第一篇：美歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演講多金句 肯尼迪發(fā)言最難忘

美歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演講多金句 肯尼迪發(fā)言最難忘 據香港《大公報》援引英國《泰晤士報》網絡版二十日報道：美國史上最長的總統(tǒng)就職演說，是哈里森一八四一年發(fā)表的，歷時一小時四十五分鐘。此后，美國總統(tǒng)的就職演說開始避免長篇大論，較重視詞句是否精警動人。那也許是因為哈里森當日在滔滔不絕之中染上肺炎，上任僅一個月便與世長辭。

就職演說一直都是總統(tǒng)就職日的戲肉，最不擅辭令的總統(tǒng)，演辭中都總會包含一些情感語言。與小布什一樣出名口才笨拙的老布什，就職時也打了一個精彩的比喻；他說歷史是“一本頁數繁多的書本，而我們每天都做著心懷希冀和有意義的事，以這些事寫滿一頁。新一陣的微風吹來，便翻動一頁，故事便有了新發(fā)展。這樣說，今天是新一章的開始了。”

美國最難忘的演說，來自一些最堪銘記的歷史時刻，這大概并非偶然。林肯在南北戰(zhàn)爭尾聲時被暗殺，不過他在死前一個月發(fā)表(他的第二次)就職演說和他的“葛底斯堡演說”一樣精短而永垂不朽。其中一句是：“正在做的工作，我們繼續(xù)拚命去完成吧，做事時不要對任何人心懷惡意，要對所有人懷著慈悲之心，堅持上帝向我們昭示的正義。我們要做的是愈合國家的傷口、對烈士、烈士遺下的妻兒寄予關懷─只要是可以達致和保持一段公平而持久的和平的事，我們都要做。”

羅斯福第一次就職演說最為后世難忘的一點，是他道出了身處大蕭條時代的國民的心理危機：“我們唯一要害怕的東西就是害怕本身，無以名之的、不理性的、不應有的恐懼。”

不過美國總統(tǒng)就職演說的第一金句，應該是肯尼迪在一九六一年所說的“不要問國家可以為你們做什么，問問自己可以為國家做什么”。當時是冷戰(zhàn)時代，美國的民族信心處于低潮。

第二篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演講

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端；意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。

現在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利并非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和丅平時期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪－－他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道－－不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落－－為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證－－而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無往不勝；我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成－－因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由丅行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由－－而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間－－之所以這樣做，并不是因為共丅產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法挽救少數富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證－－在爭取進步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆樱瑤椭杂傻娜藗兒妥杂傻恼B府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和丅平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對聯合國，主丅權國家的世界性議事機構，我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和丅平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護；擴大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對那些與我們作對的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷入預謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和丅平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當我們毫無疑問地擁有足夠的軍備，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠不會使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－發(fā)展現代武器所需的費用使雙方負擔過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴散理所當然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動最后戰(zhàn)爭的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開始－－雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠有待于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團結起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深海，并鼓勵藝術和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團結起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令－－“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”（注：《圣經·舊約全書·以塞亞書》第58章6節(jié)。）

如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創(chuàng)造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強者公正，弱者安全、和丅平將得到維護。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政丅府任期內完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。

現在，號角已再次吹響－－不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器；不是召喚我們去作戰(zhàn)，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲撈鹇L斗爭的重任，年復一年，從希望中得到歡樂，在磨難中保持耐性，對付人類共同的敵人－－專制、社團、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能為你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應要求我們獻出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作

第三篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)的就職演講 英文版

1961 Inaugural Address of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our

Inaugural Address USA Page: 42 /243

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intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of

Inaugural Address USA Page: 43 /243

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愛思英語http://www.tmdps.cn/

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In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Inaugural Address USA Page: 44 /243

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第四篇：美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演講(中英文對照)

第44任總統(tǒng)奧巴馬發(fā)表就職演說

My fellow citizens: 我的同胞們：

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.今天我站在這里，看到眼前面臨的重大任務，深感卑微。我感謝你們對我的信任，也知道先輩們?yōu)榱诉@個國家所作的犧牲。我要感謝布什總統(tǒng)為國家做出的貢獻，以及感謝他在兩屆政府過渡期間給與的慷慨協作。

