第一篇：奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講

奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

來源： | 時間：9個月前 | 閱讀：5589次 | [劃詞 ] [1] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[2] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[3] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[4] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）[5] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[6] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.首先，逆轉(zhuǎn)核武器擴(kuò)散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction.In 2009, our inheritance is different.You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror--we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries.But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint.We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.上一個世紀(jì)，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認(rèn)識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們了解，我們兩國之間發(fā)生任何戰(zhàn)爭，都將產(chǎn)生悲慘的結(jié)局。但我們確實(shí)有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現(xiàn)同樣的克制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century.The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion.In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests.Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 這就是21世紀(jì)核挑戰(zhàn)的核心問題。認(rèn)為擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認(rèn)為一旦確認(rèn)和鑒別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護(hù)自己，都?不切實(shí)際的幻想。在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的短時期內(nèi)，我們已經(jīng)看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進(jìn)行了核試驗(yàn)。如果不發(fā)生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今后20年不會出現(xiàn)核武器的進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散？

60個單詞拿下辦公室英語 奧巴馬就職演講稿（中英文對照）奧巴馬在林肯紀(jì)念堂的演講（雙語）奧巴馬在上海發(fā)表演講（中英對照）奧巴馬參加圣母院大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮并發(fā)表演講 世界十大著名畢業(yè)典禮演講

奧巴馬復(fù)活節(jié)演講（視頻下載+文本）英語小測：一見鐘情怎么說？

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons.That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers.And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴(kuò)散，最終爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)全世界不存在核武器的目標(biāo)。這與我們在《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。盡管我知道這個目標(biāo)不可能很快實(shí)現(xiàn)，但爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)這個目標(biāo)可以為防止核武器擴(kuò)散并避免其實(shí)際使用提供法律和道義的基礎(chǔ)。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation.Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT.And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.我們已經(jīng)為奠定這個基礎(chǔ)邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我為兩國談判達(dá)成一項(xiàng)新的條約取得了進(jìn)展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運(yùn)載系統(tǒng)的數(shù)量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據(jù)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》履行其職責(zé)的國家都有權(quán)獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強(qiáng)在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達(dá)到在四年內(nèi)保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標(biāo)至關(guān)重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs.Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon.And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges--ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負(fù)責(zé)。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應(yīng)該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我同意對彈道導(dǎo)彈問題──21世紀(jì)彈道導(dǎo)彈構(gòu)成的挑戰(zhàn)，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯(lián)合進(jìn)行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations--it's about the responsibilities of all nations.If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle.And that benefits no one.As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責(zé)任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》和聯(lián)合國安理會的信譽(yù)就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強(qiáng)食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規(guī)則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement.I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe.And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran.It has nothing to do with Russia.In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer.But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.成功地執(zhí)行這些規(guī)則有助于消除產(chǎn)生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的計劃。為了加強(qiáng)美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關(guān)計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統(tǒng)的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關(guān)。事實(shí)上，我希望與俄羅斯在導(dǎo)彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強(qiáng)我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導(dǎo)彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的驅(qū)動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰(zhàn)勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths.Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims.And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali;Islamabad and Kabul;and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands.They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate--particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.多年來，“基地”組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護(hù)所，在那里進(jìn)行訓(xùn)練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan.We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations.Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity.And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory.Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban.It's time to work together on behalf of a different future--a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present;a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.正是因?yàn)槿绱耍绹幸粋€明確的目標(biāo)：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進(jìn)其安全與繁榮。正是因?yàn)檫@個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經(jīng)貴國領(lǐng)土為我們的盟軍運(yùn)送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統(tǒng)治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。現(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該為實(shí)現(xiàn)另一種前途攜手努力 ── 我們不再進(jìn)行以往的大規(guī)模競賽，同時努力解決當(dāng)前的沖突，讓我們都為中亞的安全做貢獻(xiàn)。

第二篇：奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講中英對照

奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講中英對照

奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

奧巴馬在俄羅斯發(fā)表演講 喊話意味十足

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬7日在莫斯科發(fā)表演講時表示，俄羅斯必須尊重格魯吉亞和烏克蘭的主權(quán)，在伊朗和朝鮮的核計劃問題上也應(yīng)與國際社會進(jìn)行合作。

“國際主權(quán)應(yīng)該是國際秩序的奠基石，” 奧巴馬在莫斯科新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院發(fā)表演講時稱，就像所有國家都應(yīng)該有權(quán)選擇他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一樣，各國也有權(quán)鞏固邊防和制定他們的外交政策。

“任何舍棄這些權(quán)利的組織系統(tǒng)都將走向混亂。這些原則應(yīng)該運(yùn)用到所有的國家——其中包括格魯吉亞和烏克蘭。”

而在關(guān)于伊朗和朝鮮的核問題上，奧巴馬說美國和俄羅斯都不會在他們的核軍備競爭中獲益，希望俄羅斯能與美國一起阻止朝鮮和伊朗發(fā)展核武器，并在相關(guān)問題上進(jìn)行合作。

2009年7月7日奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮的演講（中英對照）

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE NEW ECONOMIC SCHOOL

GRADUATION Gostinny Dvor Moscow, Russia July 7, 2009

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的演講

Gostinny Dvor 會展中心

俄羅斯,莫斯科 2009年7月7日

Thank you so much.Well, congratulations, Oxana.And to the entire Class of 2009, congratulations to you.I don't know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like I did, but I'm sure that you're all going to have wonderful careers.多謝大家。祝賀你，奧科薩納(Oxana)。2009屆全體同學(xué)，祝賀你們。我不知道是否還有其他人像我一樣在同窗讀書時遇到未來的妻子或丈夫，不過我肯定你們都會有美好的前途。

I want to acknowledge a few people who are here.We have President Mikhail Gorbachev is here today, and I want everybody to give him a big round of applause.(Applause.)I want to thank Sergei Gurief, Director of the New Economic School.(Applause.)Max Boiko, their Chairman of the Board.(Applause.)And Arkady Dvorkovich, who is the NES board member, President of the Alumni Association and is doing an excellent job for President Medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday.(Applause.)我希望向在場的幾位致謝。蒞會的有米哈伊爾·戈?duì)柊蛦谭?Mikhail Gorbachev)總統(tǒng)，我希望大家給予他熱烈的掌聲。(掌聲)我感謝新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院院長謝爾蓋·古里埃夫(Sergei Gurief)。(掌聲)學(xué)院董事會主席馬克斯·博伊科(Max Boiko)。(掌聲)學(xué)院董事會成員兼校友會會長阿爾卡季·德沃科維奇(Arkady Dvorkovich)，他正以出色的表現(xiàn)為梅德韋杰夫(Medvedev)總統(tǒng)工作，他昨天還出席了我們的會談。(掌聲)

Good morning.It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School.Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow.And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January.(Laughter and applause.)早上好。我非常榮幸能參加新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院的這次活動。米歇爾和我來到莫斯科，感到十分高興。作為出生在夏威夷的人，我感到高興的是能在7月而不是1月份來到這里。(笑聲和掌聲)

I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage.Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths.Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty.Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space.我知道，新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院是一個年輕的院校，但今天我心懷對俄羅斯不朽的傳統(tǒng)的高度敬重之情對你們發(fā)表講話。俄羅斯作家?guī)椭覀兞私馊松募姺睆?fù)雜，認(rèn)識到永恒的真理。俄羅斯畫家、作曲家和舞蹈家使我們領(lǐng)略到了美的新形式。俄羅斯科學(xué)家治愈了疾病，開拓了新的發(fā)展領(lǐng)域，幫助人們飛向太空。

These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are.Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share.That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades;we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation.And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians--specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin.We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C.(Applause.)盡管俄羅斯幅員遼闊，但這些貢獻(xiàn)并未局限在俄羅斯疆界之內(nèi)。毫無疑問，俄羅斯的傳統(tǒng)已傳播到世界每一個角落，激發(fā)了我們共有的人性。其中也包括我自己的國家，幾十年來因俄羅斯移民獲益良多；我國獲得俄羅斯文化的豐富營養(yǎng)，也因與俄羅斯的合作得到發(fā)展。作為首都華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)的居民，我繼續(xù)獲得俄羅斯人的貢獻(xiàn)帶來的惠益──特別是因?yàn)閬喠ι酱蟆W韋奇金(Alexander Ovechkin)。他住在華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)，我們非常高興。(掌聲)

Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity.As Pushkin said, “Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry.” And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate.You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry;in finance and government.But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.在新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，你們繼承了這個偉大的文化傳統(tǒng)。你們盡管以經(jīng)濟(jì)為重點(diǎn)，但對人類的未來也同樣至關(guān)重要。正如普希金所說，“靈感對于幾何學(xué)，如同靈感對于詩歌一樣必不可少。” 今天，我特別希望對即將畢業(yè)的同學(xué)說一些話。你們即將成為學(xué)術(shù)界和工業(yè)界的領(lǐng)軍人，成為金融界和政界的主力。然而，在你們邁出這一步之前，有必要回顧在你們成長期間發(fā)生的歷史。

Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe.But you are the last generation born when the world was divided.At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight.The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place.Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game.If one person won, then the other person had to lose.如同梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我一樣，你們當(dāng)時年紀(jì)尚幼，未能親歷冷戰(zhàn)最黑暗的年代，那時在大氣層試爆了氫彈，孩子們進(jìn)入防空洞參加演習(xí)，我們曾經(jīng)走到核災(zāi)難的邊緣。你們是全世界壁壘分明的時期出生的最后一代人。當(dāng)年，美國軍隊(duì)和蘇聯(lián)軍隊(duì)仍在歐洲集結(jié)、訓(xùn)練并準(zhǔn)備交戰(zhàn)。上一個世紀(jì)意識形態(tài)的壁壘大致依舊。從天體物理學(xué)到體育運(yùn)動，相互間的競賽往往被視為你死我活的爭斗。一方獲勝，另一方必失。

And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be.Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation.The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.此后短短幾年時間，世界不復(fù)以往。如今毫無疑問的是：這個變革并非由任何一個單獨(dú)的國家引發(fā)。由于無數(shù)國家多少年來采取的行動，由于俄羅斯和東歐人民挺身而出，決心以和平方式告別過去，冷戰(zhàn)從此宣告結(jié)束。

With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations--for peace and for prosperity;for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals.Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities.But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned.Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: “The real world is not so rational as on paper.” The real world is not so rational as on paper.隨著冷戰(zhàn)的結(jié)束，人們產(chǎn)生種種殷切的期待── 希望實(shí)現(xiàn)和平與繁榮；建立國家間的新秩序，以及為個人提供新機(jī)會。如同所有巨大變革的時期一樣，這是一個大展宏圖的時代，一個充滿無限機(jī)會的時代。然而，任何事物都不可能時時一帆風(fēng)順，事事如人心愿。1993年，貴校成立后不久，新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院一位學(xué)生在接受記者采訪時概括了改革的艱難。他說道：“現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。”現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。

Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world.Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty.Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world.More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people.Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion.A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm.在過去動蕩的20年中，這種說法的正確性在全世界得到證實(shí)。雖然創(chuàng)造出巨額財富，但它并未消除遍布四方的極度貧困。貧困在這里存在，在美國存在，在全世界存在。有更多的人參加了投票，但仍有太多國家的政府仍舊未能保護(hù)本國人民的權(quán)利。意識形態(tài)的斗爭逐漸減少，但代之而起的是部落、種族和宗教沖突。一個擁有電腦的人可以擁有與俄羅斯國家圖書館（Russian State Library）等量的信息，但這種技術(shù)也可被用于制造嚴(yán)重傷害。

In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship.A few prospered, but many more did not.There were tough times.But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence.And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago.在新俄羅斯，舊的政治與經(jīng)濟(jì)束縛隨著蘇聯(lián)的解體而消失，這既帶來機(jī)遇，也造成困苦。一些人致富了，但更多的人沒有。曾有過艱難的時期。但俄羅斯人民顯示了堅韌不拔的力量，作出了犧牲，通過經(jīng)濟(jì)增長取得了來之不易的進(jìn)步，并且增強(qiáng)了信心。盡管經(jīng)歷了痛苦，但東歐和俄羅斯很多人的生活比20年前大大改善。

We see that progress here at NES--a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian;a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works.Above all, we see that progress in all of you--young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.我們在這里——在新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，看到了這種進(jìn)步。這個在西方支持下成立的學(xué)院如今具有鮮明的俄羅斯特色，成為從事研究與探索的學(xué)府；在這里，檢驗(yàn)一個理念的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)不在于它是俄羅斯的、美國的、還是歐洲的，而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是，我們從你們所有人——將按自己的意愿去塑造一個年輕世紀(jì)的年輕人——身上看到這種進(jìn)步。

Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition.But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded.What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you--by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world.You get to decide.And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.你們恰恰生活在這個轉(zhuǎn)變的時代。想一想在這個學(xué)院剛成立時所提出的一些基本問題：俄羅斯將有什么樣的未來？俄羅斯和美國將有什么樣的共同未來？會有什么樣的世界秩序取代冷戰(zhàn)？對這些問題仍然沒有明確的答案，因此它們必須由你們來回答——由在俄羅斯、美國和全世界的你們這一代人來回答。決定將由你們作出。雖然我無法替你們回答這些問題，但我可以明了地談一談美國正在尋求的未來。

To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia.This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition.Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century.Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy--for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal--to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east.As President John Kennedy said, “No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War.” 首先，我要清楚表明：美國希望有一個強(qiáng)大、和平和繁榮的俄羅斯。這一信念植根于我們對俄羅斯人民的尊敬以及兩國間超越競爭關(guān)系的共同歷史。盡管兩國曾互為對手，但兩國人民在上一世紀(jì)最偉大的斗爭中互為聯(lián)盟。最近，我在諾曼底（Normandy）時曾指出這一點(diǎn)：如同來自波士頓和伯明翰的戰(zhàn)士奮不顧身攻上海灘、登上懸崖一樣，來自喀山（Kazan）、基輔（Kiev）等地的蘇聯(lián)士兵忍受了難以想象的艱難困苦，取消了——擊退了入侵，在東線扭轉(zhuǎn)了局勢。誠如約翰?肯尼迪（John Kennedy）總統(tǒng)所說，“在戰(zhàn)爭史上，任何國家都不曾遭受過蘇聯(lián)在二次世界大戰(zhàn)中所遭受的那種苦難。”

So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia.Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism;access to markets and opportunity;health and the environment;an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity.These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.因此，在銘記這一歷史的同時，我們也認(rèn)識到一個強(qiáng)大、富有生機(jī)的俄羅斯對未來的有益作用。想一想這些將決定你們生活的問題：不受核武器和極端主義傷害；市場準(zhǔn)入和機(jī)會；衛(wèi)生與環(huán)境；保護(hù)國家主權(quán)與人權(quán)并促進(jìn)穩(wěn)定與繁榮的國際體系。應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)必須靠全球合作，如果俄羅斯占在它應(yīng)有的大國位置上，這種合作關(guān)系會更為有力。

Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking;a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future.There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another.And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.但是，令人遺憾的是，有時存在著一種感覺，認(rèn)為昔日的設(shè)想，過去的思維方式一定占上風(fēng)；一種基于過去而非基于未來的實(shí)力觀。有一種20世紀(jì)的觀念，認(rèn)為美國與俄羅斯注定互為對手，認(rèn)為一個強(qiáng)大的俄羅斯或強(qiáng)大的美國惟有在相互對立中才可顯示自己的威力。還有一種19世紀(jì)的觀念，認(rèn)為我們注定要爭奪勢力范圍，認(rèn)為大國只有形成相互爭奪的集團(tuán)，才可達(dá)到平衡。

These assumptions are wrong.In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries.The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over.As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that--given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail.The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game--progress must be shared.這些設(shè)想都是錯誤的。在2009年，一個強(qiáng)國不是靠控制或妖魔化其他國家顯示實(shí)力。帝國可以將主權(quán)國家當(dāng)棋盤上的棋子擺布的時代已經(jīng)結(jié)束。如我在開羅所說，鑒于我們的獨(dú)立，任何世界秩序——鑒于我們的相互依存，任何企圖使一個國家或一個群體凌駕于另一個國家或另一群體之上的世界秩序必將失敗。尋求實(shí)力不再是零和游戲——進(jìn)步必須共享。

That's why I have called for a “reset” in relations between the United States and Russia.This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House--though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister.It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.這就是我呼吁“重啟”美俄關(guān)系的理由所在。這決不能僅限于克林姆林宮與白宮關(guān)系的新開端——盡管這一點(diǎn)很重要，我與貴國總統(tǒng)和總理分別就此舉行了極好的討論。這必須是美俄兩國人民的持久努力，以明確雙方的共同利益，擴(kuò)大對話與合作，從而為取得進(jìn)步鋪平道路。

