第一篇：喬治-華盛頓 第一次就職演講

喬治-華盛頓

第一次就職演講

美國人民的實驗

喬治-華盛頓

第一次就職演講

紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日

參議院和眾議院的同胞們：

在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據你們的命令送達的通知更使我焦慮不安，一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習慣，且時光流逝，健康漸衰，時感體力不濟，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面，國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內最有才智和經驗的人度德量力，而我天資愚飩，又無民政管理的實踐，理應倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計可能產生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執行這項任務時因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經歷過的大事時，忽視了自己的無能和消極，我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕，而大家在評判錯誤的后果時；也會適當包涵產生這些動機的偏見。

既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現職時的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當，因為上帝統治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足，愿上帝賜福，侃佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻，保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發揮作用。我相信，在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時，這些活也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們在剛剛完成的聯邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉折關頭，我產生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家會和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據設立行政部門的條款，總統有責任“將他認為必要而妥善的措施提請國會審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合，恕我不進一步討論這個問題，而只提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規定了各位的權限，指出了各位應該注意的目標。在這樣的場合，更恰當、也更能反映我內心激情的做法是不提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀點和公平觀點，即必須維護這個由不同地區和利益所組成的大聯合；因此，其二，我國的政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎，而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠景，因為根據自然界的構成和發展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，責任與利益之間，恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間，有著密不可分的統一；因為我們應該同樣相信，上帝親自規定了水恒的秩序和權利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許；因為人們理所當然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運，系于美國人所遵命進行的實驗上。

我已將有感于這一聚會場合的想法奉告各位，現在我就要向大家告辭；但在此以前，我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因為承蒙上帝的恩賜，美國人有了深思熟慮的機會，以及為確保聯邦的安全和促進幸福，用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向；因而，同樣明顯的是，上帝將保佑我們擴大眼界，心平氣和地進行協商，并采取明智的措施，而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。First Inaugural Address of George Washington

THE CITY OF NEW YORK

THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

第二篇：美國總統喬治華盛頓第一次就職演講

美國總統喬治華盛頓第一次就職演講

喬治·華盛頓，美國開國總統，由于他扮演了美國獨立戰爭和建國中最重要的角色，華盛頓通常被稱為美國國父。學者們則將他和亞伯拉罕·林肯并列為美國歷史上最偉大的總統。

Nothing filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比你們于本月14日送達的通知更使我焦慮不安。一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心情、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習慣，時感體力不濟，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。且時光流逝，健康漸衰。

On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect, my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.另一方面，國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內最有才智和經驗的人度德量力；而我天資愚鈍，又無民政管理的實踐，理應倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計可能產生影響的各種情況來克盡吾職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執行這項任務時因陶醉于往事。或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經歷過的大事時，忽視了自己的無能和消極。我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕，而大家在評判錯誤的后果時，也會適當包涵產生這些動機的偏見。

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現職時的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當。因為上帝統治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足。愿上帝賜福，保佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目標而做出奉獻。保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發揮作用。

In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時，我保證這不僅表達了我自己的情感，這些話也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們在剛剛完成的聯邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團的冷靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數政府的組建方式同日而語的。

You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President, “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.在目前轉折關頭，我產生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已。我相信大家會和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據設立行政部門的條款，總統有責任對你們提出建議。如衡量權宜必要的判斷之類的思路。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合，恕我不能進一步討論這個問題，而只是提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規定了各位的權限，提出了各位應該注意的目標。在這樣的場合，更恰當、也更能反映我內心激情的做法。不是提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。

In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so ,on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted on the hands of the American people.我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀念和公平觀點，即必須維護這個由不同地區和不同利益所組成的大聯合；因為，其二，我國政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎，而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠景，因為根據自然界的構成和發展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，有著密不可分的統一；責任與利益之間，恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間，因為我們應該同樣相信，上帝親自規定了永恒的秩序和權利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家仁慈地加以贊許；因為人們理所當然地、滿懷覺悟地，也許是最后一次把維護神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運，系于美國人所遵命進行的實驗上。

