions, greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.為了我們能夠過上更好的生活，他們前赴后繼，歷盡艱辛，全力奉獻，不辭勞苦，直至雙手結起層層老繭。他們看到的美國超越了我們每一個人的雄心壯志，也超越了所有種族、財富或派系的差異。

27.time and again反復，多次

e.g.I've told you time and again—make sure you look before you cross the road.我跟你說過多少次了，要三思而后行（過馬路前一定要左右看一下）。

28.rawa.皮膚某處擦掉皮而疼痛的；生的；自然狀態的29.factionn.派系；小集團；內訌

This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.今天，作為后來者，我們踏上了這一未盡的旅程。我們依然是世界上最繁榮、最強大的國家。我們的勞動者的創造力并沒有因為眼前的這場危機而減弱。我們的頭腦依然像以往那樣善于發明創新。我們的產品與服務仍舊像上星期、上個月或去年一樣受人歡迎。我們的能力絲毫無損。但是，安于現狀、保護狹隘的一己之私、推遲困難的抉擇的時代無疑已成為過去。從今天起，我們必須振作起來，掃除我們身上的塵土，重新開啟再造美國的事業。

30.undiminisheda.不減的，未衰的（diminishv.減少，變小）31.patn.輕拍

32.put off推遲；勸阻

e.g.Don't put off till tomorrow what can be done today.今天事今日畢。

33.pick oneself up跌倒后爬起

e.g.The small girl slipped and fell, but quickly picked herself up.小女孩滑了一跤,但很快就爬了起來。

34.dust off除去……的灰塵；重新使用

e.g.She was dusting off the furniture.她正在撣去家具上的灰塵。

第二篇：奧巴馬就職演講

奧巴馬演講分析

——排比在英語演講中的修辭作用

美國大選前許多人都評價：奧巴馬的政見并不新穎甚至有點平庸；擁有的個人財富只有對手的幾十分之一；相貌遠遜于前輩肯尼迪和克林頓，而且還是非美國本土的外來黑哥......奧巴馬唯一讓人嫉妒的是他擁有最能鼓動人心的好口才，這是上帝給他最好的禮物和恩賜！不可否認，他超凡脫俗的演講，為他競選贏得勝利起到了至關重要的作用。奧巴馬的演講，無論是文稿的整體布局，還是演講言辭的融情達意，或是激情澎湃的演講表達，都可謂精深獨到，不得不令人拍手稱快。．據CNN報道。，有語言學家稱，“總統當選人巴拉克·奧巴馬當晚發表的獲勝演說可與很多史上著名演講相比．”奧巴馬稱得上是一位杰出的演說家，在多次演講中，他都嫻熟地運用了各種修辭技巧，可以說，“奧巴馬的勝利是修辭學的勝利”(梁文道，2008)．其中，排比在奧巴馬演講中效果最為突出。鑒于排比在英語演講中的重要性，我們試圖以美國新當選總統奧巴馬的獲勝演講為例，來探討排比在這篇演講中的修辭效果．本研究目的在于給英語演講和修辭教學一些啟示．同時也讓學者通過領悟奧巴馬的演講技藝，學習、借鑒，來提高自身的演講水平。

一，排比概念及其作用

“排比”在英語中的對應詞為parallelism，是指為了達到修辭效果而循環出現的、句法相似的結構—“recurrent syntactical similarities introduced for rhetorical effect“(Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary,1977；831)．英語排比具有結構整齊，節奏鮮明，語言簡練等特點．在英語演講中運用排比旬，可以增加演講詞的節奏感和音韻美，突出演講者雄辯口才和強烈感情，增強演講語言的氣勢，提高演講的說服力和欣賞性．

二，奧巴馬獲勝演講個案排比分析

奧巴馬于2008年11月4日當選為美國總統。并于當晚發表了獲勝演講．這次演講富有很強的號召力和感染力，喚起了民眾戰勝金融危機的信心和勇氣。現場的無數觀眾被感動得熱淚盈眶．奧巴馬在他的獲勝演講中熟練地運用了一系列的修辭方法，如捧比，對比，反復，對仗，引用等，其中排比的使用次數最多．下面我們就以排比結構在奧巴馬獲勝演講(Barak Obama’s Victory Speech)中的置,選取了四個代表性的例子，來討論其修辭效果。

（一）從句開頭的排比

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible，who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time，who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.這三個排比組合句是奧巴馬獲勝演講的開場白。奧巴，美國民主制度的力量”的質疑．通過這三個排比旬，奧巴馬言簡意賅地表達了他獲勝的意義：顯示出“美國夢”的獨特性和普遍價值，顯示出他的能馬用自己勝選的事實回答了某些人對“美國是否凡事都有可能，美國奠基者的夢想是否依然鮮活力，肯定了美國是一切皆有可能的地方，肯定他的獲勝是對美國政治文化傳統的繼承而不是背離．開場耐人尋味的排比，便已打開了選民們的心聲以及繼續聽下去的欲望。

（二）排比結構用在段首 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen；By people who waited three hours and four hour...It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican，black，white, Hispanic，Asian，Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled...It’s the answer that led those who have been told...to put their hands Off the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day．

首先，在前兩個位于段首的排比句群中，奧巴馬強調他是“設在學校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未見的長隊”，是“等了三四個小時的選民”，是“所有美國人民”共同選舉出來的總統。他重申了自己當選總統是合法的，是由美國人民通過民主方式選舉出來的．第三個排比句群在意義上是對前兩個排比句群的總結和升華。奧巴馬呼吁美國人民要對美國的未來有信心，同時暗示作為新一任的總統，他會繼承美國的歷史傳統，讓“美國夢”延續。這三個排比句群的使用，增強了演講的氣勢，有力地回擊了那些對奧巴馬獲勝原因存在質疑的人，同時向聽眾做出了有力的保證，調動了聽眾的積極性，激發了聽眾的自信心．

（三）介詞短語的排比

To those who would tear this world down, we will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security, we support you．And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright, tonight we proved once more that the strength of our nation comes...from the enduring power of our ideals :democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope．