This will not be easy.It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades.But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation.It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.這不是容易辦到的事。對于以往相互抗衡的對手而言，相互建立持久的伙伴關(guān)系有很大的困難，改變我們的政府和官僚機(jī)構(gòu)數(shù)十年來形成的根深蒂固的習(xí)慣勢力，任務(wù)也十分艱巨。但我相信在決定本世紀(jì)走向的基本問題上，美國人民與俄羅斯人民擁有共同的利益，從而提供了合作的基礎(chǔ)。俄羅斯的國家利益用不著我來闡釋，但我可以告訴你們，美國的國家利益是什么。我相信你們會發(fā)現(xiàn)我們擁有共同的基點(diǎn)。

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.首先，逆轉(zhuǎn)核武器擴(kuò)散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction.In 2009, our inheritance is different.You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror--we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries.But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint.We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.上一個世紀(jì)，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認(rèn)識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們了解，我們兩國之間發(fā)生任何戰(zhàn)爭，都將產(chǎn)生悲慘的結(jié)局。但我們確實(shí)有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現(xiàn)同樣的克制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century.The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion.In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests.Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 這就是21世紀(jì)核挑戰(zhàn)的核心問題。認(rèn)為擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認(rèn)為一旦確認(rèn)和鑒別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護(hù)自己，都?不切實(shí)際的幻想。在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的短時期內(nèi)，我們已經(jīng)看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進(jìn)行了核試驗(yàn)。如果不發(fā)生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今后20年不會出現(xiàn)核武器的進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散？

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons.That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers.And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴(kuò)散，最終爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)全世界不存在核武器的目標(biāo)。這與我們在《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。盡管我知道這個目標(biāo)不可能很快實(shí)現(xiàn)，但爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)這個目標(biāo)可以為防止核武器擴(kuò)散并避免其實(shí)際使用提供法律和道義的基礎(chǔ)。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation.Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT.And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.我們已經(jīng)為奠定這個基礎(chǔ)邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我為兩國談判達(dá)成一項(xiàng)新的條約取得了進(jìn)展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運(yùn)載系統(tǒng)的數(shù)量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據(jù)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》履行其職責(zé)的國家都有權(quán)獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強(qiáng)在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達(dá)到在四年內(nèi)保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標(biāo)至關(guān)重要。As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs.Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon.And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges--ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負(fù)責(zé)。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應(yīng)該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我同意對彈道導(dǎo)彈問題──21世紀(jì)彈道導(dǎo)彈構(gòu)成的挑戰(zhàn)，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯(lián)合進(jìn)行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations--it's about the responsibilities of all nations.If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle.And that benefits no one.As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責(zé)任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》和聯(lián)合國安理會的信譽(yù)就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強(qiáng)食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規(guī)則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement.I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe.And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran.It has nothing to do with Russia.In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer.But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.成功地執(zhí)行這些規(guī)則有助于消除產(chǎn)生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的計劃。為了加強(qiáng)美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關(guān)計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統(tǒng)的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關(guān)。事實(shí)上，我希望與俄羅斯在導(dǎo)彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強(qiáng)我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導(dǎo)彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的驅(qū)動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。

Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰(zhàn)勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths.Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims.And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali;Islamabad and Kabul;and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands.They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate--particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.多年來，“基地”組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護(hù)所，在那里進(jìn)行訓(xùn)練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan.We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations.Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity.And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory.Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban.It's time to work together on behalf of a different future--a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present;a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.正是因?yàn)槿绱耍绹幸粋€明確的目標(biāo)：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進(jìn)其安全與繁榮。正是因?yàn)檫@個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經(jīng)貴國領(lǐng)土為我們的盟軍運(yùn)送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統(tǒng)治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。現(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該為實(shí)現(xiàn)另一種前途攜手努力 ── 我們不再進(jìn)行以往的大規(guī)模競賽，同時努力解決當(dāng)前的沖突，讓我們都為中亞的安全做貢獻(xiàn)。

Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists.We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis.We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security.We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development.In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success--and we need to partner together.現(xiàn)在，在阿富汗之外，美國還致力于爭取更多的機(jī)會孤立極端主義分子。我們正在幫助伊拉克人民建設(shè)更美好的未來，將伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我們正在尋求實(shí)現(xiàn)以色列和巴勒斯坦兩個國家在和平與安全的環(huán)境中共存的目標(biāo)。我們正在與世界各地的穆斯林進(jìn)行伙伴合作，以推進(jìn)教育、衛(wèi)生和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。在每一項(xiàng)努力中，我相信俄羅斯人民都與我們有共同的目標(biāo)，并將從成功中獲益──為此，我們需要結(jié)成伙伴關(guān)系。

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity.And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.現(xiàn)在，除了這些安全問題之外，我將談?wù)摰牡谌矫娴膯栴}是美國對全球繁榮的關(guān)注。今天有如此眾多的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和未來的工商界人士在場，我知道這是你們很關(guān)心的問題。We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation.I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known.But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant--through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption--then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.我們在此會見，正值全球陷入這一代人最嚴(yán)重的衰退。我認(rèn)為，自由市場眾所周知是創(chuàng)造和分配全球財富的最強(qiáng)大的力量。但是，無論在什么地方，如果市場不受任何約束──因承擔(dān)過度的風(fēng)險，缺乏監(jiān)管或腐敗──那么一切都會受到威脅，不論我們居住在密西西比河(Mississippi)流域，還是伏爾加(Volga)河畔。

In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation.But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth.You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed.And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.在美國，我們現(xiàn)在正在采取前所未有的步驟，刺激經(jīng)濟(jì)回升，改革我們的監(jiān)管體制。但是，如同沒有任何國家能夠在全球危機(jī)中獨(dú)善其身一樣，沒有任何國家能夠單獨(dú)成為全球發(fā)展的動力。你們看，你們生活中發(fā)生了某種根本性的變化。雖然這場危機(jī)顯示出變化帶來的風(fēng)險，但是機(jī)會遠(yuǎn)大于風(fēng)險。

Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago.A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world.An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global.An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford.That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods;when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate;when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched.想想有多少在今天可能、而在20年前卻不可思議的事。一位印度班加羅爾（Bangalore）的女青年可以通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)與世界上的任何人競爭。一位在北京創(chuàng)立公司的實(shí)業(yè)家可以讓生意走向世界。一位在莫斯科的新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院教授可以與哈佛或斯坦福的同行展開合作。這些對我們所有人有益，因?yàn)楫?dāng)印度出現(xiàn)繁榮，我們的商品能有新市場；當(dāng)新思維在中國扎根，它促使我們的商界創(chuàng)新；當(dāng)人與人之間建立起新的關(guān)系，它豐富開闊了我們所有人。

There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians.We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world.We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change.All of that, Americans and Russians can do together.美國人和俄羅斯人之間有著擴(kuò)大合作的巨大潛能。我們可以發(fā)展自由、公平的貿(mào)易，與世界更廣大地區(qū)融合；我們可以推動投資，給兩國創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會；我們可以在能源領(lǐng)域發(fā)展伙伴關(guān)系，不僅調(diào)動石油和天然氣等傳統(tǒng)資源，而且開發(fā)新能源，帶動增長，應(yīng)對氣候變化。對所有這一切，美國人和俄羅斯人都可以進(jìn)行合作。

Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you.It's people;it's young people especially.And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed.That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law.As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development.People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe.Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea--that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century.然而，政府雖能夠倡導(dǎo)這些合作，但最終還要靠每一個人來發(fā)展合作，因?yàn)閷θ魏我粋€國家來說，21世紀(jì)的最寶貴資源是你們──是人；特別是年輕人。調(diào)動這項(xiàng)資源的國家將是一個成功的國家。而成功要基于在法治中運(yùn)作的經(jīng)濟(jì)。正如梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)所正確指出的，成熟和有效的法律體制是經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)發(fā)展的條件。人們在任何地方都應(yīng)享有不靠行賄而經(jīng)商或求學(xué)的權(quán)利，無論他們是在美國、在俄羅斯、在非洲、還是在拉丁美洲。這并不是美國的理念或俄羅斯的理念──這是人以及國家在21世紀(jì)的成功之路。