第三篇：喬治華盛頓就職演講

喬治·華盛頓，美國開國總統，由于他扮演了美國獨立戰爭和建國中最重要的角色，華盛頓通常被稱為美國國父。學者們則將他和亞伯拉罕·林肯并列為美國歷史上最偉大的總統。

Nothing filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比你們于本月14日送達的通知更使我焦慮不安。一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心情、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習慣，時感體力不濟，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。且時光流逝，健康漸衰。

On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect, my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.另一方面，國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內最有才智和經驗的人度德量力；而我天資愚鈍，又無民政管理的實踐，理應倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計可能產生影響的各種情況來克盡吾職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執行這項任務時因陶醉于往事。或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經歷過的大事時，忽視了自己的無能和消極。我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕，而大家在評判錯誤的后果時，也會適當包涵產生這些動機的偏見。

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現職時的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當。因為上帝統治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足。愿上帝賜福，保佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目標而做出奉獻。保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發揮作用。

In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時，我保證這不僅表達了我自己的情感，這些話也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們在剛剛完成的聯邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團的冷靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數政府的組建方式同日而語的。

You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President, “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.在目前轉折關頭，我產生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已。我相信大家會和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據設立行政部門的條款，總統有責任對你們提出建議。如衡量權宜必要的判斷之類的思路。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合，恕我不能進一步討論這個問題，而只是提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規定了各位的權限，提出了各位應該注意的目標。在這樣的場合，更恰當、也更能反映我內心激情的做法。不是提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。

In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so ,on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the

attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted on the hands of the American people.我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀念和公平觀點，即必須維護這個由不同地區和不同利益所組成的大聯合；因為，其二，我國政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎，而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠景，因為根據自然界的構成和發展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，有著密不可分的統一；責任與利益之間，恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間，因為我們應該同樣相信，上帝親自規定了永恒的秩序和權利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家仁慈地加以贊許；因為人們理所當然地、滿懷覺悟地，也許是最后一次把維護神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運，系于美國人所遵命進行的實驗上。

From:

第四篇：克林頓第一次就職演講(英語)

President Bill Clinton:

