第一篇：蔡英文總統(tǒng)就職演說中英文全文

蔡英文總統(tǒng)就職演說中英文全文(發(fā)稿時(shí)間：2016/05/20 11:40)

各位友邦的元首與貴賓、各國駐臺(tái)使節(jié)及代表、現(xiàn)場的好朋友，全體國人同胞，大家好!感謝與承擔(dān), 就在剛剛，我和陳建仁已經(jīng)在總統(tǒng)府里面，正式宣誓就任中華民國第十四任總統(tǒng)與副總統(tǒng)。我們要感謝這塊土地對我們的栽培，感謝人民對我們的信任，以及，最重要的，感謝這個(gè)國家的民主機(jī)制，讓我們透過和平的選舉過程，實(shí)現(xiàn)第三次政黨輪替，并且克服種種不確定因素，順利渡過長達(dá)四個(gè)月的交接期，完成政權(quán)和平移轉(zhuǎn)。

臺(tái)灣，再一次用行動(dòng)告訴世界，作為一群民主人與自由人，我們有堅(jiān)定的信念，去捍衛(wèi)民主自由的生活方式。這段旅程，我們每一個(gè)人都參與其中。親愛的臺(tái)灣人民，我們做到了。

我要告訴大家，對于一月十六日的選舉結(jié)果，我從來沒有其他的解讀方式。人民選擇了新總統(tǒng)、新政府，所期待的就是四個(gè)字：解決問題。此時(shí)此刻，臺(tái)灣的處境很困難，迫切需要執(zhí)政者義無反顧的承擔(dān)。這一點(diǎn)，我不會(huì)忘記。

我也要告訴大家，眼前的種種難關(guān)，需要我們誠實(shí)面對，需要我們共同承擔(dān)。所以，這個(gè)演說是一個(gè)邀請，我邀請全體國人同胞一起來，扛起這個(gè)國家的未來。國家不會(huì)因?yàn)轭I(lǐng)導(dǎo)人而偉大；全體國民的共同奮斗，才讓這個(gè)國家偉大。總統(tǒng)該團(tuán)結(jié)的不只是支持者，總統(tǒng)該團(tuán)結(jié)的是整個(gè)國家。團(tuán)結(jié)是為了改變，這是我對這個(gè)國家最深切的期待。在這里，我要誠懇地呼吁，請給這個(gè)國家一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，讓我們拋下成見，拋下過去的對立，我們一起來完成新時(shí)代交給我們的使命。在我們共同奮斗的過程中，身為總統(tǒng)，我要向全國人民宣示，未來我和新政府，將領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這個(gè)國家的改革，展現(xiàn)決心，絕不退縮。為年輕人打造一個(gè)更好的國家.未來的路并不好走，臺(tái)灣需要一個(gè)正面迎向一切挑戰(zhàn)的新政府，我的責(zé)任就是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這個(gè)新政府。

我們的年金制度，如果不改，就會(huì)破產(chǎn)。

我們僵化的教育制度，已經(jīng)逐漸與社會(huì)脈動(dòng)脫節(jié)。

我們的能源與資源十分有限，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)缺乏動(dòng)能，舊的代工模式已經(jīng)面臨瓶頸，整個(gè)國家極需要新的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展模式。

我們的人口結(jié)構(gòu)急速老化，長照體系卻尚未健全。

我們的人口出生率持續(xù)低落，完善的托育制度卻始終遙遙無期。我們環(huán)境污染問題仍然嚴(yán)重。我們國家的財(cái)政并不樂觀。我們的司法已經(jīng)失去人民的信任。我們的食品安全問題，困擾著所有家庭。我們的貧富差距越來越嚴(yán)重。我們的社會(huì)安全網(wǎng)還是有很多破洞。

最重要的，我要特別強(qiáng)調(diào)，我們的年輕人處于低薪的處境，他們的人生，動(dòng)彈不得，對于未來，充滿無奈與茫然。

年輕人的未來是政府的責(zé)任。如果不友善的結(jié)構(gòu)沒有改變，再多個(gè)人菁英的出現(xiàn)，都不足以讓整體年輕人的處境變好。我期許自己，在未來的任期之內(nèi)，要一步一步，從根本的結(jié)構(gòu)來解決這個(gè)國家的問題。

這就是我想為臺(tái)灣的年輕人做的事。雖然我沒有辦法立刻幫所有的年輕人加薪，但是我愿意承諾，新政府會(huì)立刻展開行動(dòng)。請給我們一點(diǎn)時(shí)間，也請跟我們一起走上改革的這一條路。

改變年輕人的處境，就是改變國家的處境。一個(gè)國家的年輕人沒有未來，這個(gè)國家必定沒有未來。幫助年輕人突破困境，實(shí)現(xiàn)世代正義，把一個(gè)更好的國家交到下一代手上，就是新政府重大的責(zé)任。第一、經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)的轉(zhuǎn)型