And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss--America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people.接下來我準(zhǔn)備講述的第四個問題是，保護(hù)本國人民權(quán)利的民主政府體現(xiàn)了美國的利益。

By no means is America perfect.But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time.Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied.The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power.Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government.Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable.If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President.Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights--people who looked like me.But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States.美國并非十全十美。但正是因?yàn)槲覀儓猿帜承┢毡榈膬r值觀，我們才有可能彌補(bǔ)不足之處，不斷努力改進(jìn)，假以時日即可愈益強(qiáng)大。由于倡導(dǎo)言論自由和集會自由，婦女、少數(shù)族裔和工人可以在自己的權(quán)利被剝奪的時候?yàn)楂@得全部的平等權(quán)利進(jìn)行抗?fàn)帯Ｓ捎趯?shí)行法治和司法平等，壟斷被打破，腐敗的政治機(jī)器被關(guān)閉，濫用權(quán)力的行為被制止。由于存在獨(dú)立的媒體，工商業(yè)和政府的各級腐敗行為被公之于眾。由于采取競選制度，我們可以改弦易轍，責(zé)成領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人忠于職守。如果我國的民主沒有發(fā)揮促進(jìn)這些權(quán)利的作用，那么我本人作為非洲裔的后代，就不可能以美國公民的身份向你們發(fā)表講話，更不可能以美國總統(tǒng)的身份站在這里。在我國建國之初，我還沒有什么權(quán)利——指當(dāng)年和我類似的人們。但正是因?yàn)榻?jīng)歷了這樣的過程，現(xiàn)在我可以作為美國總統(tǒng)站在你們面前。

So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work.The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive;governments which serve only their own power do not.Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others.Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners.And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia--nations that today live with great security and prosperity.因此，在世界各地，美國支持這些價值觀，因?yàn)樗鼈兪堑懒x的，也因?yàn)樗鼈兪怯行У摹v史的軌跡顯示，為民服務(wù)的政府生存壯大；為自身謀利的政府則非如此。代表民意的政府很少會導(dǎo)致國家墮落衰敗或恫嚇公民、挑起戰(zhàn)爭。那些促進(jìn)法治、接受監(jiān)督、容許獨(dú)立機(jī)構(gòu)的政府是更為可靠的貿(mào)易伙伴。在美國自身歷史上，民主國家一直是我們最持久的同盟，其中包括我們曾與之交戰(zhàn)的歐洲和亞洲國家──這些國家如今享有極大的安全與繁榮。

Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country.And we haven't always done what we should have on that front.Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies.We do so not because we agree with him.We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not.但讓我明確這一點(diǎn)：美國不能夠也不應(yīng)該謀求將任何政府體制強(qiáng)加于任何國家；我們也不會擅自認(rèn)為應(yīng)該由哪個政黨或個人主管國家。在這方面我們不是一向做得很理想。就在我們在這里聚會的今天，美國現(xiàn)在支持洪都拉斯民選總統(tǒng)復(fù)職，盡管他強(qiáng)烈反對美國的政策。我們這樣做并不是因?yàn)槲覀冑澩Ｎ覀冞@樣做是因?yàn)槲覀冏鹬剡@樣一個普世原則，即應(yīng)該由人民選擇他們自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，無論我們對這些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人贊同與否。

And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.由此引到我要討論的最后一個方面，即美國希望看到一個推動合作同時尊重所有國家主權(quán)的國際體制。

State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order.Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies.That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States.Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy.That's why we must apply this principle to all nations--and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine.America will never impose a security arrangement on another country.For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to;they must undertake reforms;they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission.And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.國家主權(quán)必須是國際秩序的根基。猶如所有國家應(yīng)該有權(quán)選擇自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一樣，國家也必須有權(quán)保障自己邊境的安全和制定自己的外交政策。這包括俄羅斯，也包括美國。任何割讓那些權(quán)利的體制都將導(dǎo)致政治混亂。因此，我們必須將這一原則用于所有國家──其中包括像格魯吉亞和烏克蘭這樣的國家。美國將絕不把安全機(jī)制強(qiáng)加于另一個國家。例如，任何國家要成為北約組織的一員都必須是基于其大多數(shù)公民的意愿；這些國家必須實(shí)行改革；它們必須能夠?yàn)楸奔s組織的使命貢獻(xiàn)力量。讓我明確表示：北約應(yīng)該謀求與俄羅斯的合作，而不是對抗。And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples.As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests.But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world.That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands.That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge;a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed;a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.在更廣泛的層次上，我們需要增進(jìn)在所有國家和人民之間的合作與尊重。作為美國總統(tǒng)，我要不懈地為維護(hù)美國的安全和推進(jìn)美國的利益而努力。但是，沒有任何一個國家能夠獨(dú)自應(yīng)對21世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)或讓世界按自己的意志行事。美國現(xiàn)在認(rèn)識到這點(diǎn)，俄羅斯也是如此。正因?yàn)槿绱耍绹鶎で蟮氖且粋€能夠讓各國和平發(fā)展自身利益──尤其是當(dāng)這些利益相異時──的國際體制；一個使普世人權(quán)受尊重、踐踏人權(quán)行為受抵制的體制；一個我們將自己和其他國家一視同仁、所有國家都具有明確的權(quán)利與責(zé)任的體制。

There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting.Those days are over.The world is more complex today.Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet.Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build--not destroy.We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away;we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies.Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children.That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well.當(dāng)年羅斯福(Roosevelt)、邱吉爾(Churchill)和斯大林(Stalin)可以通過一次會議改變世界。但那個時代已經(jīng)結(jié)束。今天，全世界的情況更為復(fù)雜。在全球每一個角落，數(shù)十億人民已經(jīng)發(fā)出自己的聲音，并尋求以自己的方式實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮和自決。過去20多年來，我們親眼目睹了市場的發(fā)達(dá)、財富的擴(kuò)展和利用技術(shù)進(jìn)行建設(shè)——不是為了毀滅。我們看見老一代人的仇恨歸于消泯，人與人之間想像中的差異逐漸淡薄和消逝；我們看見人類的未來掌握在越來越多能夠決定自己命運(yùn)的人手中。現(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該看見，你們經(jīng)歷的過渡時期正迎來一個新時代，世界各國可以和平相處，各國人民也可以實(shí)現(xiàn)對尊嚴(yán)、安全和為子孫后代改善生活的渴望。這正是美國的利益所在。我相信，這也是俄羅斯的利益所在。

I know that this future can seem distant.Change is hard.In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper.But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time.One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire.When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony.When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few.我知道，這樣的未來似乎還很遙遠(yuǎn)。變革并非輕而易舉。正如新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院的那位學(xué)生在1993年所說的，現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。但是不妨想一想過去已經(jīng)發(fā)生的變革。一百年前，俄羅斯還在受沙皇的統(tǒng)治。整個歐洲仍然是帝國的天下。我出生的時候，種族隔離在美國部份地區(qū)仍屬當(dāng)?shù)睾戏ǖ男袨椤Ｎ腋赣H的原籍肯尼亞(Kenya)還是別國的殖民地。你們剛出生的時候，還不可能建立這樣一個學(xué)院，同時只有少數(shù)有條件的人知道因特網(wǎng)。

You get to decide what comes next.You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground;the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create.That is the source of power in this century.And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come.你們必須確定下一步怎么走。你們必須選擇變革引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)的方向，因?yàn)槲磥聿粚儆谠趹?zhàn)場上調(diào)兵遣將的人，也不屬于在地面上安置導(dǎo)彈的人；未來屬于有教養(yǎng)的、充滿想象力開創(chuàng)新天地的年輕一代。這才是這個世紀(jì)力量的源泉。考慮到你們這一代20多年來全世界發(fā)生的一切變化，不妨想一想你們在今后的年代可以有哪些開創(chuàng)性的作為。

Every country charts its own course.Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes.As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions;look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common.Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress.And it is all in your hands.Good luck to all of you.Thank you very much.(Applause.)每一個國家都需要規(guī)劃本國的道路。俄羅斯已經(jīng)走過了歲月的征程，正如一條洶涌澎湃的大河穿越深深的峽谷，在身后留下了人類歷史不可磨滅的印記。在你們繼續(xù)奮進(jìn)的道路上展望遠(yuǎn)大前程，只要我們拋棄歷史的障礙和疑慮，不再背負(fù)沉重的包袱；展望遠(yuǎn)大前程，╗要我們?yōu)榱藢?shí)現(xiàn)共同的愿望相互合作。我們?nèi)绻麛y手共進(jìn)，完全可以建成能夠保護(hù)人民，拓展繁榮和真正運(yùn)用我們的實(shí)力不斷進(jìn)步的世界。愿上帝保佑你們大家一切順利。多謝諸位。(掌聲)