介詞短語To those的反復出現，明確了要擊敗和支持的對象，語氣強烈，一針見血．這既是對恐怖分子敲警鐘，又給予了愛好和平的人們奮斗的力量。同時，向那些懷疑美國能否繼續照亮世界發展前景的人們證明。美國真正的力量來自于這個國家的理想：民主、自由、機會和不屈的希望。排比結構的出現突出了強調的內容，語言氣勢逼人，具有強大的震撼力。

（四）句型結構的排比

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normand and Khe sahn.奧巴馬在該語段中撫今追昔，以排比的結構，按時間的順序回顧了影響美國歷史進程的重大事件：建國之前的跨洋移民，建國之后的西進運動，獨立戰爭，南北戰爭，第二次世界大戰等等，以此鼓勵美國公民勇敢地面對金融危機給當今美國經濟帶來的種種困難的挑戰。該段重復了主謂句式結構，“for us” 和主語“they”，這種排比句式不僅使得上下文的意義緊密連接，銜接自然，同時也會是語篇的整體意義在聽眾的頭腦中留下深刻的印象，使聽眾與奧巴馬產生共鳴。

（五）段尾的排比

And tonight,...she’s seen...the heartache and the hope；the struggle and the progress...Yes we can．

At a time...she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can．

When there was...she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal，new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can．

When the bombs...she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can． She was there.Yes we Can．

A man...And this year, in this election..., she knows how America can change.Yes we can．

在這里奧巴馬以一個106歲的老婦人參加投票為例，運用了一系列的排比來烘托現場氣氛，具有很強的說服力和感染力。連續4個“她看到了···”(she’s seen，she lived to see，she saw, she was there to witness)和6個“是的，我們能”(Yes We can)，強調美國能達成正義和平等，能獲得機遇和繁榮能治愈這個國家，能補救這個世界，強調美國能發生變革!這種以具體的人物、事例和具體的生活場景為主體構成的排比語段，真正達到了提高語言表現力的目。這幾段出現在演講末尾的排比具有排山倒海的氣勢，具有強大的煽動性，把整個演講再次推向了高潮。

在整個獲勝演講當中，通過捧比，奧巴馬將有魅力的句子集中，演講節奏分明，氣氛被一次次的推向的高潮，演講大為增色。這些排比的運用，創造了演講中的個個亮點，氣勢磅礴，使聽眾的情感受到一次次的震。．

三 結語

演講是一門勸說的藝術。演講者要達到勸說的目的，就必須講究演講詞的語言表達技巧，這種技巧在語言層面的體現之一就是修辭手法的運用。排比是英語演講中最常見的修辭手法。國內學者對于排比的修辭效果給予了充分的肯定。“排比是英語所有修辭格中最常使用的修辭格之一。任何學會使用并能駕馭排比及其變化的人都會發現排比可使演講條理清楚，效果顯著，具有難以衡量的價值”(張秀國．2005)奧巴馬這篇獲勝演講中排比修辭手法的運用，成功的達到了說服聽眾的目的．

參考文獻：（1）奧巴馬獲勝演講英文原文網址：http://wenku.baidu.com/view/70d3d8d8d15abe23482f4d56.html（2）何曉勤 演講·勸說·訴諸·語篇 外語與外語教學．2004．(11)（3）張秀田 《英語鉻辭學》北京：青華大學出版杜．2005（4）梁文道 《奧巴馬的勝利是修辭學的勝利 》 南方周末，2008(5)徐鵬 《英語辭格 》北京：商務印書館，1977

第三篇：奧巴馬就職演講

mp.傻大個跳下水泵撞到垃圾堆里的喇叭上。

59.On my request the conqueror questioned the man who jumped the queue.根據我的請求,征服者質問了插隊者.60.They are arguing about the document of the monumental instrument.他們在辯論關于那件不朽樂器的文獻.61.However, Lever never fevers;nevertheless, he is clever forever.無論如何,杠桿從未發燒;盡管如此,他始終機靈。

62.I never mind your unkind reminding that my grindstone hinders your cylinder.我決不介意你不友善的提醒說我的磨刀石妨礙了你的汽缸。63.I feed the food to the bleeding man in the flood.我把食品喂給洪水中的那個流血的人.64.It's a treason terror of the seasonal oversea seafood is reasonable.認為季節性的海外海鮮的價格是合理的就是背叛。

65.The veteran in velvet found that the diameter of the thermometer was one metre.穿天鵝絨的老兵發現溫度計的直徑為一米.66.The cube in the tubular cup occupies one cubic meter.筒狀杯中的立方體占有一個立方米(的體積).67.Put the spotless potatoes, tomatoes and tobacco atoms into the hot pot.把無斑點的土豆、番茄和煙草微粒放進熱鍋里。68.The preacher preached to the teacher's teacup.傳教士對著老師的茶杯說教.69.“My behavior is on behalf of half zebras,” the algebra teacher said.“我的行為代表了一半斑馬的利益,”代數老師說.70.Unlike my uncle, I likely like that bike(bicycle).我不像叔叔,我很可能喜歡那輛自行車.71.She likes nothing but things of clothing and cloth.除了衣物和布料之類的東西外,她什么也不喜歡.72.The doctor's doctrine undid one dollar and a dozen of collars.博士的學說毀掉了一美元和一打衣領。

73.On the bus the busy businessman did a business with the buyer.在公共汽車上,忙碌的商人與買主做了一筆生意.74.Vegetables and tablets on the stably established table show no instability.放在穩定設置的桌子上的蔬菜和藥片沒有顯示不穩定性。

75.Primarily, the prime criminal's crime has nothing to do with lime and overtime.首犯的犯罪基本上與石灰和加班無關.76.The ring on the spring string rings during springtime.彈簧弦上的環在春天鳴響。

77.Shut in the hut, I'm puzzled how to cut down the output of nuts.關在茅棚里,我為削減堅果的產量犯難。78.It's better to put letters at the inlet and outlet.最好在進口和出口處標上字母.79.During this serious period, the superierrorries of questions about the supermarket.在這段嚴肅時間內,上級問了下級一連串有關超級市場的問題。