Thank you.I am honored to share the podium with my Senator, though I think I should be introducing her.I’m proud of her and so grateful to the people of New York that the best public servant in our family is still on the job and grateful to all of you, especially my friends from Arkansas, for the chance you gave us to serve our country in the White House.I am also honored to share this night with President Carter, who has inspired the world with his work for peace, democracy, and human rights.And with Al Gore, my friend and partner for eight years, who played such a large role in building the prosperity and progress that brought America into the 21st century, who showed incredible grace and patriotism under pressure, and who is the living embodiment that every vote counts—and must be counted in every state in America.Tonight I speak as a citizen, returning to the role I have played for most of my life as a foot soldier in the fight for our future, as we nominate a true New England patriot for president.The state that gave us John Adams and John Kennedy has now given us John Kerry, a good man, a great senator, a visionary leader.We are constantly told America is deeply divided.But all Americans value freedom, faith, and family.We all honor the service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform in Iraq, Afghanistan and around the world.We all want good jobs, good schools, health care, safe streets, a clean environment.We all want our children to grow up in a secure America leading the world toward a peaceful future.Our differences are in how we can best achieve these things, in a time of unprecedented change.Therefore, we Democrats will bring the American people a positive campaign, arguing not who’s good and who’s bad, but what is the best way to build the safe, prosperous world our children deserve.The 21st century is marked by serious security threats, serious economic challenges, and serious problems like global warming and the AIDS epidemic.But it is also full of enormous opportunities—to create millions of high paying jobs in clean energy, and biotechnology;to restore the manufacturing base and reap the benefits of the global economy through our diversity and our commitment to decent labor and environmental standards everywhere;and to create a world where we can celebrate our religious and racial differences, because our common humanity matters more.To build that kind of world we must make the right choices;and we must have a president who will lead the way.Democrats and Republicans have very different and honestly held ideas on that choices we should make, rooted in fundamentally different views of how we should meet our common challenges at home and how we should play our role in the world.Democrats want to build an America of shared responsibilities and shared opportunities and more global cooperation, acting alone only when we must.We think the role of government is to give people the tools and conditions to make the most of their lives.Republicans believe in an America run by the right people, their people, in a world in which we act unilaterally when we can, and cooperate when we have to.They think the role of government is to concentrate wealth and power in the hands of those who embrace their political, economic, and social views, leaving ordinary citizens to fend for themselves on matters like health care and retirement security.Since most Americans are not that far to the right, they have to portray us Democrats as unacceptable, lacking in strength and values.In other words, they need a divided America.But Americans long to be united.After 9/11, we all wanted to be one nation, strong in the fight against terror.The president had a great opportunity to bring us together under his slogan of compassionate conservatism and to unite the world in common cause against terror.Instead, he and his congressional allies made a very different choice: to use the moment of unity to push America too far to the right and to walk away from our allies, not only in attacking Iraq before the weapons inspectors finished their jobs, but in withdrawing American support for the Climate Change Treaty, the International Court for war criminals, the ABM treaty, and even the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.Now they are working to develop two new nuclear weapons which they say we might use first.At home, the President and the Republican Congress have made equally fateful choices indeed.For the first time ever when America was on a war footing, there were two huge tax cuts, nearly half of which went to the top one percent.I’m in that group now for the first time in my life.When I was in office, the Republicans were pretty mean to me.When I left and made money, I became part of the most important group in the world to them.At first I thought I should send them a thank you note—until I realized they were sending you the bill.They protected my tax cuts while: · Withholding promised funding for the Leave No Child Behind Act, leaving over 2 million children behind · Cutting 140,000 unemployed workers out of job training · 100,000 working families out of child care assistance · 300,000 poor children out of after school programs · Raising out of pocket healthcare costs to veterans