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.迄今為止，已經有44個美國總統(tǒng)宣誓就職。總統(tǒng)的宣誓有時面對的是國家的和平繁榮，但通常面臨的是烏云密布的緊張形勢。在緊張的形勢中，支持美國前進的不僅僅是領導人的能力和遠見，也在于美國人民對國家先驅者理想的信仰，以及對美國立國文件的忠誠。

So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.前輩們如此，我們這一代美國人也要如此。

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our healthcare is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.現在我們都深知，我們身處危機之中。我們的國家在戰(zhàn)斗，對手是影響深遠的暴力和憎恨；國家的經濟也受到嚴重的削弱，原因雖有一些人的貪婪和不負責任，但更為重要的是我們作為一個整體在一些重大問題上決策失誤，同時也未能做好應對新時代的準備。我們的人民正在失去家園，失去工作，很多企業(yè)倒閉。社會的醫(yī)療過于昂貴、學校教育讓許多人失望，而且每天都會有新的證據顯示，我們利用能源的方式助長了我們的敵對勢力，同時也威脅著我們的星球。

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our landthey will be met.今天我要說，我們的確面臨著很多嚴峻的挑戰(zhàn)，而且在短期內不大可能輕易解決。但是我們要相信，我們一定會度過難關。

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.今天，我們在這里齊聚一堂，因為我們戰(zhàn)勝恐懼選擇了希望，摒棄了沖突和矛盾而選擇了團結。

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.今天，我們宣布要為無謂的摩擦、不實的承諾和指責畫上句號，我們要打破牽制美國政治發(fā)展的若干陳舊教條。

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.美國仍是一個年輕的國家，借用《圣經》的話說，放棄幼稚的時代已經到來了。重拾堅韌精神的時代已經到來，我們要為歷史作出更好的選擇，我們要秉承歷史賦予的寶貴權利，秉承那種代代相傳的高貴理念：上帝賦予我們每個人以平等和自由，以及每個人盡全力去追求幸福的機會。

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-heartedsome celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labour, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我們國家偉大之處的同時，我們深知偉大從來不是上天賜予的，偉大需要努力贏得。（我們的民族一路走來），這旅途之中從未有過捷徑或者妥協，這旅途也不適合膽怯之人、或者愛安逸勝過愛工作之人、或者單單追求名利之人。這條路是勇于承擔風險者之路，是實干家、創(chuàng)造者之路。這其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人卻在默默無聞地工作著。正是這些人帶領我們走過了漫長崎嶇的旅行，帶領我們走向富強和自由。

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.為了我們，先輩們帶著微薄的細軟，橫渡大洋，尋找新生活；為了我們，先輩們忍辱負重，用血汗?jié)茶T工廠；為了我們，先輩們在荒蕪的西部大地辛勤耕作，定居他鄉(xiāng)；為了我們，先輩們奔赴（獨立戰(zhàn)爭中的）康科德城和葛底斯堡、（二戰(zhàn)中的）諾曼底、（越戰(zhàn)中的）Khe Sahn，他們征戰(zhàn)、死去。

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.一次又一次，我們的先輩們戰(zhàn)斗著、犧牲著、操勞著，只為了我們可以生活得更好。在他們看來，美國的 強盛與偉大超越了個人雄心，也超越了個人的出身、貧富和派別差異。

This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisionsnot only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise healthcare's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.我目之所及，都有工作有待完成。國家的經濟情況要求我們采取大膽且快速的行動，我們的確是要行動，不僅是要創(chuàng)造就業(yè)，更要為（下一輪經濟）增長打下新的基礎。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)鋪設電網和數字線路，將我們聯系在一起。我們將回歸科學，運用科技的奇跡提高醫(yī)療質量，降低醫(yī)療費用。我們將利用風能、太陽能和土壤驅動車輛，為工廠提供能源。我們將改革中小學以及大專院校，以適應新時代的要求。這一切，我們都能做到，而且我們都將會做到。