要打造一個(gè)更好的國家，未來，新政府要做到以下幾件事情。

首先，就是讓臺(tái)灣的經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)轉(zhuǎn)型。這是新政府所必須承擔(dān)的最艱巨使命。我們不要妄自菲薄，更不要失去信心。臺(tái)灣有很多別的國家沒有的優(yōu)勢，我們有海洋經(jīng)濟(jì)的活力和靭性，高素質(zhì)的人力資源、務(wù)實(shí)可靠的工程師文化、完整的產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈、敏捷靈活的中小企業(yè)，以及，永不屈服的創(chuàng)業(yè)精神。

我們要讓臺(tái)灣經(jīng)濟(jì)脫胎換骨，就必須從現(xiàn)在起就下定決心，勇敢地走出另外一條路。這一條路，就是打造臺(tái)灣經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的新模式。

新政府將打造一個(gè)以創(chuàng)新、就業(yè)、分配為核心價(jià)值，追求永續(xù)發(fā)展的新經(jīng)濟(jì)模式。改革的第一步，就是強(qiáng)化經(jīng)濟(jì)的活力與自主性，加強(qiáng)和全球及區(qū)域的連結(jié)，積極參與多邊及雙邊經(jīng)濟(jì)合作及自由貿(mào)易談判，包括TPP、RCEP等，并且，推動(dòng)新南向政策，提升對外經(jīng)濟(jì)的格局及多元性，告別以往過于依賴單一市場的現(xiàn)象。

除此之外，新政府相信，唯有激發(fā)新的成長動(dòng)能，我們才能突破當(dāng)前經(jīng)濟(jì)的停滯不前。我們會(huì)以出口和內(nèi)需作為雙引擎，讓企業(yè)生產(chǎn)和人民生活互為表里，讓對外貿(mào)易和在地經(jīng)濟(jì)緊密連結(jié)。

我們會(huì)優(yōu)先推動(dòng)五大創(chuàng)新研發(fā)計(jì)劃，藉著這些產(chǎn)業(yè)來重新塑造臺(tái)灣的全球競爭力。我們也要積極提升勞動(dòng)生產(chǎn)力，保障勞工權(quán)益，讓薪資和經(jīng)濟(jì)成長能同步提升。這是臺(tái)灣經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻。我們有決心，也有溝通能力。我們已經(jīng)有系統(tǒng)性的規(guī)劃，未來，會(huì)以跨部會(huì)聯(lián)手的模式，把整個(gè)國家的力量集結(jié)起來，一起來催生這個(gè)新模式。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的同時(shí)，我們不要忘記對環(huán)境的責(zé)任。經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的新模式會(huì)和國土規(guī)劃、區(qū)域發(fā)展及環(huán)境永續(xù)，相互結(jié)合。產(chǎn)業(yè)的布局和國土的利用，應(yīng)該拋棄零碎的規(guī)畫，和短視近利的眼光。我們必須追求區(qū)域的均衡發(fā)展，這需要中央來規(guī)畫、整合，也需要地方政府充分發(fā)揮區(qū)域聯(lián)合治理的精神。

我們也不能再像過去，無止盡地?fù)]霍自然資源及國民健康。所以，對各種污染的控制，我們會(huì)嚴(yán)格把關(guān)，更要讓臺(tái)灣走向循環(huán)經(jīng)濟(jì)的時(shí)代，把廢棄物轉(zhuǎn)換為再生資源。對于能源的選擇，我們會(huì)以永續(xù)的觀念去逐步調(diào)整。新政府會(huì)嚴(yán)肅看待氣候變遷、國土保育、災(zāi)害防治的相關(guān)議題，因?yàn)椋覀冎挥幸粋€(gè)地球，我們也只有一個(gè)臺(tái)灣。

第二、強(qiáng)化社會(huì)安全網(wǎng)

新政府必須要承擔(dān)的第二件事情，就是強(qiáng)化臺(tái)灣的社會(huì)安全網(wǎng)。這些年，幾件關(guān)于兒少安全及隨機(jī)殺人的事件，都讓整個(gè)社會(huì)震驚。不過，一個(gè)政府不能永遠(yuǎn)在震驚，它必須要有同理心。沒有人可以替受害者家屬承受傷痛，但是，一個(gè)政府，尤其是第一線處理問題的人，必須要讓受害者以及家屬覺得，不幸事件發(fā)生的時(shí)候，政府是站在他們這一邊。

除了同理心之外，政府更應(yīng)該要提出解決的方法。全力防止悲劇一再發(fā)生，從治安、教育、心理健康、社會(huì)工作等各個(gè)面向，積極把破洞補(bǔ)起來。尤其是治安與反毒的工作，這些事情，新政府會(huì)用最嚴(yán)肅的態(tài)度和行動(dòng)來面對。