· Weakening or reversing important environmental advances for clean air and the preservation of our forests.Everyone had to sacrifice except the wealthiest Americans, who wanted to do their part but were asked only to expend the energy necessary to open the envelopes containing our tax cuts.If you agree with these choices, you should vote to return them to the White House and Congress.If not, take a look at John Kerry, John Edwards and the Democrats.In this year’s budget, the White House wants to cut off federal funding for 88,000 uniformed police, including more than 700 on the New York City police force who put their lives on the line on 9/11.As gang violence is rising and we look for terrorists in our midst, Congress and the President are also about to allow the ten-year-old ban on assault weapons to expire.Our crime policy was to put more police on the streets and take assault weapons off the streets.It brought eight years of declining crime and violence.Their policy is the reverse, they’re taking police off the streets and putting assault weapons back on the streets.If you agree with their choices, vote to continue them.If not, join John Kerry, John Edwards and the Democrats in making America safer, smarter, and stronger.On Homeland Security, Democrats tried to double the number of containers at ports and airports checked for Weapons of Mass Destruction.The one billion dollar cost would have been paid for by reducing the tax cut of 200,000 millionaires by five thousand dollars each.Almost all 200,000 of us would have been glad to pay 5,000 dollars to make the nearly 300 million Americans safer—but the measure failed because the White House and the Republican leadership in the House decided my tax cut was more important-If you agree with that choice, re-elect them.If not, give John Kerry and John Edwards a chance.These policies have turned the projected 5.8 trillion dollar surplus we left—enough to pay for the baby boomers retirement—into a projected debt of nearly 5 trillion dollars, with a 400 plus billion dollar deficit this year and for years to come.How do they pay for it? First by taking the monthly surplus in Social Security payments and endorsing the checks of working people over to me to cover my tax cut.But it’s not enough.They are borrowing the rest from foreign governments, mostly Japan and China.Sure, they’re competing with us for good jobs but how can we enforce our trade laws against our bankers? If you think it’s good policy to pay for my tax cut with the Social Security checks of working men and women, and borrowed money from China, vote for them.If not, John Kerry’s your man.We Americans must choose for President one of two strong men who both love our country, but who have very different worldviews: Democrats favor shared responsibility, shared opportunity, and more global cooperation.Republicans favor concentrated wealth and power, leaving people to fend for themselves and more unilateral action.I think we’re right for two reasons: First, America works better when all people have a chance to live their dreams.Second, we live in an interdependent world in which we can’t kill, jail, or occupy all our potential adversaries, so we have to both fight terror and build a world with more partners and fewer terrorists.We tried it their way for twelve years, our way for eight, and then their way for four more.By the only test that matters, whether people were better off when we finished than when we started, our way works better—it produced over 22 million good jobs, rising incomes, and 100 times as many people moving out of poverty into the middle class.It produced more health care, the largest increase in college aid in 50 years, record home ownership, a cleaner environment, three surpluses in a row, a modernized defense force, strong efforts against terror, and an America respected as a world leader for peace, security and prosperity.More importantly, we have great new champions in John Kerry and John Edwards.Two good men with wonderful wives—Teresa a generous and wise woman who understands the world we are trying to shape.And Elizabeth, a lawyer and mother who understands the lives we are all trying to lift.Here is what I know about John Kerry.During the Vietnam War, many young men—including the current president, the vice president and me—could have gone to Vietnam but didn’t.John Kerry came from a privileged background and could have avoided it too.Instead he said, send me.When they sent those swift-boats up the river in Vietnam, and told them their job was to draw hostile fire—to show the American flag and bait the enemy to come out and fight—John Kerry said, send me.When it was time to heal the wounds of war and normalize relations with Vietnam—and to demand an accounting of the POWs and MIAs we lost there—John Kerry said, send me.When we needed someone to push the cause of inner-city kids struggling to avoid a life of crime, or to bring the benefits of high technology to ordinary Americans, or to clean the environment in a way that creates jobs, or to give small businesses a better chance to make it, John Kerry said send me.Tonight my friends, I ask you to join me for the next 100 days in telling John Kerry’s story and promoting his plans.Let every person in this hall and all across America say to him what he has always said to America: Send Me.The bravery that the men who fought by his side saw in battle I’ve seen in the political arena.When I was President, John Kerry showed courage and conviction on crime, on welfare reform, on balancing the budget at a time when those priorities were not exactly a way to win a popularity contest in our party.He took tough positions on tough problems.John Kerry knows who he is and where he’s going.He has the experience, the character, the ideas and the values to be a great President.In a time of change he has two other important qualities: his insatiable curiosity to understand the forces shaping our lives, and a willingness to hear the views even of those who disagree with him.Therefore his choices will be full of both conviction and common sense.He proved that when he picked a tremendous partner in John Edwards.Everybody talks about John Edwards’ energy, intellect, and charisma.The important thing is how he has used his talents to improve the lives of people who—like John himself—had to work hard for all they’ve got.He has always championed the cause of people too often left out or left behind.And that’s what he’ll do as our Vice President.Their opponents will tell you to be afraid of John Kerry and John Edwards, because they won’t stand up to the terrorists—don’t you believe it.Strength and wisdom are not conflicting values—they go hand in hand.John Kerry has both.His first priority will be keeping America safe.Remember the scripture: Be Not Afraid.John Kerry and John Edwards, have good ideas: · To make this economy work again for middle-class Americans;· To restore fiscal responsibility;