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitionsthat the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it worksto spend wisely, reform bad habits and do our business in the light of dayand that a nation cannot prosper long when it favours only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach f;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing hearteven greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologise for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defence, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.我們繼承了這些遺產。在這些原則的再次領導下，我們有能力應對新的威脅，我們需要付出更多的努力、進行國家間更廣泛的合作以及增進國家間的理解。首先，我們將以負責任的態(tài)度，將伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民，同時鞏固阿富汗來之不易的和平。對于老朋友和老對手，我們將繼續(xù)努力，不遺余力，削弱核威脅，遏制全球變暖的幽靈。我們不會為我們的生活方式感到報歉，我們會不動搖地捍衛(wèi)我們的生活方式。對于那些企圖通過恐怖主義或屠殺無辜平民達成目標的人，我們要對他們說：我們的信仰更加堅定，不可動搖，你們不可能拖垮我們，我們定將戰(zhàn)勝你們。

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindusknow that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.對于穆斯林世界，我們將基于共同的利益和信仰，尋找更好的合作之路。對于那些在世界各個地方挑起沖突或一味批評西方不良影響的領導者：你的人民評判你的依據是你建立了什么，而不是破壞了什么。對于那些依靠腐敗和欺騙并壓制異議而追求權利的人們：你們站在了人類歷史的對立面。如果你們能張開緊握的拳頭，我們也將伸出友誼之手。

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.對于那些貧窮的人們，我們保證和你們一起建設繁茂的農場和干凈的水源，滋養(yǎng)那些饑寒交迫的身體和心靈。對于那些與我們一樣相對富裕的國家，我們不能再對外界的苦難漠不關心，更不能繼續(xù)大肆索取世界的資源。世界必須改變，我們都必須改變。

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honour them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this momentit is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.當我們審視前方的道路時，我們會感激那些跨越千山萬水來到這里的人們。今天，他們有話對我們說，也是安息在阿林頓國家公墓里的先烈們時刻提醒我們的。我們尊敬他們不僅因為是他們捍衛(wèi)了我們的自由，更因為他們正是奉獻精神的化身；他們致力于尋找遠高于自身的生命真諦。而此時，在這個特殊的時代，我們更需讓這種精神長存。

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.因為無論美國政府能做多少，必須做多少，美國國家的立國之本最終還是美國人的決心和信念。于防洪堤壩決堤之時收留陌生受難者的善意，于在經濟不景氣的時候寧愿減少自己工時也不肯看著朋友失業(yè)的無私，正是他們支撐我們走過黑暗的時刻。消防隊員沖入滿是濃煙的樓梯搶救生命的勇氣，父母養(yǎng)育孩子的堅持，正是這些決定了我們的命運。

Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success dependsthese things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibilitythe knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.我們自信源于對上帝的信仰，上帝號召我們要掌握自己的命運。

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed-why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.這就是我們自由和信仰的意義，這也是為何不同種族、不同信仰、不同性別和年齡的人可以同聚一堂在此歡慶的原因，也是我今天能站在這里莊嚴宣誓的原因，而在50多年前我的父親甚至都不能成為地方餐館的服務生。

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: 所以，讓我們銘記自己的身份，鐫刻自己的足跡。在美國誕生的時代，那最寒冷的歲月里，一群勇敢的愛國人士圍著篝火在冰封的河邊取暖。首都被占領，敵人在挺進，冬天的雪被鮮血染成了紅色。在美國大革命最受質疑的時刻，我們的國父們這樣說：

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].” “我們要讓未來的世界知道……在深冬的嚴寒里，唯有希望和勇氣才能讓我們存活……面對共同的危險時，我們的城市和國家要勇敢地上前去面對。”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.今天的美國也在嚴峻的寒冬中面對共同的挑戰(zhàn)，讓我們記住國父們不朽的語言。帶著希望和勇氣，讓我們再一次勇敢地面對寒流，迎接可能會發(fā)生的風暴。我們要讓我們的子孫后代記住，在面臨挑戰(zhàn)的時候，我們沒有屈服，我們沒有逃避也沒有猶豫，我們腳踏實地、心懷信仰，秉承了寶貴的自由權利并將其安全地交到了下一代的手中。2001年美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演說