第三篇：奧巴馬 巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮演講

巴納德學(xué)院

Thank you so much.(Applause.)Thank you.Please, please have a seat.Thank you.(Applause.)Thank you, President Spar, trustees, President Bollinger.Hello, Class of 2012.(Applause.)Congratulations on reaching this day.Thank you for the honor of being able to be a part of it.非常感謝,謝謝大家,請入座,謝謝。謝謝你們，斯巴院長（中文名石德葆）、各位校董、伯林格校長。你們好，2012屆畢業(yè)生！（掌聲）祝賀你們迎來了這一天。感謝你們讓我有幸來參加這個活動。

There are so many people who are proud of you--your parents, family, faculty and friends--all who share in this achievement.So please give them a big round of applause.(Applause.)To all the moms who are here today, you could not ask for a better Mother’s Day gift than to see all of these folks graduate.(Applause.)有很多人為你們感到驕傲——你們的父母、家人、師長和朋友——都為取得這一成就出了力。請為他們熱烈鼓掌。（掌聲）今天在座的各位母親，再沒有比看到所有孩子們畢業(yè)更好的母親節(jié)禮物了。（掌聲）

I have to say, though, whenever I come to these things, I start thinking about Malia and Sasha graduating, and I start tearing up and--(laughter)--it's terrible.I don't know how you guys are holding it together.(Laughter.)但是我得說，每當(dāng)我來到這種場合，就會想到瑪莉婭和薩夏將來畢業(yè)的情景，我就會熱淚盈眶——（笑聲）——真恐怖，我難以想象你們怎么都能夠把持得住。（笑聲）

I will begin by telling a hard truth: I’m a Columbia college graduate.(Laughter and applause.)I know there can be a little bit of a sibling rivalry here.(Laughter.)But I’m honored nevertheless to be your commencement speaker today--although I’ve got to say, you set a pretty high bar given the past three years.(Applause.)Hillary Clinton--(applause)--Meryl Streep--(applause)--Sheryl Sandberg--these are not easy acts to follow.(Applause.)我一開始就要說明一個確鑿的事實(shí)：我是一名哥倫比亞大學(xué)的畢業(yè)生。（笑聲和掌聲）我知道可能會有一點(diǎn)同門弟子相爭的勁兒。（笑聲）但我還是為能夠在你們今天的畢業(yè)典禮上講話而感到榮幸——不過我得說，你們在過去三年樹立了相當(dāng)高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。（掌聲）希拉里·克林頓——（掌聲）——梅麗爾·斯特里普——（掌聲）——謝里爾·桑德伯格——在她們之后出場可不容易。（掌聲）

But I will point out Hillary is doing an extraordinary job as one of the finest Secretaries of State America has ever had.(Applause.)We gave Meryl the Presidential Medal of Arts and Humanities.(Applause.)Sheryl is not just a good friend;she’s also one of our economic advisers.So it’s like the old saying goes--keep your friends close, and your Barnard commencement speakers even closer.(Applause.)There's wisdom in that.(Laughter.)但我要指出，希拉里的工作極為出色，她是美國有史以來最杰出的國務(wù)卿之一。（掌聲）我們已授予梅麗爾藝術(shù)與人文總統(tǒng)獎?wù)隆＃ㄕ坡暎┲x里爾不僅是一位好朋友，還是我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)顧問之一。正如那句老話——親近你的朋友，但更要親近在你們巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上講話的人。（掌聲）這話寓意深長。（笑聲）

Now, the year I graduated--this area looks familiar(laughter)--the year I graduated was 1983, the first year women were admitted to Columbia.(Applause.)Sally Ride was the first American woman in space.Music was all about Michael and the Moonwalk.(Laughter.)話說我畢業(yè)那年——這地方看著眼熟（笑聲）——我畢業(yè)于1983年，哥倫比亞大學(xué)錄取女生的第一年。（掌聲）當(dāng)時薩莉·萊德成為第一位進(jìn)入太空的美國女性。那時的音樂全是邁克爾和太空步（笑聲）

[AUDIENCE MEMBER: Do it!(Laughter.)] 【畫外音：一名聽眾說“走一個！”（笑聲）】

No Moonwalking.(Laughter.)No Moonwalking today.(Laughter.)不走太空步。（笑聲）今天不走太空步。（笑聲）

巴納德學(xué)院

impatient even, to step into the rushing waters of history and change its course.我今天的任務(wù)就是要告訴你們，不要相信這些說法。因?yàn)楸M管困難很大，但我堅信你們的能力更大。我看到過你們的激情，我看到過你們的奉獻(xiàn)。我看到過你們的投入，我看到過你們挺身而出，人數(shù)空前。我聽到了你們的聲音，創(chuàng)意和對數(shù)碼技術(shù)的精通使得這種聲音格外響亮，而我們這些年長的人幾乎不得其解。我看到心情迫切、躍躍欲試的一代人準(zhǔn)備躋身歷史激流中，扭轉(zhuǎn)其方向。

And that defiant, can-do spirit is what runs through the veins of American history.It’s the lifeblood of all our progress.And it is that spirit which we need your generation to embrace and rekindle right now.這種蔑視困難、積極進(jìn)取的精神貫穿于整個美國歷史的進(jìn)程。這種精神是我們一切進(jìn)步的源泉。此時此刻，我們需要你們這一代繼承和發(fā)揚(yáng)光大的正是這種精神。

See, the question is not whether things will get better--they always do.The question is not whether we’ve got the solutions to our challenges--we’ve had them within our grasp for quite some time.We know, for example, that this country would be better off if more Americans were able to get the kind of education that you’ve received here at Barnard--(applause)--if more people could get the specific skills and training that employers are looking for today.可以看出，問題并不在于事情是否會好轉(zhuǎn)——情況總會變好的。問題也不在于我們是否已經(jīng)有了應(yīng)對我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)的辦法——我們一直掌握著這些辦法，已有相當(dāng)一段時間了。比如說，我們知道，如果有更多的美國人能得到你們在巴納德得到的這樣的教育（掌聲）——如果有更多的人能夠獲得今天的雇主所需要的那些特定的技能和訓(xùn)練，美國的情況會更好。

We know that we’d all be better off if we invest in science and technology that sparks new businesses and medical breakthroughs;if we developed more clean energy so we could use less foreign oil and reduce the carbon pollution that’s threatening our planet.(Applause.)

我們知道，如果我們投資于能夠造就新的企業(yè)并帶動醫(yī)學(xué)突破的科學(xué)與技術(shù)，如果我們開發(fā)出更多的清潔能源以減少使用外國石油并減少對我們的地球構(gòu)成威脅的碳污染，我們的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）

We know that we’re better off when there are rules that stop big banks from making bad bets with other people’s money and--(applause)--when insurance companies aren’t allowed to drop your coverage when you need it most or charge women differently from men.(Applause.)Indeed, we know we are better off when women are treated fairly and equally in every aspect of American life--whether it’s the salary you earn or the health decisions you make.(Applause.)