在年金的改革方面，這是攸關(guān)臺(tái)灣生存發(fā)展的關(guān)鍵改革，我們不應(yīng)該遲疑，也不可以躁進(jìn)。由陳建仁副總統(tǒng)擔(dān)任召集人的年金改革委員會(huì)，已經(jīng)緊鑼密鼓在籌備之中。過去的政府在這個(gè)議題上，曾經(jīng)有過一些努力。但是，缺乏社會(huì)的參與。新政府的做法，是發(fā)動(dòng)一個(gè)集體協(xié)商，因?yàn)槟杲鸶母锉仨毷且粋€(gè)透過協(xié)商來團(tuán)結(jié)所有人的過程。

這就是為什么，我們要召開年金改革國是會(huì)議，由不同階層、不同職業(yè)代表，在社會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)的基礎(chǔ)上，共同協(xié)商。一年之內(nèi)，我們會(huì)提出可行的改革方案。無論是勞工還是公務(wù)員，每一個(gè)國民的退休生活都應(yīng)該得到公平的保障。

另外，在長期照顧的議題上，我們將會(huì)把優(yōu)質(zhì)、平價(jià)、普及的長期照顧系統(tǒng)建立起來。和年金改革一樣，長照體系也是一個(gè)社會(huì)總動(dòng)員的過程。新政府的做法是由政府主導(dǎo)和規(guī)劃，鼓勵(lì)民間發(fā)揮社區(qū)主義的精神，透過社會(huì)集體互助的力量，來建立一套妥善而完整的體系。每一個(gè)老年人都可以在自己熟悉的社區(qū)，安心享受老年生活，每一個(gè)家庭的照顧壓力將會(huì)減輕。照顧老人的工作不能完全讓它變成自由市場。我們會(huì)把責(zé)任扛起來，按部就班來規(guī)劃與執(zhí)行，為超高齡社會(huì)的來臨，做好準(zhǔn)備。

第三、社會(huì)的公平與正義

新政府要承擔(dān)的第三件事情，就是社會(huì)的公平與正義。在這個(gè)議題上，新政府會(huì)持續(xù)和公民社會(huì)一起合作，讓臺(tái)灣的政策更符合多元、平等、開放、透明、人權(quán)的價(jià)值，讓臺(tái)灣的民主機(jī)制更加深化與進(jìn)化。

新的民主制度要能夠上路，我們必須先找出面對過去的共同方法。未來，我會(huì)在總統(tǒng)府成立真相與和解委員會(huì)，用最誠懇與謹(jǐn)慎的態(tài)度，來處理過去的歷史。追求轉(zhuǎn)型正義的目標(biāo)是在追求社會(huì)的真正和解，讓所有臺(tái)灣人都記取那個(gè)時(shí)代的錯(cuò)誤。

我們將從真相的調(diào)查與整理出發(fā)，預(yù)計(jì)在三年之內(nèi)，完成臺(tái)灣自己的轉(zhuǎn)型正義調(diào)查報(bào)告書。我們將會(huì)依據(jù)調(diào)查報(bào)告所揭示的真相，來進(jìn)行后續(xù)的轉(zhuǎn)型正義工作。挖掘真相、彌平傷痕、厘清責(zé)任。從此以后，過去的歷史不再是臺(tái)灣分裂的原因，而是臺(tái)灣一起往前走的動(dòng)力。

同樣在公平正義的議題上，我會(huì)秉持相同的原則，來面對原住民族的議題。今天的就職典禮，原住民族的小朋友在唱國歌之前，先唱了他們部落傳統(tǒng)的古調(diào)。這象征了，我們不敢忘記，這個(gè)島上先來后到的順序。

新政府會(huì)用道歉的態(tài)度，來面對原住民族相關(guān)議題，重建原民史觀，逐步推動(dòng)自治，復(fù)育語言文化，提升生活照顧，這就是我要領(lǐng)導(dǎo)新政府推動(dòng)的改變。接下來，新政府也會(huì)積極推動(dòng)司法改革。這是現(xiàn)階段臺(tái)灣人民最關(guān)心的議題。司法無法親近人民、不被人民信任、司法無法有效打擊犯罪，以及，司法失去作為正義最后一道防線的功能，是人民普遍的感受。

為了展現(xiàn)新政府的決心，我們會(huì)在今年十月召開司法國是會(huì)議，透過人民實(shí)際的參與，讓社會(huì)力進(jìn)來，一起推動(dòng)司法改革。司法必須回應(yīng)人民的需求，不再只是法律人的司法，而是全民的司法。司法改革也不只是司法人的家務(wù)事，而是全民參與的改革。這就是我對司法改革的期待。第四、區(qū)域的和平穩(wěn)定發(fā)展及兩岸關(guān)系

新政府要承擔(dān)的第四件事情，是區(qū)域的和平穩(wěn)定與發(fā)展，以及妥善處理兩岸關(guān)系。過去三十年，無論是對亞洲或是全球，都是變動(dòng)最劇烈的時(shí)期；而全球及區(qū)域的經(jīng)濟(jì)穩(wěn)定和集體安全，也是各國政府越來越關(guān)切的課題。