· To save Social Security;to make healthcare more affordable and college more available;· To free us from dependence on foreign oil and create new jobs in clean energy;· To rally the world to win the war on terror and to make more friends and fewer terrorists.At every turning point in our history we the people have chosen unity over division, heeding our founders’ call to America’s eternal mission: to form a more perfect union, to widen the circle of opportunity, deepen the reach of freedom, and strengthen the bonds of community.It happened because we made the right choices.In the early days of the republic, America was at a crossroads much like it is today, deeply divided over whether or not to build a real nation with a national economy, and a national legal system.We chose a more perfect union.In the Civil War, America was at a crossroads, divided over whether to save the union and end slavery—we chose a more perfect union.In the 1960s, America was at a crossroads, divided again over civil rights and women’s rights.Again, we chose a more perfect union.As I said in 1992, we’re all in this together;we have an obligation both to work hard and to help our fellow citizens, both to fight terror and to build a world with more cooperation and less terror.Now again, it is time to choose.Since we’re all in the same boat, let us chose as the captain of our ship a brave good man who knows how to steer a vessel though troubled waters to the calm seas and clear skies of our more perfect union.We know our mission.Let us join as one and say in a loud, clear voice: Send John Kerry.

第五篇：尼克松第一次就職演講中英文

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community: 德克森參議員、最高法院首席法官先生、副總統先生、約翰遜總統、漢弗萊副總統、美國同胞們、全世界的公民們

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment.In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.今天，我請求你們與我共度這一莊嚴的時刻。當此有條不紊地進行權力交接之際，我們歡慶我們的團結一致，它使我們永享自由。

Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique.But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.時光飛逝，歷史上的每一刻都彌足珍貴，而又獨一無二。但有些時刻卻十分引人注目，它標志著一個開端，為未來數十年乃至幾個世紀確立方針路線。

This can be such a moment.現在可能就是這樣一個時刻。

Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized.The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.現在，各種力量正匯聚在一起，使得人類夙愿的最終實現首次成為可能。變動的步伐在不斷加快，這使我們得以在有生之年展望那些過去許多世紀才能發生的進步。

In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.我們不僅在太空開闊了眼界，而且在地球上亦已打開了新的天地。

For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.由于各國人民期待和平，各國領導人對戰爭則滿懷憂懼，所以我們第一次跨入了一個和平的時代。Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation.Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.從現在再過八年，我們將慶祝美國建國二百周年。在生活于現在的大多數人的有生之年，人類將迎接那個千年一度的偉大新年，這就是第三個千禧年的開端。

What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.我們的國家將走向何方，我們將要生活在怎樣的世界里，我們能否按照自己的愿望鑄造未來，這都將取決于我們自己的行動和抉擇。

The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.歷史所能授予的最為光榮的稱號，莫過于“和平締造者”。這一榮譽在等待著美國。也就是說，歷史賦予美國一個機遇，以引導世界最終躍出**的深谷，走向和平的高原，這乃是人類自文明曙光初現以來所一直夢寐以求的事情。

If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.如果我們獲得了成功，后輩子孫在談到現在在世的這一代人時就會說，我們熟練地把握了時機，為創造一個人類共享安全的世界盡了我們的力量。

This is our summons to greatness.這是召喚我們創立豐功偉績的號角。

I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.我相信，美國人民準備隨時響應這一召喚。

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever.We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.本世紀自1933年以來的三十余年，乃是一個輝煌成就層出不窮的時代，我們在科學、工業和農業各個領域都獲得了長足的進步。我們比以往任何時候都更為廣泛地分享我們的財富。我們終于學會了如何管理現代經濟，以確保其持續增長。

We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.我們為自由開拓了新的領域，并且開始實踐諾言，使黑人和白人一樣同享自由。

We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today.I know America's youth.I believe in them.We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.在今天青年人的身上，我們看到了明日的希望之光，我了解美國的青年，我也相信他們。同我國歷史上任何一代相比，當今的青年受到了更好的教育，更富于獻身精神，更強烈地感受到良心的驅使。我們為此而深感自豪。

No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it.Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.我們比任何民族都更接近于建成一個公正而富裕的社會，或者說沒有人像我們一樣抱有建成這種社會的決心。我們擁有如此強大的力量，因而能夠坦率地面對我們的弱點，并滿懷希望地設法予以克服。

Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.” 三十余年前，富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福站在這個地方，向飽受經濟蕭條蹂蹦并深陷惶恐之中的人民發表演說。他在考察國家的困難時說道：“值得慶幸的是，這些困難僅僅只涉及物質方面的事情。”