Inaugural Address of George W.Bush

January 20, 2001

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation;and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws;and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along;and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth;and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation;and this is my solemn pledge, “I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.” I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them;and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives;we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent;we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans;we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge;and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance;we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength;and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.I can pledge our nation to a goal, “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.”

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, “to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.” In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens.Citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, “our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.”

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose.Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today;to make our country more just and generous;to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.喬治-布什2001年就職演說

謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們，這次權利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴地維護了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時開始了新的歷程。

首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個國家作出的貢獻，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈爾在競選過程中的熱情與風度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領導人從這里起步；在我之后，也會有許多領導人從這里繼續(xù)前進。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動著歷史前進，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會的歷史。這是一個強國保護而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導下幾代人團結奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實現的美國的承諾，這就是：每個人都有自身的價值，每個人都有成功的機會，每個人天生都會有所作為的。美國人民肩負著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個諾言變成生活中和法律上的現實。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實現這個承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們仍將堅定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個世紀的大部分時間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現在它更像風中的種子，把自由帶給每個民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會獨占，而會竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們仍有很長的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個大陸，但不屬于同一個國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團結和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領導人和每一個公民的嚴肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設一個公正、充滿機會的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標，因為上帝按自己的身形創(chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導我們前進。

對這些將我們團結起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個人利益，并逐步領會何謂公民。每個孩子都必須學習這些原則。每個公民都必須堅持這些原則。每個移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色今天，我們在這里重申一個新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個性的精神來實現我們國家的理想。美國在它最鼎盛時也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個文明的社會需要我們每個人品質優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因為在和平年代，我們所爭論的話題都是無關緊要的。但是，對我們美國來說，我們所討論的問題從來都不是什么小事。如果我們不領導和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領導；如果我們不引導我們的孩子們真心地熱愛知識、發(fā)揮個性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想 將難以實現。如果我們不采取適當措施，任憑經濟衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應該時刻聽取時代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅定的選擇--在批評聲中贏得信任；在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會享有共同的成就。

美國有強大的國力作后盾，將會勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時期，我們的人民在困難面前表現得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質。現在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會激勵我們；如果我們的選擇是錯誤的，祖輩會譴責我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個國家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國的學校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多的年輕生命。我們要改革社會醫(yī)療和保險制度，在力所能及的范圍內拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復經濟，酬勞辛勤工作的美國人民。我們要防患于未然，懈怠會帶來麻煩。我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對自由和反對我們國家的人應該明白：美國仍將積極參與國際事務，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會保護我們的盟國，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民表示我們的目標。我們將堅決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價值觀。

正處在鼎盛時期的美國也不缺乏同情心。

當我們靜心思考，我們就會明了根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國作出承諾。無論我們如何看待貧窮的原因，我們都必須承認，孩子敢于冒險不等于在犯錯誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結果。監(jiān)獄數量的增長雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望-人人遵紀守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務就在哪里。對我們來說，需要幫助的美國人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民；不是負擔，而是急需救助的對象。當有人陷入絕望時，我們大家都會因此變得渺小。

對公共安全和大眾健康，對民權和學校教育，政府都應負有極大的責任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責，更是整個國家的義務。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，只有導師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機構、猶太會堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會它們特有的人性，因此它們理應在我們的建設和法律上受到尊重。

我們國家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。我發(fā)誓我們的國家要達到一種境界：當我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠行的路上，我們決不會袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國重視并期待每個人擔負起自己的責任。