80.I tuned the tone of the stone phone with a bone.我用骨頭調整了石質耳機的音調.81.On Revenue avenue, the grave traveler jumped the gravestone bravely.在稅收大道上,嚴肅的旅行者勇敢地跳過墓碑.82.The slave safely saved the sharp shavers in a cave nearby the cafeteria.奴隸將鋒利的剃刀安全地保存在自助餐廳附近的洞穴里.83.Most hosts are hostile to the foremost ghost hostage almost to the utmost.大多數主人對最前面的幽靈人質的敵對態度幾乎到了極頂.84.The mapper trapped in the gap tapped the tap wrapper with strap.陷在縫中的制圖者用皮帶輕擊塞子套.85.The scout with shoulder-straps shouted on the outermost route as a routine.戴肩章的偵察員照例在最外圍的路線上叫喊.86.The reproached coach unloaded the loaves to the approachable roadside.遭到責備的教練把面包卸到可接近的路旁.87.The news about the broadened breadth is broadcast abroad.寬度加寬的消息被廣播到國外.88.The motive of the emotional movie is to move the removed men.那部情感電影的動機在于感動被開除的人。

89.Otherwise, mother will go to another movie together with brother.3.不然,媽媽就和弟弟一起去看另一場電影。

90.Furthermore, we gathered leather and feather for the future colder weather.而且,我們收集了皮革和羽毛以應付將來更冷的天氣。91.Before the premier, the old soldier scolds the cold weather.老兵當著首相的面咒罵寒冷的天氣。

92.Whether the weather is good or bad, neither father nor I am going to the gathering.無論天氣是好是壞,父親和我都不去參加那個聚會。

93.The Particle party's partner participated in the particular Parliament.粒子黨的合伙人參與了特別議會.94.For convenience of intensive study, he has an intense intention of making friend with me.為便于強化學習，他有和我交朋友的強烈意向。

95.The virtueless girl's duty is to wash the dirty shirts and skirts in the outskirts.無美德女孩的職責就是在郊區洗臟襯衣和裙子.96.I glimpsed the dancer balancing herself on the ambulance by chance.我碰巧瞥見舞蹈者在救護車上使自己保持平衡。

97.Balloon, baseball, basketball, football and volleyball all dance ballet on the volcano.氣球、棒球、籃球、足球和排球都在火山上跳芭蕾舞。98.A gallon of gasoline and the nylon overalls fall into the valley.一加侖汽油和尼龍工作褲落進了山谷。99.Palm calmly recalled the so-called caller.“手掌”平靜地回憶了那個所謂的拜訪者.100.In the hall, the shallow challenger shall be allowed to swallow the swallows.在大廳里,膚淺的挑戰者將被允許吞下燕子.16天記住7000考研詞匯（第三天）

101.The tall man installed a small wallet on the wall.高個男子把一小錢包安放到墻上.102.Except dishonest ones, anyone who is honest can get honey, everyone thinks so.除了不誠實的人外,任何誠實的人都能得到蜂蜜,人人都這么想。103.The exhausted man and the trustful guy thrust a knife into the rusty crust.精疲力竭的男子和深信不疑的家伙將一把刀子刺向生銹的外殼。104.I finally find that the financial findings are binding.我終于發現財經調查結果具有約束力。

105.At the windy window, the widow finds a blind snake winding.在當風的窗口,寡婦發現有條瞎眼蛇在游動。106.I refuse to accuse Fuse of diffusing confusion.我拒絕控告導火索散播混亂。

107.He had an amusing excuse for executing the executive.對于處決決策人,他有一個可笑的理由.108.At the dawn on the lawn the yawning drowned man began to frown.拂曉時在草坪上，打呵欠的溺水者開始皺眉頭.109.Mr.Brown owns the brown towels in the downtown tower.布朗先生擁有鬧市區塔里的棕色毛巾。110.Lots of pilots plot to dot the rotten robot.大批領航員策劃給腐爛的機器人打點.111.In the hot hotel the devoted voter did not notice the noticeable notebook.在炎熱的旅館里,熱心的投票者沒有注意到顯而易見的筆記本。112.The notorious man's noted notation denotes a notable secret.那個臭名昭著的男子的著名符號代表一個值得關注的秘密.113.Yes, yesterday was the my pay-day;I pay you the payment today.是的,昨天是我的發薪日,我今天付給你報酬.114.Lay a layer of clay on the displayed layout before the relay race.接力賽之前在展示的陳設上鋪一層黏土.115.“The gay mayor maybe lay in the hay by the Baby bay,” he says in dismay.他沮喪地說:“快活的市長大概躺在嬰兒灣邊上的干草中。” 116.The delayed player delegation stay on the playground.被耽擱的運動員代表團停留在操場上。117.The X-rayed prayer preyed a gray tray.照過X光的祈禱者捕獲了一個灰色盤子。

118.Anyway, the prayer swayed by me always goes away by subway.不管怎樣,受我支配的祈禱者總是從地鐵走向遠方。119.The chocolates on the plate stimulated my son to calculate.盤子里的巧克力鼓勵了兒子進行計算.120.One of my relatives, a late translator, translated a book relating to public relations.我的一位親戚,一個已故翻譯,翻譯了一本有關公共關系的書。

121.He relates that he is isolated from his relatives.他敘述說他與親戚們隔離開了.122.The educator located the local location allocated to him.教育家定出了分配給他的局部的位置.123.Comply with the compatible rule of complement when using compliments.使用問候語時遵守補語的相容規則.124.The complicated indicator is dedicated to the delicate delicious machine.這個復雜的指示器被奉獻給精密而美妙的機器.125.Likewise, my bike gave a striking strike to the two men alike.同樣,我的自行車給那兩個相象的人驚人的打擊.126.The smoke choked the joking stroker at one stroke.煙一下嗆住了開玩笑的撫摩者.127.Somewhere somebody sometimes does something good.在某處某人有時做某些好事。

128.Wherever I go, nowhere I like;I dislike everywhere.無論我到哪里,沒有哪里為我喜歡,我討厭每一個地方.129.Therefore, the atmosphere is merely a sphere.因此大氣層只不過是一個球體。

130.The funny cunning runner uses his gum gun before sunrise or after sunset.滑稽乖巧的賽跑者在日出之前或日落之后使用膠皮槍。

131.The applause paused because of the cause caused by a cautious plausible clause.掌聲停了是因為一條謹慎的似乎有理的條款引起的原因。