臺(tái)灣在區(qū)域發(fā)展當(dāng)中，一直是不可或缺的關(guān)鍵角色。但是近年來，區(qū)域的情勢快速變動(dòng)，如果臺(tái)灣不善用自己的實(shí)力和籌碼，積極參與區(qū)域事務(wù)，不但將會(huì)變得無足輕重，甚至可能被邊緣化，喪失對于未來的自主權(quán)。

我們有危機(jī)，但也有轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)。臺(tái)灣現(xiàn)階段的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展，和區(qū)域中許多國家高度關(guān)聯(lián)和互補(bǔ)。如果將打造經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展新模式的努力，透過和亞洲、乃至亞太區(qū)域的國家合作，共同形塑未來的發(fā)展策略，不但可以為區(qū)域的經(jīng)濟(jì)創(chuàng)新、結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整和永續(xù)發(fā)展，做出積極的貢獻(xiàn)，更可以和區(qū)域內(nèi)的成員，建立緊密的「經(jīng)濟(jì)共同體」意識(shí)。

我們要和其他國家共享資源、人才與市場，擴(kuò)大經(jīng)濟(jì)規(guī)模，讓資源有效利用。「新南向政策」就是基于這樣的精神。我們會(huì)在科技、文化與經(jīng)貿(mào)等各層面，和區(qū)域成員廣泛交流合作，尤其是增進(jìn)與東協(xié)、印度的多元關(guān)系。為此，我們也愿意和對岸，就共同參與區(qū)域發(fā)展的相關(guān)議題，坦誠交換意見，尋求各種合作與協(xié)力的可能性。在積極發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)的同時(shí)，亞太地區(qū)的安全情勢也變得越來越復(fù)雜，而兩岸關(guān)系，也成為建構(gòu)區(qū)域和平與集體安全的重要一環(huán)。這個(gè)建構(gòu)的進(jìn)程，臺(tái)灣會(huì)做一個(gè)「和平的堅(jiān)定維護(hù)者」，積極參與，絕不缺席；我們也將致力維持兩岸關(guān)系的和平穩(wěn)定；我們更會(huì)努力促成內(nèi)部和解，強(qiáng)化民主機(jī)制，凝聚共識(shí)，形成一致對外的立場。

對話和溝通，是我們達(dá)成目標(biāo)最重要的關(guān)鍵。臺(tái)灣也要成為一個(gè)「和平的積極溝通者」，我們將和相關(guān)的各方，建立常態(tài)、緊密的溝通機(jī)制，隨時(shí)交換意見，防止誤判，建立互信，有效解決爭議。我們將謹(jǐn)守和平原則、利益共享原則，來處理相關(guān)的爭議。

我依照中華民國憲法當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)，我有責(zé)任捍衛(wèi)中華民國的主權(quán)和領(lǐng)土；對于東海及南海問題，我們主張應(yīng)擱置爭議，共同開發(fā)。

兩岸之間的對話與溝通，我們也將努力維持現(xiàn)有的機(jī)制。1992年兩岸兩會(huì)秉持相互諒解、求同存異的政治思維，進(jìn)行溝通協(xié)商，達(dá)成若干的共同認(rèn)知與諒解，我尊重這個(gè)歷史事實(shí)。92年之后，20多年來雙方交流、協(xié)商所累積形成的現(xiàn)狀與成果，兩岸都應(yīng)該共同珍惜與維護(hù)，并在這個(gè)既有的事實(shí)與政治基礎(chǔ)上，持續(xù)推動(dòng)兩岸關(guān)系和平穩(wěn)定發(fā)展；新政府會(huì)依據(jù)中華民國憲法、兩岸人民關(guān)系條例及其他相關(guān)法律，處理兩岸事務(wù)。兩岸的兩個(gè)執(zhí)政黨應(yīng)該要放下歷史包袱，展開良性對話，造福兩岸人民。

我所講的既有政治基礎(chǔ)，包含幾個(gè)關(guān)鍵元素，第一，1992年兩岸兩會(huì)會(huì)談的歷史事實(shí)與求同存異的共同認(rèn)知，這是歷史事實(shí)；第二，中華民國現(xiàn)行憲政體制；第三，兩岸過去20多年來協(xié)商和交流互動(dòng)的成果；第四，臺(tái)灣民主原則及普遍民意。

第五、外交與全球性議題

新政府要承擔(dān)的第五件事情，是善盡地球公民的責(zé)任，在外交與全球性的議題上做出貢獻(xiàn)。讓臺(tái)灣走向世界，也要讓世界走進(jìn)臺(tái)灣。