Our crisis today is the reverse.我們今天的危機卻恰好相反。

We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit;reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.我們發現自己在物質上富甲天下，精神上卻一貧如洗。我們十分準確地接近了月球，在地球上卻陷入吵吵嚷嚷的相互紛爭之中。

We are caught in war, wanting peace.We are torn by division, wanting unity.We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment.We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.我們困于戰亂，企盼著和平；我們苦于四分五裂，期待著團結統一。我們放眼四周，我們困于戰亂，企盼著和平；我們苦于四分五裂，期待著團結統一。

To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.對于這一精神上的危機，我們需要從精神上作出回應。

To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.在聆聽我們天性中的“主善天使”時，我們發現她們所贊美的是那些質樸和基本的東西，諸如德行、尊嚴、愛心和善良之類。

Greatness comes in simple trappings.偉大原本來自樸實無華。

The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.我們若要消除導致分裂的因素，加強促進團結的紐帶，當務之急乃是一些簡單易行的事情。

To lower our voices would be a simple thing.譬如壓低嗓門就是一件簡單易行的事情。

In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver;from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds;from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.在這些艱難的歲月里，美國熱衷于辭令，隨口許諾以致輕諾寡信，言詞激憤以致將不滿煽動成仇恨；夸夸其談，故弄玄虛，而不是循循善誘，結果使我們吃盡苦頭。

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.我們彼此之間應停止吵吵鬧鬧，我們要心平氣和地相互對話，這樣才能使對方不僅聽清我們的聲音，而且理解我們的言辭，否則，我們根本就不可能相互學習。

For its part, government will listen.We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.就政府一方而言，將傾聽一切聲音，我們將致力于通過新的途徑來傾聽各種聲音－——傾聽默默受苦之聲，傾聽無言的訴說，傾聽發自肺腑的聲音，傾聽受傷者的悲鳴、焦慮者的呼號以及因無人傾聽而陷入絕望的嘆息。

Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.對于那些被遺棄的人，我們將盡全力使之加入我們的隊伍。對于那些落后的人，我們將幫助他們迎頭趕上。對于我國全體人民，我們的目標在于建立良好秩序，以推動社會進步，保障人民安居樂業。

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.盡是空虛無聊的生靈，需要加以充實。我們深知有許多任務需要加以承擔，等待著人們去著手完成。

In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.在過去的三分之一世紀里，政府所通過的法律，所花費的錢財，以及所發起的項目，均超過以往歷史的總和。

In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education;in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas;in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.我們要實現充分就業，改善居住條件，達到優質教育的目標；重建城市和改進鄉村地區；保護環境，提高生活質量。在所有這一切以及更多的方面，我們將要而且必須勵精圖治，一往直前。

We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.總有一天，我們用于國外毀滅性戰爭的財富將會轉用于滿足國內人民的迫切需要。現在我們就應當為這一天的到來做好準備。

The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.美國夢不會降臨于那些沉睡不醒的人們中間。然而，我們正在接近政府單獨作為的極限。

Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.現在的當務之急乃是突破政府的局限，去爭取眾多利益所關和樂于獻身的人們的支持。

What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all.The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing;with the people we can do everything.對于必須完成的事情，當由政府和人民同心協力，方可有成，否則將勞而無功。過去的慘痛經歷使我們懂得，離開人民我們就一事無成，與人民在一起，我們就無往而不勝。

To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.我們的事業宏偉壯麗，因而我們需要人民的力量。我們調動人民不僅是為了投身于宏圖大業，更加重要的是從事瑣碎而光彩奪目的工作，這些工作通常不會成為全國性報刊的頭條新聞，而只出現于社區性報紙的頭版頭條。

With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.借此我們就能建造一座宏偉的精神殿堂。我們每個人只要向自己的鄰人援之以手，幫助和愛護他人，并且努力工作，就在為這座殿堂添磚加瓦。