132.The county councilor encountered the accountant at the counter of a countryside shop.縣委委員在一鄉村商店的柜臺邊碰到了會計師。

133.I mounted the mountain and found a fountain with large amount of water.我登上那座山發現一個水量很大的噴泉。

134.Step by step, the sleepy creeper crawled into my sleeve to sleep.昏昏欲睡的爬蟲一步一步爬進我的袖子里睡覺.135.After a deep sleep, the weeping sweeper keeps on peeping the sheep on the steep.酣睡之后,哭泣的清掃者繼續窺視峭壁上的羊。

136.The vice-adviser advised the reviser to devise a device for getting rid of vice.代理顧問建議校訂者想出一個根除惡習的計策.137.The wise man used his wisdom in the vertical advertisement device.聰明人把智慧用在垂直的 廣告裝置上。

138.With rhythm, the arithmetic teacher put the artist's artificial articles on the vehicle.算術老師把藝術家的人造物品有節奏地放到運載工具里.139.The smart star starts to make cart chart for the commencement.精明的明星開始制作授學位典禮用的馬車圖表。

140.The lady is glad to give the salad to the sad lad on the ladder.女士樂意把色拉送給梯子上的那位悲哀的小伙子.141.You mad madam, my dad doesn't like the bad badminton pad.你這個瘋太太,我爸爸不喜歡這種壞羽毛球墊.142.The one-legged beggar begins to beg eggs illegally.獨腿乞丐開始非法討蛋。

143.The promoter promptly made a quotation for the remote control motors.發起人立刻制了一份遙控馬達的報價單。

144.Each pea and peach on the beach can be reached by the peacock.海灘上的每一顆豌豆和桃子孔雀都能觸及.145.Although the plan was thorough, it was not carried through.盡管計劃很周詳，但是沒有得到貫徹。

146.Thoughtful men ought not to be thoughtless about the drought.體貼的人不應該對干旱考慮不周。

147.“Rough cough is tough enough,” Bough said while touching the torch.“劇烈咳嗽是夠難以對付的,”大樹枝在觸摸手電筒時說道.148.The football team stopped the steam stream with beams.足球隊用橫桿堵住了蒸汽流.149.“Ice-cream!” he screamed in dream.“冰淇淋!”他在夢中驚叫道.150.For example, this simple sample similar to his can be exemplified.例如,這件與他的相似的簡單樣品可以作為例證。

※ 來源： 考研論壇 bbs.kaoyan.com

16天記住7000考研單詞（第四天）16天記住7000考研單詞（第四天）

151.The spy is shy of taking shelter on the shelf of the shell-like shed.間諜怕在殼子一樣的棚里的架子上棲身。

152.The optional helicopter is adopted to help the optimistic helpless in the hell.可選用的直升飛機被用來幫助地獄里那些樂觀的無助者.153.The cell seller seldom sees the bell belt melt.小單間的賣主很少見到鈴鐺帶子融化。

154.The costly post was postponed because of the frost.那件昂貴的郵件由于霜的緣故而延擱。155.Srain brain on the train is restrained.在列車上過度用腦受到約束.156.The gained grain drained away with the rain, all the pains were in vain again.收獲的谷物隨雨水流失了,所有辛勞又白費.157.Cousin saw a group of couples in cloaks soak their souls in the soapy soup.表哥看見一群穿著斗篷的夫婦在肥皂湯里浸泡靈魂.158.The wounded founder bought a pound of compound.受傷的奠基人買了一磅化合物.159.It's easy and feasible to control the disease after cease-fire.停火之后控制這種病很容易也可行。

160.After a decrease, the price of the grease increases increasingly.下跌過一次之后，潤滑脂的價格日益上漲。

161.Please release that pleasant peasant teaser who brings us plenty of pleasure.請釋放那個帶給我們巨大快樂的友好的農民逗趣者。

162.In the canal, the Canadian analyzed the bananas.在運河里,那個加拿大人化驗了香蕉.163.I pointed out the joint on the coin at the disappointing appointment.在令人失望的約會上,我指出了硬幣上的接頭.164.His parents apparently stare at the transparent cigarettes.他父母顯然凝視著透明香煙.165.The careful man is scarcely scared by the scarce parcel.細心男子勉強被罕見的包裹嚇了一下.166.I'm rarely aware that the square area is bare.我很少覺察到那個正方形區域是光禿禿的.167.“Beware the software in the warhouse during the warfare,” hare said glaring at me.兔子怒視著我說:“戰爭期間當心倉庫里的軟件。”

168.I daren't declare that the shares are my spare fare and welfare on the farewell party.在告別會上,我不敢宣稱這些股票是我的備用車費和福利。

169.The external and internal interference interrupts my interpretation at short intervals.內部和外部干涉以很短的間隔打擾我翻譯.170.The form of the former formula is formally formulated.前一個分子式的形式得到正式表述.171.The performer reformed the performance of the transferred transformer.表演者改良了轉讓的變壓器的性能.172.Normally, enormous deformation is abnormal.通常，巨大的變形是不正常的。

173.The bookworm in uniform is informed of the storm.穿制服的書呆子得到暴風雨的消息。

174.The story about the six-storeyed dormitory tells a glorious history.關于六層樓宿舍的故事講述一段光榮歷史。

175.The perfume consumer presumably assumes that the volume is resumed.香水消費者假定地設想音量已恢復.176.The voluntary revolutionaries revolted like the outbreak of volcano.志愿革命者們象火山爆發一樣起義了.177.It's resolved by resolution that the solution will be used to solve the involved problem.決議決定用這個辦法解決那個復雜的問題。

178.The generous general's genuine genius is in making generators.那位慷慨將軍的真正天才在于制造發電機.179.Several severe federal generals drank the mineral water on the miner's funeral.好幾個嚴厲的聯邦將軍在礦工的葬禮上喝了礦泉水。