鼓勵人們勇于承擔責任不是讓人們充當替罪羊，而是對人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔責任意味著犧牲個人利益，但是你能從中體會到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實現人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實踐來實現。我們知道，通過對整個社會和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務，我們將得到最終自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨立的個性；依賴于我們的公民義務，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數的、默默無聞的體面行動，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動地的事情。但是，正如我們時代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個民主制度最重要的任務是由大家每一個人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅信自己而不強加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇擔責任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價值觀來哺育我們的時代。

(同胞們)，你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個人享受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應成為有責任心的公民，共同來建設一個互幫互助的社會和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強大、體面，這并非因為我們信任我們自己，而是因為我們擁有超越我們自己的信念。一旦這種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計劃都無法彌補它。一旦這種精神出現了，無論任何錯誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰?佩齊曾給托馬斯?杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個年代離我們已經很遠了。時光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點他肯定能夠預知，即我們這個時代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴的純樸夢想。

我們不是這個故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F實。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗證我們每個人和所有人生命的尊嚴。

這項工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！1993年美國總統(tǒng)克林頓就職演說

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.美國復興的新時代 比爾?克林頓 第一次就職演講

星期三,1993年1月20日

同胞們：

今天，我們慶祝美國復興的奇跡。這個儀式雖在隆冬舉行，然而，我們通過自己的言語和向世界展示的面容、卻促使春回大地--回到了世界上這個最古老的民主國家，并帶來了重新創(chuàng)造美國的遠見和勇氣。

當我國的締造者勇敢地向世界宣布美國獨立，并向上帝表明自 己的目的時，他們知道，美國若要永存，就必須變革。不是為變革而變革，而是為了維護美國的理想--為了生命、自由和追求幸福而變革。盡管我們隨著當今時代 的節(jié)拍前進，但我們的使命永恒不變。每一代美國人，部必須為作為一個美國人意味著什么下定義。今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長起來的一代人，在世界上負起了新的責 任。這個世界雖然沐浴著自由的陽光，但仍受到舊仇宿怨和新的禍患的威脅。

我們在無與倫比的繁榮中長大，繼承了仍然是世界上最強大的經濟。但由于企業(yè)倒閉，工資增長停滯、不平等狀況加劇，人民的分歧加深，我們的經濟已經削弱。

當喬治?華盛頓第一次宣讀我剛才宜讀的誓言時，人們騎馬把 那個信息緩慢地傳遍大地，繼而又來船把它傳過海洋。而現在，這個儀式的情景和聲音即刻向全球幾十億人播放。通信和商務具有全球性，投資具有流動性；技術幾 乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想現在具有普遍性。今天，我們美國人通過同世界各地人民進行和平競爭來謀求生存。各種深遠而強大的力量正在震撼和改造我們的世 界，當今時代的當務之急是我們能否使變革成為我們的朋友，而不是成為我們的敵人。

這個新世界已經使幾百萬能夠參與競爭并且取勝的美國人過上 了富裕的生活。但是，當多數人干得越多反而掙得越少的時候，當有些人根本不可能工作的時候，當保健費用的重負使眾多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企業(yè)瀕臨破 產的時候，當犯罪活動的恐懼使守法公民不能自由行動的時候，當千百萬貧窮兒童甚至不能想象我們呼喚他們過的那種生活的時候，我們就沒有使變革成為我們的朋 友。我們知道，我們必須面對嚴酷的事實真相，并采取強有力的步驟。但我們沒有這樣做，而是聽之任之，以致損耗了我們的資源，破壞了我們的經濟，動搖了我們 的信心。

我們面臨驚人的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們同樣具有驚人的力量，美國人歷來是不安現狀、不斷追求和充滿希望的民族，今天，我們必須把前人的遠見卓識和堅強意志帶到我們的任務中去。從革命，內戰(zhàn)，大蕭條，直到民權運動，我國人民總是下定決心，從歷次危機中構筑我國歷史的支柱。

托馬斯?杰斐遜認為，為了維護我國的根基，我們需要時常進行激動人心的變革。美國同胞們，我們的時代就是變革的時代，讓我們擁抱這個時代吧！

我們的民主制度不僅要成為舉世稱羨的目標，而且要成為舉國復興的動力。美國沒有任何錯誤的東西不能被正確的東西所糾正。因此，我們今天立下誓言，要結束這個僵持停頓、放任自流的時代，一個復興美國的新時代已經開始。