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease.I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.我并不是提倡一種平淡無奇的舒適生活，也無意倡導那種付出嚴酷犧牲的生活。我不過是呼吁你們投身于一項偉大而奇異的事業。這項事業像我們人類一樣豐富多彩，像我們所處的時代一樣激動人心。

The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.自由的底蘊在于，我們每個人都要參與鑄造自己的命運。

Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.一個人如果想擁有完整的自我，就必須投身于一項比他自己更大的事業。

The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents;we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.獲致成功的途徑在于運用我們的才智，通過那種激發我們運用才智的精神，我們就能達到崇高的境界。

As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.我們在衡量自己能夠做些什么時，只能就我們知道可以做到的事情作出承諾；然而，我們在描繪目標時，則應受到自己夢想的激勵。

No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not.To go forward at all is to go forward together.一個人只要他的鄰人尚未獲得自由，也就不能享有完全的自由。向前進，歸根結底乃是共同前進。

This means black and white together, as one nation, not two.The laws have caught up with our conscience.What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.這意味著黑人和白人結為一個民族，而不是兩個。法律已經與我們的良知步調一致，有待我們去做的乃是使法律條文發揮威力，以最終保證所有人在他人面前享有生而平等的尊嚴，正如在上帝面前人人享有生而平等的尊嚴一樣。

As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.我們在國內懂得共同前進的同時，也讓我們尋求全人類的攜手并進吧！

Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome;where peace is fragile, make it strong;where peace is temporary, make it permanent.在尚不知和平為何物的地方，就要讓和平受到歡迎；在和平仍然脆弱的地方，就要讓和平變得堅實；在和平還短暫易逝的地方，就要讓和平永世長存。讓我們把這些作為我們的目標吧！

After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.對抗的時代已經過去，我們正在進入一個談判的時代。讓世界所有的國家都知道，在本屆政府任內，對話交流的渠道乃是暢通無阻的。

We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.我們尋求一個開放的世界，一個對思想觀念開放，對物資和人員交流開放的世界，在這個世界里，一個民族無論大小，都不會生活于令人憤意不樂的孤立狀態。

We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.我們不奢望人人都成為我們的朋友，但我們可以努力使任何人都不成為我們的敵人。

Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.對于那些可能成為對手的人，我們將邀請他們參加一場和平競賽，目的并不在于征服領土和擴張霸權，而是豐富人類的生活。

As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.在探索宇宙空間的時候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進行一次新的探險。

With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負擔，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.但是，對所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強大就會多強大：需要強大多久，就會強大多久。

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.自從我初次當選國會議員來到這座國會大廈，已有二十余年過去了。其間，我出訪過世界上大多數國家。

I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.我結識了世界各國的領導人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強大勢力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.我知道，和于不會單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復一日，甚至年復一年地進行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

I also know the people of the world.我也了解世界各國人民。

I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son.I know these have no ideology, no race.我看到流離失所的孩子忍饑挨餓，戰爭中負傷的男子在飽受痛苦，失去孩子的母親哀痛欲絕。我知道這些苦難并沒有意識形態和種族差別之分。

I know America.I know the heart of America is good.我了解美國。我知道美國人民是心地善良的人民。

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達我們的深切關懷。

I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護和捍衛合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現在還要補充一項神圣的義務：我將把自己的職責、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻給各國之間的和平事業。

Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike: 讓強者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”;with compassion for those who have suffered;with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.我們孜孜以求的和平，不是對他國人民的勝利，這種和平的到來，伴隨著對創傷的治療、對受難者的同情和對反對者的理解，并且能賦予地球上的各民族選擇自己命運的機會。

Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.就在短短幾個星期以前，人類像上帝凝視這個世界一樣，第一次看到，地球像一個單獨的天體，在黑暗中幽幽發光。我們有幸分享了這一光榮。

As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.圣誕節前夕，“阿波羅”號上的宇航員飛越月球灰色的表面時，他們告訴我們地球是多么美麗。這一聲音穿越從月球到地球的漫長距離而仍然清晰可聞，我們從中聽到，他們祈求上帝賜福于地球上所有善良的人們。