180.The lean man leans on the clean bean plant to read a leaf leaflet.瘦人斜靠在干凈的豆科植物上讀葉片傳單.181.I mean he used mean means in the meantime on the ocean.我的意思是其間在海洋上他用了卑鄙手法.182.The honorable journalist spent an hour on the journey of tour.可敬的新聞記者在觀光旅程上花了一個小時.183.The sour vapour pours into the flourishing flour factory.It's the source of resources.酸蒸汽涌進興旺的面粉廠.這是資源的源泉.184.Of course the man's courage encouraged the discouraged tourists in the courtyard.自然那個勇敢男子的勇氣鼓舞了院子里泄氣的游客們。185.The zealous dealer has an ideal idea of dealing with the meal.熱心的商人有一個處理膳食的理想主意.186.He conceals the fact that he is jealous of my seal and wants to steal it.他隱瞞了他嫉妒我的印章并想偷的事實.187.I really realized that a realm came into reality.我真地認識到一個王國已變成現實.188.The healer reveals an appealing fact that health is great wealth to the commonwealth.醫治者揭示一個吸引人的事實:健康是聯邦的巨大財富。

189.The absent-minded student consents to the sentence in the presence of me.心不在焉的學生在我面前同意這份判決.190.Presently the present is presented to the representative.現在這份禮物已呈現在代表面前。

191.Not for a moment has the comment on commercial phenomenon been mentioned.那個關于商業現象的評論從未被提及過。

192.The mental patient thinks the cement is the elementary element of the ornament.精神病人認為水泥是裝飾品的基本成分.193.As an exception I accept all his concepts and conceptions except one.作為例外,我接受他所有的概念和構想,只有一個除外。

194.I perceived that the veil clung on the ceiling of the clinic was deceit.我覺察到粘附在診所天花板上的幔子是個騙局.195.The receptionist received a receipt from the receiver.接待員收到一份來自接收者的收據。

196.The reaper leaped over a heap of cheap weapons.收割者躍過一堆廉價的武器。

197.The newly imprisoned prisoners poisoned poisonous moisture are hoisted out from the prison.中了有毒濕氣毒的新近關押的囚犯被從監獄吊出.198.The gross grocer crossed his legs before the boss.粗鄙的雜貨商在老板面前叉起腿子.199.The lost Bible is possibly the biggest loss of my possessions.丟失的圣經可能是我最大的財產損失。

200.A dose of poison made the noisy man's nose rosy.一劑毒藥使得吵鬧的男子的鼻子變成玫瑰色.16天記住7000考研單詞（第五天）201.The loser closely enclosed himself in the closet.那個失敗者把自己嚴密地封閉在小室內。

202.The composer was proposed to decompose his composition into components.作曲家被建議將著作分解成單元。?

203.Suppose you were exposed in the opposite position by your opponent,...假設你被對手暴露在相反的位置。。

204.The depositor positively positioned the preposition in that position on

purpose.儲戶有意確信地介詞放置在那個位置。?

205.In church the nurse cursed the people pursuing the purple purse.在教堂里，護士詛咒了追求紫色錢包的 人們。?

206.The faculty for agricultural culture isn't difficult to cultivate.農業栽培能力不難培養。

207.The reservoir in the reserved preserve is an obstacle to the obstinate observer.預留保護區內的水庫對固執的觀察者是一個障礙。

208.The desert deserves the nervous servants to observe.那個沙漠值得神經緊張的公務員們去觀察。

209.The bulk of the ruby rubbish on the pebble bubbles when stirred by bulbed rubber club.小卵石上的大部分紅寶石廢料在用有球狀突起的橡膠短棍攪動是會起泡。

210.The adjective injected new meaning into the objected objective object.這個形容詞給受到反對的客觀物體注入了新的意義。

211.The projector is subject to rejection and may be ejected from the project.投影機有遭到否決的傾向并可能被逐出工程。?

212.A day goes through daybreak, morning, noon, afternoon, evening and midnight.一天經過坲曉，上午，正文，下午，傍晚和午夜。?

213.His affection for the defects is affected by the infectious perfect effect.他對缺點的鐘愛受到具有感染力的完美效果的影響。? 214.The critic's criticism is critical to the crisis.???評論家的批評對這場危機至關重要。?

215.The director's indirect direction led to the incorrect erection of the rectifier.指導者間接的指導導致整流器的錯誤安裝。

216.The prospective inspector prospected his prospect with his own perspective.? 未來的檢查員用自己的觀點勘察的他的前景。

217.Two suspicious aspects are suspected respectively.兩個可疑的方面分別受到懷疑。

218.This section about insects is written by a respectable specialist.關于昆蟲的這一節是由一位可敬的專家撰寫的。

219.I assure the injured jury that a sure insurance is ensured.我讓受傷的陪審團確信一筆有把握的保險得到的確保。

220.My durable endurance made me endure the injury during insurance.我持久的忍耐力使我忍受了保險期間的傷害。?

221.I can't endure the leisured man's measures for the treasures in the treasury..我不能容忍那個悠閑男子對金庫財寶采取的措施。

222.In the exchange the oranges are arranged into strange ranges.在交易所里橙子被排成奇怪的行。

223.The ashtray, splashed with ash, crashed with a clash in a flash while being washed.那個濺有灰塵的煙灰盤在清洗時咣當一聲一下子摔碎了。

226.On the orbit, the rabbits habitually inherited the merits of the inhabitants.? 在軌道上，兔子習慣性地繼承了居民們的優點。

227.Her rejoicing voice is void of something avoidable.她那令人高興的聲音缺少某種可避免的東西。

228.I prefer the preferable preference you referred to in the reference books.? 我更喜歡你在參考書中提到的那個更可取的優先權。

229.The specialist specifically specified a special pacific means especially.專家特地明確指定了一種和解的特殊方法。

230.The speculator specifically specified the specification of this species specimen.投機者特地指定了這種物種標本的規范。

231 I'm to be punished for publishing his bad reputation to the public of the republic.我因將他的壞名聲公布給共和國的公眾將受到懲罰。

232.The drug trafficker is concerned about the condition of the traditional concert.毒品販子擔心傳統音樂會的狀況。

233.It's a fable that the cable enables the disabled man to be able to walk.電纜使得殘疾人能夠行走是天方夜譚。

234.The problem is that those who are out of jobs probably rob.問題是那些失業者們可能行劫。?