我們要復興美國，就必須鼓足勇氣。我們必須做前人無需做的 事情。我們必須更多地投資于人民，投資于他們的工作和未來，與此同時，我們必須減少巨額債務。而且，我們必須在一個需要為每個機會而競爭的世界上做到這一 切。這樣做并不容易：這樣做要求作出犧牲。但是，這是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我們不是為犧牲而犧牲，我們必須像家庭供養(yǎng)子女那樣供養(yǎng)自己的國家。

我國的締造者是用子孫后代的眼光來審視自己的。我們也必須 這樣做。凡是注意過孩子蒙?o人睡的人，都知道后代意味著什么，后代就是將要到來的世界--我們?yōu)橹畧猿肿约旱睦硐耄覀兿蛑栌眠@個星球，我們對之負有 神圣的責任。我們必須做美國最拿手的事情：為所有的人提供更多的機會，要所有的人負起更多的責任。

現在是破除只求向政府和別人免費索取的惡習的時候了。讓我們大家不僅為自己和家庭，而且為社區(qū)和國家擔負起更多的責任吧。

我們要復興美國，就必須恢復我們民主制度的活力。這個美麗的首都，就像文明的曙光出現以來的每一個首都一樣，常常是爾虞我詐、明爭暗斗之地。大腕人物爭權奪勢，沒完沒了地為官員的更替升降而煩神，卻忘記了那些用辛勤和汗水把我們送到這里來，并養(yǎng)活了我們的人。

美國人理應得到更好的回報。在這個城市里，今天有人想把事 情辦得更好一些。因此，我要時所有在場的人說：讓我們下定決心改革政治，使權力和特權的喧囂不再壓倒人民的呼聲。讓我們撇開個人利益。這樣我們就能覺察美 國的病痛，并看到官的希望。讓我們下定決心，使政府成為富蘭克林?羅斯福所說的進行“大膽而持久試驗”的地方，成為一個面向未來而不是留戀過去的政府。讓 我們把這個首都歸還給它所屬于的人民。

我們要復興美國，就必須迎接國內外的種種挑戰(zhàn)。國外和國內事務之間已不再有明確的界限--世界經濟，世界環(huán)境，世界艾滋病危機，世界軍備競賽，這一切都在影響著我們大家。

我們在國內進行重建的同時，面對這個新世界的挑戰(zhàn)不會退縮不前，也下會坐失良機。我們將同盟友一起努力進行變革，以免被變革所吞沒。當我們的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者，當國際社會的意志和良知受到蔑視，我們將采取行動--可能時就采用和平外交手段，必要時就使用武力。

今天，在波斯灣、索馬里和任何其他地方為國效力的勇敢的美國人，都證明了我們的決心。

但是，我們最偉大的力量是我們思想的威力。這些思想在許多國家仍然處于萌芽階段。看到這些思想在世界各地被接受，我們感到歡欣鼓舞。我們的希望，我們的心，與每一個大陸正在建立民主和自由的人們是連在一起的。他們的事業(yè)也是美國的事業(yè)。

美國人民喚來了我們今天所慶祝的變革。你們毫不含糊地齊聲疾呼。你們以前所未有的人數參加了投票。你們使國會、總統(tǒng)職務和政治進程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你們，我的美國同胞們，促使春回大地。

現在，我們必須做這個季節(jié)需要做的工作。現在，我就運用我的全部職權轉向這項工作。我請求國會同我一道做這項工作。任何總統(tǒng)、任何國會、任何政府都不能單獨完成這一使命。同胞們，在我國復興的過程中，你們也必須發(fā)揮作用。

我向新一代美國年輕人挑戰(zhàn)，要求你們投入這一奉獻的季節(jié)--按照你們的理想主義行動起來，使不幸的兒童得到幫助，使貧困的人們得到關懷，使四分五裂的社區(qū)恢復聯系。要做的事情很多--確實夠多的，以至幾百萬在精神上仍然年輕的人也可作出奉獻。