我們知道，如果有一定的規(guī)則制止大銀行拿別人的錢去惡賭（掌聲）——如果不允許保險公司在你最需要的時候取消你的保險資格或者對男女收費(fèi)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)不一，我們的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）確實(shí)，我們都知道，如果婦女在國家生活的方方面面都能得到公平與平等的對待——無論是你的薪金所得還是你所作的健康決定，我們的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）

We know these things to be true.We know that our challenges are eminently solvable.The question is whether together, we can muster the will--in our own lives, in our common institutions, in our politics--to bring about the changes we need.And I’m convinced your generation possesses that will.And I believe that the women of this generation--that all of you will help lead the way.(Applause.)我們知道這些都是實(shí)實(shí)在在的道理。我們知道，我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)顯然都是可以解決的。問題是，我們是否能夠擰成一股繩，拿出意志力——在我們自己的生活中，在我們共同的體制中，在我們的政治事務(wù)中——實(shí)現(xiàn)我們所需的變革。我堅信，你們這一代具有這種意志力。我相信，這一代女性——你們所有的人將會在這條道路上走在前面。

Now, I recognize that’s a cheap applause line when you're giving a commencement at Barnard.(Laughter.)It’s the easy thing to say.But it’s true.It is--in part, it is simple math.Today, women

巴納德學(xué)院

Our founders understood that America does not stand still;we are dynamic, not static.We look forward, not back.And now that new doors have been opened for you, you’ve got an obligation to seize those opportunities.我們的開國元勛認(rèn)識到，美國并非一成不變；我們充滿活力，不會停滯不前。我們向前看，不回頭。既然新的大門已為你們敞開，你們就有義務(wù)把握這些機(jī)會。

You need to do this not just for yourself but for those who don’t yet enjoy the choices that you’ve had, the choices you will have.And one reason many workplaces still have outdated policies is because women only account for 3 percent of the CEOs at Fortune 500 companies.One reason we’re actually refighting long-settled battles over women’s rights is because women occupy fewer than one in five seats in Congress.你們需要這么做，不僅為了你們自己，也是為了那些沒有得到你們已經(jīng)有過以及還將擁有的種種選擇的人。許多工作場所仍在實(shí)行過時的政策，原因之一就是婦女只占財富500強(qiáng)公司首席行政官的3%。我們?nèi)栽跒闋幦D女權(quán)利而再次進(jìn)行早已完成的抗?fàn)帲蛑痪褪菋D女在國會所占的席位還不到五分之一。

Now, I’m not saying that the only way to achieve success is by climbing to the top of the corporate ladder or running for office--although, let’s face it, Congress would get a lot more done if you did.(Laughter and applause.)That I think we’re sure about.But if you decide not to sit yourself at the table, at the very least you’ve got to make sure you have a say in who does.It matters.我不是說取得成功的唯一途徑是晉升到公司的最高層，或是競選公職，不過，請讓我們面對這個事實(shí)：如果你們競選公職，國會將能大有作為。（笑聲和掌聲）我想大家對此是深信無疑的。但如果你們決定不親身參政，至少也應(yīng)該確保自己有權(quán)選擇議員。這很重要。

Before women like Barbara Mikulski and Olympia Snowe and others got to Congress, just to take one example, much of federally-funded research on diseases focused solely on their effects on men.It wasn’t until women like Patsy Mink and Edith Green got to Congress and passed Title IX, 40 years ago this year, that we declared women, too, should be allowed to compete and win on America’s playing fields.(Applause.)Until a woman named Lilly Ledbetter showed up at her office and had the courage to step up and say, you know what, this isn’t right, women weren’t being treated fairly--we lacked some of the tools we needed to uphold the basic principle of equal pay for equal work.例如，在像芭芭拉·米庫爾斯基和奧林匹婭·斯諾及其他女性進(jìn)入國會前，聯(lián)邦資助的大部分疾病研究主要側(cè)重于疾病對男性的影響。40年前的今天，帕齊·明克和伊迪絲·格林等女性進(jìn)入國會并通過[教育法修正案]《第九條》，從而宣布女性也有資格在美國的運(yùn)動場上參與競賽并取勝。（掌聲）一個名叫莉莉·萊德貝特的女性來到她的辦公室，勇敢地而明確地說：你們知道嗎，這不對，女性沒有得到公正待遇——我們?nèi)狈σ恍┍匾氖侄魏葱l(wèi)同工同酬的基本原則。

So don’t accept somebody else’s construction of the way things ought to be.It’s up to you to right wrongs.It’s up to you to point out injustice.It’s up to you to hold the system accountable and sometimes upend it entirely.It’s up to you to stand up and to be heard, to write and to lobby, to march, to organize, to vote.Don’t be content to just sit back and watch.所以不要接受別人對于事情理當(dāng)如何的看法。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來糾正錯誤做法。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來指出不公不義。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來督促社會體制負(fù)起責(zé)任，有時需要全盤改變。你應(yīng)當(dāng)挺身而出，發(fā)表意見，撰文游說，游行示威，組織民眾，投票表決。不要滿足于袖手旁觀。

Those who oppose change, those who benefit from an unjust status quo, have always bet on the public’s cynicism or the public's complacency.Throughout American history, though, they have lost that bet, and I believe they will this time as well.(Applause.)But ultimately, Class of 2012, that will depend on you.Don’t wait for the person next to you to be the first to speak up for what’s right.巴納德學(xué)院

她，不要在意我們的流行文化對于美麗和時尚的迷戀－－（掌聲）－－而是專注學(xué)習(xí)，發(fā)明創(chuàng)新，與人競爭，發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用，她就會一直在意那些事情。好，米歇爾會說，在意一點(diǎn)又何妨。（笑聲）你可以既時髦又有力量。（掌聲）那是米歇爾的建議。（掌聲）

And never forget that the most important example a young girl will ever follow is that of a parent.Malia and Sasha are going to be outstanding women because Michelle and Marian Robinson are outstanding women.So understand your power, and use it wisely.千萬不要忘記一個女孩仿效的最重要榜樣就是她的父母。瑪莉婭和莎夏將會成為杰出的女性，因?yàn)槊仔獱柡同旣惏病斮e遜都是杰出的女性。所以，要認(rèn)識到你們的力量，并且明智地加以運(yùn)用。

My last piece of advice--this is simple, but perhaps most important: Persevere.Persevere.Nothing worthwhile is easy.No one of achievement has avoided failure--sometimes catastrophic failures.But they keep at it.They learn from mistakes.They don’t quit.我的最后一點(diǎn)建議－－這很簡單，但可能是最重要的一點(diǎn)：堅持不懈。堅持不懈。有價值的事物得之不易。沒有一個有成就的人能夠避免失敗－－有時甚至是一敗涂地。可是他們堅持不懈，從錯誤中學(xué)習(xí)。他們絕不放棄。

You know, when I first arrived on this campus, it was with little money, fewer options.But it was here that I tried to find my place in this world.I knew I wanted to make a difference, but it was vague how in fact I’d go about it.(Laughter.)But I wanted to do my part to do my part to shape a better world.你知道，我剛到這校園時，沒多少錢更沒多少選擇。但正是在這里，我試圖尋找我在這個世界上的立足之地。我知道我想有所作為，但卻不清楚如何去做。(笑聲）可我想盡自己力量去建設(shè)一個更好的世界。

So even as I worked after graduation in a few unfulfilling jobs here in New York--I will not list them all--(laughter)--even as I went from motley apartment to motley apartment, I reached out.I started to write letters to community organizations all across the country.And one day, a small group of churches on the South Side of Chicago answered, offering me work with people in neighborhoods hit hard by steel mills that were shutting down and communities where jobs were dying away.因此，即使當(dāng)我畢業(yè)后在紐約從事幾份沒有成就感的工作的時候——我不會一 一列舉——（笑聲）——即使在我搬出一間雜亂的公寓又搬到另一間同樣雜亂的公寓的時候，我也在努力求索。我開始給全國各地的社區(qū)組織寫信。有一天，芝加哥南區(qū)的一個小型教會組織回了信，給了我一份為當(dāng)?shù)鼐用穹?wù)的工作，他們那里的鋼廠停業(yè)使他們受到沉重打擊，那里的就業(yè)機(jī)會也一天天消失。

The community had been plagued by gang violence, so once I arrived, one of the first things we tried to do was to mobilize a meeting with community leaders to deal with gangs.And I’d worked for weeks on this project.We invited the police;we made phone calls;we went to churches;we passed out flyers.The night of the meeting we arranged rows and rows of chairs in anticipation of this crowd.And we waited, and we waited.And finally, a group of older folks walked in to the hall and they sat down.And this little old lady raised her hand and asked, “Is this where the bingo game is?”(Laughter.)It was a disaster.Nobody showed up.My first big community meeting--nobody showed up.當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)一直被幫派暴力所擾，所以我一到那里，我們爭取做的第一件事情就是與社區(qū)領(lǐng)袖開會商量應(yīng)對幫派的對策。我為這項(xiàng)工作忙了好幾個星期。我們邀請了警察；我們打了電話，我們?nèi)チ私烫茫晃覀兩l(fā)了傳單。要開會的那天晚上，我們排好了一排排椅子，以為會有一大群人到會。我們等啊等。最后，一??群老人走進(jìn)大廳，然后坐下來。有一位瘦小的老太太舉起了手，問道：“賓果游戲是在這里嗎？”(笑聲)真是糟糕透了。沒有人來。我的第一個社區(qū)大會——沒有人到場。

And later, the volunteers I worked with told me, that's it;we’re quitting.They'd been doing this for