235.His wicked trick is to get the kids to kick bricks and lick the cricket ticket.他的缺德惡作劇是讓孩子們踢磚和添板球門。? 236.The thin sick chicken picks the thick sticky stick quickly.瘦病雞快速地啄粘乎乎的粗棍。

237.The animals unanimously vanished from the mammal's room furnished with Spanish furniture.動物一齊從配備有西班牙家具的哺乳動物的房間消失。?

Obama 就職演講稿, My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed[bi'st?u]vt.使用；授予, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors ['?nsest?].I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well

as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do

as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is

demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.THE PRESIDENT: Good evening.To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan--the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion.It’s an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point--where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.To address these important issues, it’s important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place.We did not ask for this fight.On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station.Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda--a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents.Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban--a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them--an

authorization that continues to this day.The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing.The vote in the House was 420 to 1.For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5--the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all.And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks.America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy--and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden--we sent our troops into Afghanistan.Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed.The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heel s.A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope.At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai.And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here.It’s enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention--and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end.We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011.That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform.(Applause.)Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.But while we’ve achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated.After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there.Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it’s been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq.When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive.And that’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops.After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan.I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.Since then, we’ve made progress on some important objectives.High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we’ve stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide.In Pakistan, that nation’s ar

my has gone on its largest offensive in years.In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and--although it was marred by fraud--that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan’s laws and constitution.Yet huge challenges remain.Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards.There’s no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum.Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border.And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population.Our new commander in Afghanistan--General McChrystal--has reported that the security

situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger.Some of you fought in Afghanistan.Some of you will deploy there.As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service.And that’s why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period.Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people--and our troops--no less.This review is now complete.And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S.troops to Afghanistan.After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home.These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.I do not make this decision lightly.I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources.Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort.And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you--a military that, along with you r families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens.As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars.I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed.I visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed.I’ve traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place.I see firsthand the terrible wages of war.If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.So, no, I do not make this decision lightly.I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda.It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak.This is no idle danger;no hypothetical threat.In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity.We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear.This is not just America’s war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali.The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered.And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies.Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven.We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.And we must

strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.We will meet these objectives in three ways.First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.The 30,000 additional troops that I’m announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010--the fastest possible pace--so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers.They’ll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.Because this is an international effort, I’ve asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.Some have already provided additional troops, and we’re confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead.Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan.And now, we must come together to end this war successfully.For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility--what’s at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world.But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We’ll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.But it will be clear to the Afghan government--and, more importantly, to the Afghan people--that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.This effort must be based on performance.The days of providing a blank check are over.President Karzai’s inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction.And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.We’ll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people.We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable.And we will also focus our assistance in areas--such as agriculture--that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades.They’ve been confronted with occupation--by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand--America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering.We have no interest in occupying your country.We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens.And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect--to isolate those who destroy;to strengthen those who build;to hasten the day when our troops will leave;and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never yo ur patron.Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.We’re in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country.But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan.That’s why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who’ve argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence.But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism.Public opinion has turned.The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan.And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.Those days are over.Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development.We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting.And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition;a civilian surge that reinforces positive action;and an effective partnership with Pakistan.I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach.So let me briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I’ve heard, and which I take very seriously.First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we’re better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing.I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history.Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border.To abandon this area now--and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance--would significantly hamper our ability to k eep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can’t leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have.But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there.It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition to Afghan responsibility.Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort--one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade.I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government.It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests.And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces.I don’t have the luxury of committing to just one.Indeed, I’m mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who--in discussing our national security--said, “Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.”

Over the past several years, we have lost that balance.We’ve failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills.Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce.So we can’t simply afford to ignore the price of these wars.All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars.Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly.Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I’ll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we

work to bring down our deficit.But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home.Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power.It pays for our military.It underwrites our diplomacy.It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry.And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last.That’s why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended--because the nation that I’m most interested in building is our own.Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy.The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan.It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict--not just how we wage wars.We’ll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power.Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold--whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere--they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.And we can’t count on military might alone.We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can’t capture or kill every violent extremist abroad.We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction.And that’s why I’ve made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them--because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons;true security will come for those who reject them.We’ll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone.I’ve spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships.And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world--one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values--for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not.That’s why we must promote our values by living them at home--which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples.That is who we are.That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs.We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents.We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies.We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions--from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank--that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes.But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades--a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.Our union was founded in resistance to oppression.We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours.What we have fought for--what we continue to fight

for--is a better future for our children and grandchildren.And we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.(Applause.)

As a country, we’re not as young--and perhaps not as innocent--as we were when Roosevelt was President.Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms.It derives from our people--from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy;from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home;from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad;and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth.(Applause.)This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue--nor should we.But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.It’s easy to forget that when this war began, we were united--bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear.I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.(Applause.)I believe with every fiber of my

being that we--as Americans--can still come together behind a common purpose.For our values are not simply words written into parchment--they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.America--we are passing through a time of great trial.And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering.We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes.(Applause.)Thank you.God bless you.May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)

第四篇：奧巴馬就職演講

美國歷屆總統就職演說之---第44任總統Barack Obama的就職演講稿

Inaugural Address of Barack Obama My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.17 What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive … that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet … it.”

America!In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬，1961年8月4日生于美國夏威夷，父親巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬一世是來自肯尼亞的黑人，穆斯林。母親是堪薩斯州的白人。是左撇子，這是美國總統史自40屆以來的第四位左撇子總統。

奧巴馬祖籍肯尼亞，是美國歷史上第一位具有黑人血統的總統。當然，美國社會對黑人和其他有色人種的種族歧視，至今仍然存在，解決種族歧視依然任重道遠。事實上，奧巴馬并沒有像很多美國黑人奴隸的后裔一樣在很多城市的貧民窟長大。他小時候是由他的白人祖父母撫養，他的童年中有很長時間是在印度尼西亞度過的。因此他的思維方式和美國白人或亞洲人比較接近。他本人從來也沒有在公開場合，承認自己是黑人，或者是非洲裔美國人，只承認自己是混血。