現(xiàn)場有許多來自各國的元首與使節(jié)團(tuán)，我要特別謝謝他們，長久以來一直幫助臺(tái)灣，讓我們有機(jī)會(huì)參與國際社會(huì)。未來，我們會(huì)持續(xù)透過官方互動(dòng)、企業(yè)投資與民間合作各種方式，分享臺(tái)灣發(fā)展的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，與友邦建立永續(xù)的伙伴關(guān)系。臺(tái)灣是全球公民社會(huì)的模范生，民主化以來，我們始終堅(jiān)持和平、自由、民主及人權(quán)的普世價(jià)值。我們會(huì)秉持這個(gè)精神，加入全球議題的價(jià)值同盟。我們會(huì)繼續(xù)深化與包括美國、日本、歐洲在內(nèi)的友好民主國家的關(guān)系，在共同的價(jià)值基礎(chǔ)上，推動(dòng)全方位的合作。

我們會(huì)積極參與國際經(jīng)貿(mào)合作及規(guī)則制定，堅(jiān)定維護(hù)全球的經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序，并且融入重要的區(qū)域經(jīng)貿(mào)體系。我們也不會(huì)在防制全球暖化、氣候變遷的議題上缺席。我們將會(huì)在行政院設(shè)立專責(zé)的能源和減碳辦公室，并且根據(jù)COP21巴黎協(xié)議的規(guī)定，定期檢討溫室氣體的減量目標(biāo)，與友好國家攜手，共同維護(hù)永續(xù)的地球。同時(shí)，新政府會(huì)支持并參與，全球性新興議題的國際合作，包括人道救援、醫(yī)療援助、疾病的防治與研究、反恐合作，以及共同打擊跨國犯罪，讓臺(tái)灣成為國際社會(huì)不可或缺的伙伴。結(jié)語

1996年臺(tái)灣第一次總統(tǒng)直選，到今天剛好20年。過去20年，在幾任政府以及公民社會(huì)的努力之下，我們成功渡過了許多新興民主國家必須面對的難關(guān)。在這個(gè)過程中，我們曾經(jīng)有過許多感動(dòng)人心的時(shí)刻和故事，不過，正如同世界上其他國家一樣，我們也曾經(jīng)有過焦慮、不安、矛盾、與對立。

我們看到了社會(huì)的對立，進(jìn)步與保守的對立，環(huán)境與開發(fā)的對立，以及，政治意識(shí)之間的對立。這些對立，曾經(jīng)激發(fā)出選舉時(shí)的動(dòng)員能量，不過也因?yàn)檫@些對立，我們的民主逐漸失去了解決問題的能力。

民主是一個(gè)進(jìn)程，每一個(gè)時(shí)代的政治工作者，都要清楚認(rèn)識(shí)他身上所肩負(fù)的責(zé)任。民主會(huì)前進(jìn)，民主也有可能倒退。今天，我站在這里，就是要告訴大家，倒退不會(huì)是我們的選項(xiàng)。新政府的責(zé)任就是把臺(tái)灣的民主推向下一個(gè)階段：以前的民主是選舉的輸贏，現(xiàn)在的民主則是關(guān)于人民的幸福；以前的民主是兩個(gè)價(jià)值觀的對決，現(xiàn)在的民主則是不同價(jià)值觀的對話。

打造一個(gè)沒有被意識(shí)形態(tài)綁架的「團(tuán)結(jié)的民主」，打造一個(gè)可以回應(yīng)社會(huì)與經(jīng)濟(jì)問題的「有效率的民主」，打造一個(gè)能夠?qū)嵸|(zhì)照料人民的「務(wù)實(shí)的民主」，這就是新時(shí)代的意義。

只要我們相信，新時(shí)代就會(huì)來臨。只要這個(gè)國家的主人，有堅(jiān)定的信念，新時(shí)代一定會(huì)在我們這一代人的手上誕生。

各位親愛的臺(tái)灣人民，演講要結(jié)束了，改革要開始了。從這一刻起，這個(gè)國家的擔(dān)子交在新政府身上。我會(huì)讓大家看見這個(gè)國家的改變。

歷史會(huì)記得我們這個(gè)勇敢的世代，這個(gè)國家的繁榮、尊嚴(yán)、團(tuán)結(jié)、自信和公義，都有我們努力的痕跡。歷史會(huì)記得我們的勇敢，我們在2016年一起把國家?guī)蛐碌姆较颉＿@塊土地上的每一個(gè)人，都因?yàn)閰⑴c臺(tái)灣的改變，而感到驕傲。剛才表演節(jié)目中的一首歌曲當(dāng)中，有一句讓我很感動(dòng)的歌詞：（臺(tái)語）現(xiàn)在是彼一天，勇敢ㄟ臺(tái)灣人。

各位國人同胞，兩千三百萬的臺(tái)灣人民，等待已經(jīng)結(jié)束，現(xiàn)在就是那一天。今天，明天，未來的每一天，我們都要做一個(gè)守護(hù)民主、守護(hù)自由、守護(hù)這個(gè)國家的臺(tái)灣人。謝謝大家。

第二篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(中英文)

肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說（1961年1月20日）

Inaugural Address of John F.KennedyJanuary 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President

Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

約翰遜副總統(tǒng)、議長先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、同胞們：

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我們今天所看到的，并非是某一黨派的勝利，而是自由的慶典。它象征著結(jié)束，亦象征著開始；意味著更新，亦意味著變化。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兗叭f能的上帝面前，依著我們先輩175年前寫下的誓言宣誓。

The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.世界已然今非昔比，因?yàn)槿祟愂种幸呀?jīng)掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用來消除各種形式的貧困，亦可用以毀滅人類社會(huì)。然而，我們先輩曾為之戰(zhàn)斗的那些革命性的信念還依然在世界上受人爭議——那就是，每個(gè)人享有的各項(xiàng)權(quán)利決非來自國家政權(quán)的慷慨賜予，而是出自上帝之手。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天，我們不敢有忘，我們乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此時(shí)，讓這個(gè)聲音從這里同時(shí)向我們的朋友和敵人傳達(dá)：火炬現(xiàn)已傳遞到新一代美國人手中——他們生于本世紀(jì)，既經(jīng)受過戰(zhàn)火的錘煉，又經(jīng)歷過艱難嚴(yán)峻的和平歲月的考驗(yàn)。他們深為我們古老的遺產(chǎn)所自豪——決不愿目睹或聽任諸項(xiàng)人權(quán)受到無形的侵蝕，這些權(quán)利不僅為這個(gè)國家始終信守不渝，亦是我們正在國內(nèi)和世界上誓死捍衛(wèi)的東西。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.讓每一個(gè)國家都知道，無論它們對我們抱有善意還是惡意，我們都準(zhǔn)備付出任何代價(jià)、承受任何重任、迎戰(zhàn)任何艱險(xiǎn)、支持任何朋友、反對任何敵人，以使自由得以維系和勝利。This much we pledge--and more.這是我們矢志不移的承諾，且遠(yuǎn)不止此！

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.對于那些與我們共享同一文化和精神源頭的老朋友，我們許以朋友的忠誠。在許許多多的合作事業(yè)中，我們會(huì)盡己所能以促進(jìn)我們的團(tuán)結(jié)，而決不故意制造分裂，因?yàn)槲覀儾桓逸p易面對由分歧或體系崩潰而導(dǎo)致的巨大挑戰(zhàn)。

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對于那些新成立的國家，我們歡迎它們加入自由陣營，并在此許以忠告：某種形式的殖民控制決不會(huì)僅僅因?yàn)楸涣硪环N更為殘酷的霸權(quán)所取代就消聲匿跡。我們不會(huì)期待他們始終支持我們的觀點(diǎn)，但我們希望他們能始終堅(jiān)定地維護(hù)他們自己的自由——并且牢記，在過去，那些愚蠢地騎上獨(dú)裁的虎背以謀求權(quán)力的人最終都以葬身虎腹而告終。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.對于那些寄居于大半個(gè)地球上的草舍村落、為著掙脫無盡苦難的枷鎖而奮斗的人民，我們承諾將盡我們最大的努力，以使他們獲得自助的能力。因?yàn)檫@是時(shí)代對我們提出的要求——不是因?yàn)楣病a(chǎn)～黨人可能如此行事、不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，僅僅是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正當(dāng)?shù)摹?/p>

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.如果一個(gè)自由的社會(huì)不能幫助貧窮的多數(shù)，它就不能拯救那富裕的少數(shù)。

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.對于我們的南部鄰邦共和國，我們許以特殊的承諾：將我們的良言轉(zhuǎn)為善行，在為了進(jìn)步而結(jié)成的新盟邦里，幫助自由的人民和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困。但這一希翼中的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的犧牲品，讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們一道，反對發(fā)生在美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略和顛覆。

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.讓所有其他勢力都知道，這一半球的人民致力于維護(hù)他們作為自己家園主人的地位。

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.對于那個(gè)主權(quán)國家的世界性會(huì)議組織——聯(lián)合國，我們最后一次良好祝愿是發(fā)生在戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)器遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過和平機(jī)器的時(shí)代。為了防止它淪為僅僅用來謾罵攻訐的論壇，為了加強(qiáng)它對新成立國家及弱小國家的保障功能、為了擴(kuò)展其權(quán)力涵蓋的領(lǐng)域，我們現(xiàn)在重申對它的支持承諾。Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace--before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，對于那些主動(dòng)站到我們敵對面的國家，我們提出的不是許諾，而是懇求：在被科學(xué)釋放出的、黑暗的破壞力量以有計(jì)劃的或偶然性的自我毀滅方式吞噬全人類之前，懇求雙方再一次地開始謀求和平的努力。

We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.我們不敢以軟弱誘惑它們，因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的軍備充足到確切無疑的程度時(shí)，我們才能確切無疑地肯定它們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)被投入使用。但這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從彼此當(dāng)前的做法中得到安慰——雙方都背負(fù)了過高的現(xiàn)代武器系統(tǒng)的成本、雙方都理所當(dāng)然地對致死性原子武器的持續(xù)擴(kuò)散感到驚恐不安，但雙方都競相改變不確定的恐怖均衡，這種均衡恰恰抑制了人類最后攤牌的沖動(dòng)。

Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要因?yàn)閼峙露勁校屛覀冇肋h(yuǎn)不要懼怕談判。

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.讓雙方探尋那些能將我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我們的因素。Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.讓雙方首先提出認(rèn)真細(xì)致的方案來核查及控制軍備，并將毀滅其他國家的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.讓雙方努力去激發(fā)科學(xué)的奇跡，而非科學(xué)的恐怖。讓我們一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、開發(fā)海洋深處，鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)。

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...[and] let the oppressed go free.”