在奉獻過程中，我們認識到相互需要這一簡單而又強大的真 理。我們必須相互關心.今天，我們不僅是在贊頌美國，我們再一次把自己奉獻給美國的理想：這個理想在革命中誕生，在兩個世紀的挑戰(zhàn)中更新；這個理想經受了 認識的考驗，大家認識到，若不是命運的安排，幸運者或不幸者有可能互換位置；這個理想由于一種信念而變得崇高，即我國能夠從紛繁的多佯性中實現最深刻的統(tǒng) 一性，這個理想洋溢著一種信：美國漫長而英勇的旅程必將永遠繼續(xù)。同胞們，在我惻即將跨入21世紀之際，讓我們以旺盛的精力和滿腔的希望，以堅定的信心和 嚴明的紀律開始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣經》說：“我們行善，不可喪志，若不灰心，到了時候，就要收成。”

在這個歡樂的山巔，我們聽見山谷里傳來了要我們作出奉獻的召喚。我們聽到了號角聲。我們已經換崗。現在，我們必須以各自的方式，在上帝的幫助下響應這一召喚。

謝謝大家。上帝保佑大家。

1981年美國總統(tǒng)里根就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.羅納德-里根 第一次就職演說

第40任總統(tǒng)(1981年-1989年)

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權利正在有序地移交，我們已經如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經習以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。

總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發(fā)誓要團結起來維護這樣一個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經濟決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產力。

盡管我們的納稅負擔相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經濟等方面的大動蕩。

作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

我們深受其害的經濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時常誤以為，社會已經越來越復雜，已經不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

我們聽到許多關于特殊利益集團的談論，然而。我們必須關心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們人民”--這個稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應分擔“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應分享經濟復蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權力，沒有任何別的權力。目前，政府權力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉這種狀況的時候到了。

我打算壓縮聯邦機構的規(guī)模和權力，并要求大家承認聯邦政府被授予的權力同各州或人民保留的權利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯邦政府創(chuàng) 立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯邦政府。因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進生產力，而不是抑制生產力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當高昂，但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價。

我們目前的困難，與政府機構因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預、侵擾我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢想，現在正是認識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權去做英雄夢。

有人告訴我們在他的身上發(fā)現一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負。” 1977年美國總統(tǒng)卡特就職演說

Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation.As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: “We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles.”

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good;and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.”(Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all.A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation.I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty.It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.The American dream endures.We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.I believe America can be better.We can be even stronger than before.Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.We cannot afford to drift.We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity.Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.We have learned that “more” is not necessarily “better,” that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future.So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others.We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit.Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.The passion for freedom is on the rise.Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere.Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries.We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety.And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth.We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence.And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;

that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.1974年美國總統(tǒng)福特就職演說

Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford's Inaugural Address:

[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E.Burger]

Mr.Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:

The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution.But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans.This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen.Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech--just a little straight talk among friends.And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers.And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many.If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises.I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency.I have not subscribed to any partisan platform.I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman--my dear wife--as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it.Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends.They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name.It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty.And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, “Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?”

I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views.And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs.We cannot stand still or slip backwards.We must go forward now together.31

To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace.America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom.I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself.That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works.Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men.Here, the people rule.But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy.As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me.Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family.May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself.May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House.I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution;to do what is right as God gives me to see the right;and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.32 1969年美國總統(tǒng)尼克松就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment.In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique.But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized.The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation.Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.33

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever.We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today.I know America's youth.I believe in them.We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it.Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.”

Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit;reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace.We are torn by division, wanting unity.We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment.We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver;from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds;from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.34

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen.We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education;in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas;in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all.The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing;with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.35

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease.I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents;we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not.To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two.The laws have caught up with our conscience.What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome;where peace is fragile, make it strong;where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.36

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son.I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America.I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”;with compassion for those who have suffered;with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

“To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers.”