1983年畢業于哥倫比亞大學，1985年到芝加哥參加社會工作。1991年畢業于哈佛大學的法學院，是第一個擔任哈佛法學評論主編的所謂的 非洲裔美國人，并在此期間獲得了全國范圍的認可。1992年和米歇爾·拉沃恩·奧巴馬結婚，并生了二個女兒瑪麗亞 ·安· 奧巴馬（Malia Ann Obama）, 娜塔莎· 奧巴馬（Natasha Obama）。1996年，奧巴馬從芝加哥當選為伊利諾伊州國會參議員并在之后的3年中連任；2000年，在競選美國眾議院議員席位失敗后，奧巴馬將主要精力投入到伊利諾伊州的參議工作中。

2004年7月，美國民主黨召開全國代表大會，奧巴馬被指定在第二天做“基調演講”。（所謂“基調演講”，就是民主黨人闡述本黨的綱領和政策宣言，通常由本黨極有前途的政治新星來發表，1988年做“基調演講”的人就是時任阿肯色州州長的克林頓。）奧巴馬不負眾望，他親自撰寫演講稿，并發表了題為“無畏的希望”（The Audacity ofHope）慷慨激昂的演講。在演說中他提出消除黨派分歧和種族分歧、實現“一個美國”的夢想。該演講后，奧巴馬成為全美知名的政界人物。同年11月，奧巴馬順利的以高達70%的選票當選聯邦參議員。

2007年2月10日，奧巴馬在伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市正式宣布參加2008年美國總統大選，并提出了重點在“完結伊拉克戰爭以及實施全民醫療保險制度”的競選綱領。2008年1月4日，在俄亥俄州民主黨初選大會上，奧巴馬贏得了38%的支持率，領先于知名度高于自己的約翰·愛德華茲以及希拉里·克林頓，在民主黨諸位候選人中領跑。2008年6月3日，奧巴馬票數領先于希拉里·克林頓，被定為民主黨總統候選人；同年8月23日，在民主黨全國代表大會上奧巴馬被正式提名，從而成為了美國歷史上首個非洲裔總統大選候選人。

2008年11月5日，奧巴馬擊敗共和黨候選人約翰·麥凱恩，正式當選為美國第四十四任總統。

2009年10月9日，據英國廣播公司報道，諾貝爾獎評審會稱，美國總統奧巴馬因“為增強國際外交及各國人民間的合作做出非同尋常的努力”而被授予2009諾貝爾和平獎。

第五篇：奧巴馬就職演講

You know，there are those who were saying that North Carolina would be a game-changer in this election.But today，what North Carolina decided is that the only game that needs changing is the one in Washington.D.C.I want to start by congratulating Senator Clinton on what appears to be her victory in the state of Indiana.And I want to thank all the people--I want to thank all the wonderful people of Indiana who worked so hard on our behalf.The people in Indiana could not be finer.They worked tirelessly,and I will always be grateful to them.I want to thank,of course, the people of North Carolina for giving us a victory in a big state，a swing state，in a state where we will compete to win if I am the Democratic nominee for President of the United States.You know,when this campaign began，Washington didn't give us much of a chance.But because you came out in the bitter cold，and knocked on doors，and enlisted your friends and neighbors in this cause； because you stood up to the cynics，and the doubters，and the naysayers when we were up and when we were down； because you still believe that this is our moment and our time to change America,tonight we stand less than two hundred delegates away from securing the Democratic nomination for President of the United States.More importantly，because of you，we have seen that it s possible to overcome the politics of division and distraction； that it's possible to overcome the same, old negative attacks that are always about scoring points and never about solving our problems.We've seen that the American people aren t looking for more spin.They're looking for honest answers about the challenges we face.That s what you ve accomplished in this campaign，and that's how together we intend to change this country.This has been one of the longest，most closely fought contests in history.And that s partly because we have such a formidable opponent in Senator Hillary Clinton.Tonight，many of the pundits have suggested that this party is inalterably divided, that Senator Clinton's supporters will not support me，and that my supporters will not support her.Well I'm here tonight to tell you that I don't believe it.Yes，there have been bruised feelings on both sides.Yes，each side desperately wants their candidate to win.But ultimately，this race is not about Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama or John McCain.This election is about you the American people.It's about whether we will have a president and a party that can lead us toward a brighter future.This primary season may not be over，but when it is，we will have to remember who we are as Democrats,that we are the party of Jefferson and Jackson； of Roosevelt and Kennedy； and that we are at our best when we lead with principle； when we lead with conviction； when we summon an entire nation around a common purpose a higher purpose.This fall，we intend to march forward as one Democratic Party，united by a common vision for this country.Because we all agree that at this defining moment in history, a moment when we re facing two wars，an economy in turmoil，a planet in peril,a dream that feels like it's slipping away for too many Americans, we can t afford to give John McCain the chance to serve out George Bush's third term.We need change in America.And that's why we'll be nuited in November.The woman I met in Indiana who had just lost her job，lost her pension，lost her insurance, when the plant where she worked at her entire life closed down, she can t afford four more years of tax breaks for corporations like the one that shipped her job overseas.She needs us to give tax breaks to companies that create good jobs here in America.She can t afford four more years of tax breaks for CEOs like the one who walked away from her company with a multimillion-dollar bonus.She needs middle-class tax relief of the sort I've proposed,relief that will help her pay the skyrocketing price of groceries，and gas，and college tuition.That's why I'm running for President.The college student I met in Iowa who works the night shift after a full day of class ,still can't pay the medical bills for a sister who s ill, she can t afford four more years of a health care plan that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy, that allows insurance companies to discriminate and deny coverage to those Americans who need it most.She needs us to stand up to those insurance companies and pass a plan that lowers every family s premiums and gives every uninsured American the same kind of coverage that Members of Congress give themselves.That s why I m running for President.The mother in Wisconsin who gave me a bracelet inscribed with the name of the son she lost in Iraq, the families who pray for their loved ones to come home； the heroes on their third and fourth and fifth tour of duty they can t afford four more years of a war that should ve never been authorized and never been waged.They can t afford four more years of our veterans returning to broken-down barracks and substandard care.And they don't want to see homeless veterans on the streets,they don't want to see veterans waiting years to get disability payments or having to travel for hours and miles just to get treatment.They need us to end the war that isn t making us safer.They need us to treat them with the care and respect they deserve.That s why I m running for President.The man I met in Pennsylvania who lost his job but can t even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one, he can t afford four more years of an energy policy written by the oil companies and for the oil companies； a policy that s not only keeping gas at record prices，but funding both sides of the war on terror and destroying our planet.He doesn t need four more years of Washington policies that sound good，but don t solve the problem.He needs us to take a permanent holiday from our oil addiction by making the automakers raise their fuel standards，corporations pay for their pollution，and oil companies invest their record profits in a clean energy future.That s the change we need.And that s why I m running for President.The people that I've met in small towns and big cities across this country understand that government can t solve all our problems ,and we don t expect it to.We believe in hard work.We believe in personal responsibility and self-reliance.But we also believe that we have a larger responsibility to one another as Americans, that America is a place, that America is the place where you can make it if you try,that no matter how much money you start with or where you come from or who your parents are，opportunity is yours if you re willing to reach for it and work for it.It s the idea that, while there are few guarantees in life，you should be able to count on a job that pays the bills； health care for when you need it； a pension for when you retire； an education for your children that will allow them to fulfill their God-given potential.That s the America we believe in.That s the America we know.This is the country that gave my grandfather a chance to go to college on the GI Bill when he came home from World War II； a country that gave him and my grandmother the chance to buy their first home with a loan from the FHA.This is the country that made it possible for my mother, a single parent who had to go on food stamps at one point, to send my sister and me to the best schools in the country on scholarships.This is the country that allowed my father-in-law,a shift worker, a city worker at a water filtration plant in Chicago, to provide for his wife and two children on a single salary.Now this is a man who was diagnosed at age thirty with multiple sclerosis, who relied on a walker to get himself to work, and yet，every day he went，and he labored，and he sent my wife and her brother to one of the best colleges in the nation.And when he talked ahout his job,he expressed that it was important not just because it gave him a paycheck，but because it described his dignity,his self-worth,his self-respect.It was an America that didn t just reward wealth，but it rewarded work and the workers who created it.That's the America I love.That's the America you love.That's the America that we're fighting for in this election.Somewhere along the line，between all the bickering and the influence-peddling and the game-playing of the last few decades，Washington and Wall Street have lost touch with these core values,these American values.And while I honor John McCain's service to his country，his ideas for America are out of touch with these core values.His plans for the future,of continuing a war that has not made us safer,of continuing George Bush's economic policies that he claims have made great progress,these are nothing more than the failed policies of the past.And his plan to win in November appears to come from the very same playbook that his side has used time after time in election after election.Yes，we know what's coming.I'm not naive.We ve seen it already,the same names and labels they always pin on everyone who doesn t agree with all their ideas,the same efforts to distract us from the issues that affect our lives, by pouncing on every gaffe and association and fake controversy ,in the hopes that the media will play along.The attempts to play on our fears and exploit our differences ,to turn us against each other for pure political gain, to slice and dice this country into Red States and Blue States； blue collar and white collar； white, black, brown,young,old,rich,poor