讓雙方在世界每一個(gè)角落，都共同信守《圣經(jīng)．以賽亞書》中的教誨——“卸下重負(fù)……讓被壓迫者自由。”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，讓雙方攜手進(jìn)行新的努力——不是為了建立新的勢力均衡，而是為了建立新的規(guī)則體系——以使強(qiáng)者正義，弱者安全，和平維系

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有這些工作將不會(huì)在從現(xiàn)在起的一百天、一千天內(nèi)完成，也不會(huì)在本屆行政分支任期內(nèi)完成，甚至可能不會(huì)在我們的有生之年完成，但是，請讓我們現(xiàn)在開始工作。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最終成敗將掌握在你們的手中而不僅僅是我的手中。從這個(gè)國家被創(chuàng)建那天起，每一代美國人都被召喚去證實(shí)自己對國家的忠誠。那些響應(yīng)號(hào)召獻(xiàn)身國家的年輕美國人的安息之所遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.現(xiàn)在，召喚的號(hào)角又一次吹響——不是號(hào)召我們扛起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的——也不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)⒓討?zhàn)斗，雖然我們準(zhǔn)備戰(zhàn)斗——而是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年地去進(jìn)行一場漫長而未分勝負(fù)的搏斗，在希望中歡樂，而患難中忍耐，以反對人類共同的敵人：暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭本身。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

為了反對這些敵人，我們能夠?qū)⒛戏脚c北方、東方與西方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，熔鑄成一個(gè)偉大的和全球性的聯(lián)盟，以確保全人類得享更為成果累累的生活嗎？你們愿意參與這項(xiàng)歷史性的努力嗎？

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界歷史的長河里，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危機(jī)時(shí)捍衛(wèi)自由的使命，我不會(huì)畏縮于這一責(zé)任——我歡迎它！我也不相信我們中的任何人會(huì)愿意與其他國家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而處。我們在這場努力中所傾注的精力、信念和奉獻(xiàn)將照耀我們的國家以及所有為之獻(xiàn)身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必將普照全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.所以，我的美國同胞們，不要問你的國家為你做了什么，而應(yīng)問你能為你的國家做些什么。My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.我的世界同胞們，不要問美國將為你做些什么，而應(yīng)問我們應(yīng)該一起為了全人類的自由做些什么Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，無論是美國公民還是世界其他國家的公民，請用我們要求于你們的關(guān)于力量和犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來要求我們，本著我們唯一可以指望有所回報(bào)的善意良知，依著能最終裁決我們功業(yè)的歷史，讓我們著手領(lǐng)導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家，在祈求神的賜福和神的幫助的同時(shí)，也能深切體認(rèn)，在這片土地上，神的工作必定也是我們自己所應(yīng)承擔(dān)的使命。

第三篇：美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說中英文

美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說中英文(全文)John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly 1

supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.2

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.” And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.3

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

第四篇：華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演說

First Inaugural Address of George Washington

THE CITY OF NEW YORK

THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil

deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified

or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文譯文】：

美國人民的實(shí)驗(yàn)

喬治-華盛頓

第一次就職演講

紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日

參議院和眾議院的同胞們：

在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安，一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅(jiān)定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習(xí)慣，且時(shí)光流逝，健康漸衰，時(shí)感體力不濟(jì)，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面，國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力，而我天資愚飩，又無民政管理的實(shí)踐，理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計(jì)可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時(shí)因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時(shí)，忽視了自己的無能和消極，我的錯(cuò)誤將會(huì)由于使我誤人歧途的各種動(dòng)機(jī)而減輕，而大家在評(píng)判錯(cuò)誤的后果時(shí)；也會(huì)適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動(dòng)機(jī)的偏見。

既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時(shí)的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng)，因?yàn)樯系劢y(tǒng)治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補(bǔ)人類的任何不足，愿上帝賜福，侃佑一個(gè)為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn)，保佑政府的各項(xiàng)行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信，在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時(shí)，這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅(jiān)定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們在邁向獨(dú)立國家的進(jìn)程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們在剛剛完成的聯(lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報(bào)，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭，我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實(shí)是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家會(huì)和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個(gè)新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款，總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請國會(huì)審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個(gè)場合，恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個(gè)問題，而只提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限，指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場合，更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn)，即必須維護(hù)這個(gè)由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合；因此，其二，我國的政策將會(huì)以純潔而堅(jiān)定的個(gè)人道德原則為基礎(chǔ)，而自由政府將會(huì)以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵(lì)著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景，因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，責(zé)任與利益之間，恪守誠實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會(huì)繁榮幸福的碩果之間，有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一；因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信，上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許；因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn)，系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。