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible;telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own

hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit.But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark.Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity.So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, “riders on the earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers;but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.38 理查德-尼克松 第一次就職演講 我們都是地球的乘客

星期一,1969年1月20日

歷史的每一個時刻轉瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨特。可是，其中某些顯然是揭開序幕的時刻，此時，一代先河得以開創(chuàng)，它決定了未來數十年或幾個世紀的航向。

現在可能就是這樣一個時刻。

現在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠實現。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現的種種進步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們在地球上也發(fā)現了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領袖害怕戰(zhàn)爭，因此，目前形勢第一次變得有利于和平。

從現在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現在大多數人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據自己的行動和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號。這一榮譽現在正在召喚美國——這是領導世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢寐以求的和平高壇的一個機會。

我們若獲成功，下幾代人在談及現在在世的我們時會說，正是我們掌握了時機，正是我們協力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創(chuàng)立宏偉大業(yè)的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準備響應這一召喚。

經過一段對抗時期，我們正進入一個談判時代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個開放的世界——對各種思想開放，對物資和人員的交流開放，在這個世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

我們不能指望每個人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設法使任何人都不與我們?yōu)閿场?/p>

我們邀請那些很可能是我們對手的人進行一場和平競賽——不是要征服領土或擴展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

在探索宇宙空間的時候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進行一次新的探險。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負擔，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強大就會多強大：需要強大多久，就會強大多久。

自從我作為新當選的國會議員首次來到國會大廈之后的20多年來，我已經出訪過世界上大多數國家。

我結識了世界各國的領導人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強大勢力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復一日，甚至年復一年地進行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰(zhàn)爭中掛彩負傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識形態(tài)和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達我們的深切關懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護和捍衛(wèi)合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現在還要補充一項神圣的義務：我將把自己的職責、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻給各國之間的和平事業(yè)。

讓強者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰(zhàn)勝任何一個民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創(chuàng)傷的和平：是對遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對那些反對過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運的機會的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個世界一樣，第一次端視了這個世界，一個在冥冥黑暗中輝映發(fā)光的獨特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號上的字航員在圣誕節(jié)前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們在祈禱上帝賜福人間。

在那一時刻，他們從月球上發(fā)出的意愿，激勵著詩人阿奇博爾德?麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟。”

在那個比技術勝利更有意義的時刻，人們把思緒轉向了家鄉(xiāng)和人類——他們從那個遙遠的視角中發(fā)現，地球上人類的命運是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們在宇宙中走得多遠，我們的命運不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經度過了一個反映美國精神的漫漫長夜。可是，當我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機會的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個機會吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅定的信念，朝著穩(wěn)定的目標，在提防著危險中前進吧！我們對上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。

1961年美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說

Inaugural Address of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.42

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.43

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.44 火炬已經傳給新一代美國人

約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。現在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成——因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做，并不是因為共產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的，自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證——在爭取進步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆樱瑤椭杂傻娜藗兒妥杂傻恼當[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯合國是主權國家的世界性議事機構，是我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護；擴大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對那些想與我們作時的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學釋放出可怕的破壞力

量，把全人類卷人到預謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當我們毫無疑問地擁有足夠的軍備，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠下會使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發(fā)展現代武器所需的費用使雙方負擔過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴散理所當然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動最后戰(zhàn)爭的不移定的恐怖均勢。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠有侍于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團結起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵藝術和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團結起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創(chuàng)造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護。

所有這一切下可能在第一個一百天內完成，也不可能在第一個一千天或者在本屆政府任期內完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。

現在，號角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們去作戰(zhàn)，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲撈鹇L斗爭的重任，年復一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅韌”，去反對人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應該要求我們現出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，歷史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

1949年美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門就職演說

Inaugural Address of Harry S.Truman

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.47

That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied

upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense

arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program

第五篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)為美登月計劃發(fā)表演講

肯尼迪總統(tǒng)為美登月計劃發(fā)表演講

We choose to go to the Moon

In this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F.Kennedy reaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s.The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of space and also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of gravity.Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.[laughter]

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He said, “Because it is there.”

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.