This is the race we expect,no matter whether it's myself or Senator Clinton who is the nominee.The question then is not what kind of campaign they ll run，it s what kind of campaign we will run.It s what we will do to make this year different.I didn t get into race thinking that I could avoid this kind of politics，but I am running for President because this is the time to end it.We will end it this time not because I'm perfect.I think we know at this phase of the campaign that I am not.We will end it not by duplicating the same tactics and the same strategies as the other side，because that will lead us down the same path of polarization and of gridlock.We will end it by telling the

truth forcefully，repeatedly，confidently and by trusting that the American people will embrace the need for change ,even if it's coming from an imperfect messenger ,because that s how we ve always changed this country, not from the top down，but from the bottom up； when you, the American people ,decide that the stakes are too high and the challenges are too great.The other side can label and name-call all they want，but I trust the American people to recognize that it s not surrender to end the war in Iraq so that we can rebuild our military and go after al Qaeda's leaders.I trust the American people to understand that it s not weakness，but wisdom to talk not just to our friends，but our enemies, like Roosevelt did，and Kennedy did，and Truman did.I trust the American people to realize that, while we don t need big government，we do need a government that stands up for families who are being tricked out of their homes by Wall Street predators, a government that stands up for the middle class by giving them a tax break, a government that ensures that no American will ever lose their life savings just because their child gets sick.Security and opportunity, compassion and prosperity aren t liberal values.They're not conservative values.They re American values,and that's what we're fighting for in this election.Most of all，I trust the American people's desire to no longer be defined by our differences, because no matter where I ve been in this country, whether it was the corn fields of Iowa or the textile mills of the Carolinas, the streets of San Antonio or the foothills of Georgia, I ve found that, while we may have different stories，we hold common hopes.We may not look the same or come from the same place，but we want to move in the same direction towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.That s why I'm in this race.I love this country too much to see it divided and distracted at this moment in history.I believe in our ability to perfect this nation, because it s the only reason

I'm standing here today.And I know the promise of America, because I have lived it.Michelle has lived it.You have lived it.It is the light of opportunity that led my father across an ocean.It is the founding ideals that the flag draped over my father's coffin stand for.It is life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness.It s the simple truth I learned all those years ago when I worked in the shadow of all those shuttered steel mills on the south side of Chicago ,that, in this country，justice can be won against the greatest odds； hope can find its way back from the darkest of corners.And when we are told that we cannot bring about the change that we seek，we answer with one voice: Yes, we can.So,North Carolina and America, don t ever forget that this election is not about me or any candidate.Don t ever forget that this campaign is about you.It's about your hopes，it's about your dreams，il's about your struggles，it's about your aspirations,it's about securing your portion of the American Dream.Don t ever forget that we have a choice in this country, that we can choose not to be divided； that we can choose not to be afraid, that we can still choose this moment to finally come together and solve the problems we ve talked about all those other years in all those other elections.This time can be different than all the rest.This time we can face down those who say our road is too long, that our climb is too steep, that we can no longer achieve the change that we seek.This is our time to answer the call that so many generations of Americans have answered before, by insisting that, by hard work and by sacrifice，the American dream will endure.Thank you，and may God Bless the United States of America.