我已將有感于這一聚會(huì)場合的想法奉告各位，現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭；但在此以前，我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n，美國人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會(huì)，以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福，用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向；因而，同樣明顯的是，上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界，心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商，并采取明智的措施，而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

第五篇：老布什總統(tǒng)就職演說

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989

Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:

There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history.President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America.I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his.It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country.And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day;for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began.We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends.For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended.And my first act as President is a prayer.I ask you to bow your heads:

Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love.Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely.Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: “Use power to help people.” For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name.There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people.Help us to remember it, Lord.Amen.I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise.We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better.For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn;for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over.The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree.A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on.There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken.There are times when the future seems thick as a fog;you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right path.But this is a time when the future seems a door you can walk right through into a room called tomorrow.Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the door to freedom.Men and women of the world move toward free markets through the door to prosperity.The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.We know what works: Freedom works.We know what's right: Freedom is right.We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps all history, man does not have to invent a system by which to live.We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of government is better.We don't have to wrest justice from the kings.We only have to summon it from within ourselves.We must act on what we know.I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity;in important things, diversity;in all things, generosity.America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place we cannot help but love.We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, but as a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, and that our strength is a force for good.But have we changed as a nation even in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, less appreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?

My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions.They are not the measure of our lives.In our hearts we know what matters.We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.We must hope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, a loving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and town better than he found it.What do we want the men and women who work with us to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven to succeed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word of friendship?

No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best in what we are.But if the man you have chosen to lead this government can help make a difference;if he can celebrate the quieter, deeper successes that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts and finer souls;if he can do these things, then he must.America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moral principle.We as a people have such a purpose today.It is to make kinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world.My friends, we have work to do.There are the homeless, lost and roaming.There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy.There are those who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction——drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums.There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets.There are young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of children they can't care for and might not love.They need our care, our guidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life.The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems.But we have learned that is not so.And in any case, our funds are low.We have a deficit to bring down.We have more will than wallet;but will is what we need.We will make the hard choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety.And then we will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource we have that in times of need always grows——the goodness and the courage of the American people.I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a new activism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done.We must bring in the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and the unfocused energy of the young.For not only leadership is passed from generation to generation, but so is stewardship.And the generation born after the Second World War has come of age.I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the community organizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doing good.We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding.We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies.I will go to the people and the programs that are the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of my government to become involved.The old ideas are new again because they are not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress.The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and the Senate.We must bring the Federal budget into balance.And we must ensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound.But, of course, things may be difficult.We need compromise;we have had dissension.We need harmony;we have had a chorus of discordant voices.For Congress, too, has changed in our time.There has grown a certain divisiveness.We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements in which not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives.And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other.It has been this way since Vietnam.That war cleaves us still.But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a century ago;and surely the statute of limitations has been reached.This is a fact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory.A new breeze is blowing, and the old bipartisanship must be made new again.To my friends——and yes, I do mean friends——in the loyal opposition——and yes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand.I am putting out my hand to you, Mr.Speaker.I am putting out my hand to you Mr.Majority Leader.For this is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand.We can't turn back clocks, and I don't want to.But when our fathers were young, Mr.Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge.And we don't wish to turn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr.Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a budget on which this nation could live.Let us negotiate soon and hard.But in the end, let us produce.The American people await action.They didn't send us here to bicker.They ask us to rise above the merely partisan.“In crucial things, unity”——and this, my friends, is crucial.To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay strong to protect the peace.The “offered hand” is a reluctant fist;but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect.There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for.Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered.Good will begets good will.Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.Great nations like great men must keep their word.When America says something, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vow made on marble steps.We will always try to speak clearly, for candor is a compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place.While keeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, ever strong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress.One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strength over experience.But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance.Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled.But my thoughts have been turning the past few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellow who will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the women who will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns.I don't mean this to be sentimental.I mean that on days like this, we remember that we are all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties that bind.Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land.And to them I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day.For democracy belongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can go higher and higher with the breeze.And to all I say: No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are part of the life of our great nation.A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window on men's souls.In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, an easy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life.There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up united and express our intolerance.The most obvious now is drugs.And when that first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country.And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it: This scourge will stop.And so, there is much to do;and tomorrow the work begins.I do not mistrust the future;I do not fear what is ahead.For our problems are large, but our heart is larger.Our challenges are great, but our will is greater.And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless.Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that.But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.The new breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds.And so today a chapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, and generosity——shared, and written, together.Thank you.God bless you and God bless the United States of America.