In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write: 在那個時刻，他們從月球看到的景象使詩人阿奇博爾德·麥克利什深為感動，不由得寫道：

“To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers.” “地球這顆小小的藍色星球，漂游在永寂太空而美不勝收。若要看清它的真實形象，就不窗看到我們親如兄弟手挽手，我們都是地球的乘客呀！我們真是親如骨肉！這個閃光于永世寒冷中的可愛地球，就屬我們共同所有。” In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible;telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.在那個取得無與倫比的技術勝利的時刻，人們的思緒轉向自己的家園和人類自身。從遙遠的太空看來，人類在地球上的命運乃是不可分割的；我們明白了無論我們抵達宇宙中多么遙遠的地方，我們的命運仍在于地球，而不是別的星球，并且要由我們的行動和意志來決定。

We have endured a long night of the American spirit.But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark.Let us gather the light.我們經歷了美國精神晦暗不明的漫漫長夜。然而，當我們的眼睛捕捉到黎明的第一線熹微曙光之際，不必譏咒那尚未散盡的黑暗，讓我們集聚光明吧！

Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity.So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, “riders on the earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers;but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.我們的命運所獻上的乃是機會的佳釀，而不是絕望的苦酒。讓我們滿懷喜悅而又無所畏懼地去抓住機會吧！一起乘坐在“地球上的乘客們”，讓我們堅定信念，認準目標，謹防危險，憑借對上帝意志和人類希望的信心，大步前進吧！我們都是地球的乘客。

理查德-尼克松 第一次就職演講

星期一,1969年1月20日

歷史的每一個時刻轉瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨特。可是，其中某些顯然是揭開序幕的時刻，此時，一代先河得以開創，它決定了未來數十年或幾個世紀的航向。

現在可能就是這樣一個時刻。

現在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠實現。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現的種種進步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們在地球上也發現了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領袖害怕戰爭，因此，目前形勢第一次變得有利于和平。

從現在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現在大多數人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據自己的行動和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號。這一榮譽現在正在召喚美國——這是領導世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢寐以求的和平高壇的一個機會。

我們若獲成功，下幾代人在談及現在在世的我們時會說，正是我們掌握了時機，正是我們協力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創立宏偉大業的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準備響應這一召喚。

經過一段對抗時期，我們正進入一個談判時代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個開放的世界——對各種思想開放，對物資和人員的交流開放，在這個世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

我們不能指望每個人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設法使任何人都不與我們為敵。

我們邀請那些很可能是我們對手的人進行一場和平競賽——不是要征服領土或擴展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

在探索宇宙空間的時候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進行一次新的探險。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負擔，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強大就會多強大：需要強大多久，就會強大多久。

自從我作為新當選的國會議員首次來到國會大廈之后的20多年來，我已經出訪過世界上大多數國家。

我結識了世界各國的領導人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強大勢力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復一日，甚至年復一年地進行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰爭中掛彩負傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識形態和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達我們的深切關懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護和捍衛合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現在還要補充一項神圣的義務：我將把自己的職責、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻給各國之間的和平事業。

讓強者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰勝任何一個民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創傷的和平：是對遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對那些反對過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運的機會的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個世界一樣，第一次端視了這個世界，一個在冥冥黑暗中輝映發光的獨特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號上的字航員在圣誕節前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們在祈禱上帝賜福人間。

在那一時刻，他們從月球上發出的意愿，激勵著詩人阿奇博爾德?麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟。”

在那個比技術勝利更有意義的時刻，人們把思緒轉向了家鄉和人類——他們從那個遙遠的視角中發現，地球上人類的命運是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們在宇宙中走得多遠，我們的命運不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經度過了一個反映美國精神的漫漫長夜。可是，當我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機會的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個機會吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅定的信念，朝著穩定的目標，在提防著危險中前進吧！我們對上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。