巴納德學(xué)院

She only had a high school education.She got a job at a local bank.She hit the glass ceiling, and watched men she once trained promoted up the ladder ahead of her.But she didn’t quit.Rather than grow hard or angry each time she got passed over, she kept doing her job as best as she knew how, and ultimately ended up being vice president at the bank.She didn’t quit.她僅受過高中教育。她在當(dāng)?shù)劂y行找到一份工作，她遇到了事業(yè)上的玻璃天花板，眼看著她曾經(jīng)培訓(xùn)過的男人晉升到比她更高的級別。但她沒有退卻。她沒有因一次次機(jī)會旁落而變得冷漠或憤怒，而是繼續(xù)盡自己最大努力做好工作，最終她成為銀行的副總裁。她沒有退卻。

And later on, I met a woman who was assigned to advise me on my first summer job at a law firm.And she gave me such good advice that I married her.(Laughter.)And Michelle and I gave everything we had to balance our careers and a young family.But let’s face it, no matter how enlightened I must have thought myself to be, it often fell more on her shoulders when I was traveling, when I was away.I know that when she was with our girls, she’d feel guilty that she wasn’t giving enough time to her work, and when she was at her work, she’d feel guilty she wasn’t giving enough time to our girls.And both of us wished we had some superpower that would let us be in two places at once.But we persisted.We made that marriage work.后來，我遇到一位女性，她被派來擔(dān)任我在一家律師事務(wù)所從事的第一份暑期工作的指導(dǎo)。她對我的指導(dǎo)如此之好，以致于我娶了她。（笑聲）米歇爾和我竭盡全力在發(fā)展事業(yè)與照顧幼小的孩子之間找到平衡。但是說實(shí)話，不管我當(dāng)時可能認(rèn)為自己是多么開通，在我外出旅行時，在我不在家時，家事往往更多地落在她的肩上。我知道，在照顧我們的兩個女兒時，她為沒有在工作上付出足夠時間感到內(nèi)疚；而當(dāng)她上班時，又為沒有給孩子足夠的時間感到內(nèi)疚。我們倆都唯愿我們有某種超人的能力，使我們能夠兩者兼顧。但我們堅持住了，我們的努力保證了婚姻的成功。

And the reason Michelle had the strength to juggle everything, and put up with me and eventually the public spotlight, was because she, too, came from a family of folks who didn’t quit--because she saw her dad get up and go to work every day even though he never finished college, even though he had crippling MS.She saw her mother, even though she never finished college, in that school, that urban school, every day making sure Michelle and her brother were getting the education they deserved.Michelle saw how her parents never quit.They never indulged in self-pity, no matter how stacked the odds were against them.They didn't quit.米歇爾之所以能堅強(qiáng)地招架一切并忍受我，而且最終忍受公眾聚光，是因?yàn)樗瑯觼碜砸粋€不輕易退卻的家庭——因?yàn)樗吹剿母赣H每天一大早起來去上班，盡管他從未念完大學(xué)，盡管他患有影響行動的多發(fā)性硬化癥。她看到，盡管她的母親從未念完大學(xué)，但在那個學(xué)校，那個貧民區(qū)的學(xué)校，她每天都確保米歇爾和她哥哥受到他們應(yīng)該得到的教育。米歇爾看到她的父母從不放棄。他們從不沉溺于自憐，不管他們面臨多么不利的境況。他們從不放棄。

Those are the folks who inspire me.People ask me sometimes, who inspires you, Mr.President? Those quiet heroes all across this country--some of your parents and grandparents who are sitting here--no fanfare, no articles written about them, they just persevere.They just do their jobs.They meet their responsibilities.They don't quit.I'm only here because of them.They may not have set out to change the world, but in small, important ways, they did.They certainly changed mine.正是這些人激勵著我。人們有時問我，總統(tǒng)先生，是誰激勵著你？是這個國家各地那些默默耕耘的英雄——今天在座的你們一些人的父母和祖父母——他們不張揚(yáng)，沒有文章報道他們，他們只是堅持不懈。他們只是做好本職工作。他們履行自己的責(zé)任。他們不放棄。正是因?yàn)橛兴麄兾也耪镜竭@里。他們或許并沒有從一開始就要改變世界，但他們以一點(diǎn)一滴的重要方式，改變了世界。他們無疑改變了我的世界。

So whether it’s starting a business, or running for office, or raising an amazing family, remember that making your mark on the world is hard.It takes patience.It takes commitment.It comes with plenty of setbacks and it comes with plenty of failures.

第四篇：美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的演講

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的演講

Gostinny Dvor 會展中心

俄羅斯,莫斯科 2009年7月7日

Thank you so much.Well, congratulations, Oxana.And to the entire Class of 2009, congratulations to you.I don't know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like I did, but I'm sure that you're all going to have wonderful careers.多謝大家。祝賀你，奧科薩納(Oxana)。2009屆全體同學(xué)，祝賀你們。我不知道是否還有其他人像我一樣在同窗讀書時遇到未來的妻子或丈夫，不過我肯定你們都會有美好的前途。

I want to acknowledge a few people who are here.We have President Mikhail Gorbachev is here today, and I want everybody to give him a big round of applause.(Applause.)I want to thank Sergei Gurief, Director of the New Economic School.(Applause.)Max Boiko, their Chairman of the Board.(Applause.)And Arkady Dvorkovich, who is the NES board member, President of the Alumni Association and is doing an excellent job for President Medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday.(Applause.)我希望向在場的幾位致謝。蒞會的有米哈伊爾·戈?duì)柊蛦谭?Mikhail Gorbachev)總統(tǒng)，我希望大家給予他熱烈的掌聲。(掌聲)我感謝新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院院長謝爾蓋·古里埃夫(Sergei Gurief)。(掌聲)學(xué)院董事會主席馬克斯·博伊科(Max Boiko)。(掌聲)學(xué)院董事會成員兼校友會會長阿爾卡季·德沃科維奇(Arkady Dvorkovich)，他正以出色的表現(xiàn)為梅德韋杰夫(Medvedev)總統(tǒng)工作，他昨天還出席了我們的會談。(掌聲)Good morning.It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School.Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow.And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January.(Laughter and applause.)早上好。我非常榮幸能參加新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院的這次活動。米歇爾和我來到莫斯科，感到十分高興。作為出生在夏威夷的人，我感到高興的是能在7月而不是1月份來到這里。(笑聲和掌聲)

I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage.Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths.Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty.Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space.我知道，新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院是一個年輕的院校，但今天我心懷對俄羅斯不朽的傳統(tǒng)的高度敬重之情對你們發(fā)表講話。俄羅斯作家?guī)椭覀兞私馊松募姺睆?fù)雜，認(rèn)識到永恒的真理。俄羅斯畫家、作曲家和舞蹈家使我們領(lǐng)略到了美的新形式。俄羅斯科學(xué)家治愈了疾病，開拓了新的發(fā)展領(lǐng)域，幫助人們飛向太空。

These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are.Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share.That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades;we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation.And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians--specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin.We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C.(Applause.)盡管俄羅斯幅員遼闊，但這些貢獻(xiàn)并未局限在俄羅斯疆界之內(nèi)。毫無疑問，俄羅斯的傳統(tǒng)已傳播到世界每一個角落，激發(fā)了我們共有的人性。其中也包括我自己的國家，幾十年來因俄羅斯移民獲益良多；我國獲得俄羅斯文化的豐富營養(yǎng)，也因與俄羅斯的合作得到發(fā)展。作為首都華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)的居民，我繼續(xù)獲得俄羅斯人的貢獻(xiàn)帶來的惠益──特別是因?yàn)閬喠ι酱蟆W韋奇金(Alexander Ovechkin)。他住在華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)，我們非常高興。(掌聲)Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity.As Pushkin said, “Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry.” And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate.You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry;in finance and government.But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.在新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，你們繼承了這個偉大的文化傳統(tǒng)。你們盡管以經(jīng)濟(jì)為重點(diǎn)，但對人類的未來也同樣至關(guān)重要。正如普希金所說，“靈感對于幾何學(xué)，如同靈感對于詩歌一樣必不可少。” 今天，我特別希望對即將畢業(yè)的同學(xué)說一些話。你們即將成為學(xué)術(shù)界和工業(yè)界的領(lǐng)軍人，成為金融界和政界的主力。然而，在你們邁出這一步之前，有必要回顧在你們成長期間發(fā)生的歷史。

Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe.But you are the last generation born when the world was divided.At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight.The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place.Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game.If one person won, then the other person had to lose.如同梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我一樣，你們當(dāng)時年紀(jì)尚幼，未能親歷冷戰(zhàn)最黑暗的年代，那時在大氣層試爆了氫彈，孩子們進(jìn)入防空洞參加演習(xí)，我們曾經(jīng)走到核災(zāi)難的邊緣。你們是全世界壁壘分明的時期出生的最后一代人。當(dāng)年，美國軍隊(duì)和蘇聯(lián)軍隊(duì)仍在歐洲集結(jié)、訓(xùn)練并準(zhǔn)備交戰(zhàn)。上一個世紀(jì)意識形態(tài)的壁壘大致依舊。從天體物理學(xué)到體育運(yùn)動，相互間的競賽往往被視為你死我活的爭斗。一方獲勝，另一方必失。

And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be.Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation.The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.此后短短幾年時間，世界不復(fù)以往。如今毫無疑問的是：這個變革并非由任何一個單獨(dú)的國家引發(fā)。由于無數(shù)國家多少年來采取的行動，由于俄羅斯和東歐人民挺身而出，決心以和平方式告別過去，冷戰(zhàn)從此宣告結(jié)束。

With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations--for peace and for prosperity;for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals.Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities.But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned.Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: “The real world is not so rational as on paper.” The real world is not so rational as on paper.隨著冷戰(zhàn)的結(jié)束，人們產(chǎn)生種種殷切的期待── 希望實(shí)現(xiàn)和平與繁榮；建立國家間的新秩序，以及為個人提供新機(jī)會。如同所有巨大變革的時期一樣，這是一個大展宏圖的時代，一個充滿無限機(jī)會的時代。然而，任何事物都不可能時時一帆風(fēng)順，事事如人心愿。1993年，貴校成立后不久，新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院一位學(xué)生在接受記者采訪時概括了改革的艱難。他說道：“現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。”現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。

Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world.Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty.Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world.More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people.Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion.A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm.在過去動蕩的20年中，這種說法的正確性在全世界得到證實(shí)。雖然創(chuàng)造出巨額財富，但它并未消除遍布四方的極度貧困。貧困在這里存在，在美國存在，在全世界存在。有更多的人參加了投票，但仍有太多國家的政府仍舊未能保護(hù)本國人民的權(quán)利。意識形態(tài)的斗爭逐漸減少，但代之而起的是部落、種族和宗教沖突。一個擁有電腦的人可以擁有與俄羅斯國家圖書館（Russian State Library）等量的信息，但這種技術(shù)也可被用于制造嚴(yán)重傷害。

In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship.A few prospered, but many more did not.There were tough times.But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence.And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago.在新俄羅斯，舊的政治與經(jīng)濟(jì)束縛隨著蘇聯(lián)的解體而消失，這既帶來機(jī)遇，也造成困苦。一些人致富了，但更多的人沒有。曾有過艱難的時期。但俄羅斯人民顯示了堅韌不拔的力量，作出了犧牲，通過經(jīng)濟(jì)增長取得了來之不易的進(jìn)步，并且增強(qiáng)了信心。盡管經(jīng)歷了痛苦，但東歐和俄羅斯很多人的生活比20年前大大改善。

We see that progress here at NES--a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian;a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works.Above all, we see that progress in all of you--young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.我們在這里——在新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，看到了這種進(jìn)步。這個在西方支持下成立的學(xué)院如今具有鮮明的俄羅斯特色，成為從事研究與探索的學(xué)府；在這里，檢驗(yàn)一個理念的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)不在于它是俄羅斯的、美國的、還是歐洲的，而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是，我們從你們所有人——將按自己的意愿去塑造一個年輕世紀(jì)的年輕人——身上看到這種進(jìn)步。

Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition.But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded.What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you--by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world.You get to decide.And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.你們恰恰生活在這個轉(zhuǎn)變的時代。想一想在這個學(xué)院剛成立時所提出的一些基本問題：俄羅斯將有什么樣的未來？俄羅斯和美國將有什么樣的共同未來？會有什么樣的世界秩序取代冷戰(zhàn)？對這些問題仍然沒有明確的答案，因此它們必須由你們來回答——由在俄羅斯、美國和全世界的你們這一代人來回答。決定將由你們作出。雖然我無法替你們回答這些問題，但我可以明了地談一談美國正在尋求的未來。

To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia.This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition.Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century.Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy--for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal--to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east.As President John Kennedy said, “No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War.” 首先，我要清楚表明：美國希望有一個強(qiáng)大、和平和繁榮的俄羅斯。這一信念植根于我們對俄羅斯人民的尊敬以及兩國間超越競爭關(guān)系的共同歷史。盡管兩國曾互為對手，但兩國人民在上一世紀(jì)最偉大的斗爭中互為聯(lián)盟。最近，我在諾曼底（Normandy）時曾指出這一點(diǎn)：如同來自波士頓和伯明翰的戰(zhàn)士奮不顧身攻上海灘、登上懸崖一樣，來自喀山（Kazan）、基輔（Kiev）等地的蘇聯(lián)士兵忍受了難以想象的艱難困苦，取消了——擊退了入侵，在東線扭轉(zhuǎn)了局勢。誠如約翰?肯尼迪（John Kennedy）總統(tǒng)所說，“在戰(zhàn)爭史上，任何國家都不曾遭受過蘇聯(lián)在二次世界大戰(zhàn)中所遭受的那種苦難。”

So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia.Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism;access to markets and opportunity;health and the environment;an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity.These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.因此，在銘記這一歷史的同時，我們也認(rèn)識到一個強(qiáng)大、富有生機(jī)的俄羅斯對未來的有益作用。想一想這些將決定你們生活的問題：不受核武器和極端主義傷害；市場準(zhǔn)入和機(jī)會；衛(wèi)生與環(huán)境；保護(hù)國家主權(quán)與人權(quán)并促進(jìn)穩(wěn)定與繁榮的國際體系。應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)必須靠全球合作，如果俄羅斯占在它應(yīng)有的大國位置上，這種合作關(guān)系會更為有力。

Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking;a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future.There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another.And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.但是，令人遺憾的是，有時存在著一種感覺，認(rèn)為昔日的設(shè)想，過去的思維方式一定占上風(fēng)；一種基于過去而非基于未來的實(shí)力觀。有一種20世紀(jì)的觀念，認(rèn)為美國與俄羅斯注定互為對手，認(rèn)為一個強(qiáng)大的俄羅斯或強(qiáng)大的美國惟有在相互對立中才可顯示自己的威力。還有一種19世紀(jì)的觀念，認(rèn)為我們注定要爭奪勢力范圍，認(rèn)為大國只有形成相互爭奪的集團(tuán)，才可達(dá)到平衡。

These assumptions are wrong.In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries.The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over.As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that--given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail.The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game--progress must be shared.這些設(shè)想都是錯誤的。在2009年，一個強(qiáng)國不是靠控制或妖魔化其他國家顯示實(shí)力。帝國可以將主權(quán)國家當(dāng)棋盤上的棋子擺布的時代已經(jīng)結(jié)束。如我在開羅所說，鑒于我們的獨(dú)立，任何世界秩序——鑒于我們的相互依存，任何企圖使一個國家或一個群體凌駕于另一個國家或另一群體之上的世界秩序必將失敗。尋求實(shí)力不再是零和游戲——進(jìn)步必須共享。

That's why I have called for a “reset” in relations between the United States and Russia.This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House--though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister.It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.這就是我呼吁“重啟”美俄關(guān)系的理由所在。這決不能僅限于克林姆林宮與白宮關(guān)系的新開端——盡管這一點(diǎn)很重要，我與貴國總統(tǒng)和總理分別就此舉行了極好的討論。這必須是美俄兩國人民的持久努力，以明確雙方的共同利益，擴(kuò)大對話與合作，從而為取得進(jìn)步鋪平道路。

This will not be easy.It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades.But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation.It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.這不是容易辦到的事。對于以往相互抗衡的對手而言，相互建立持久的伙伴關(guān)系有很大的困難，改變我們的政府和官僚機(jī)構(gòu)數(shù)十年來形成的根深蒂固的習(xí)慣勢力，任務(wù)也十分艱巨。但我相信在決定本世紀(jì)走向的基本問題上，美國人民與俄羅斯人民擁有共同的利益，從而提供了合作的基礎(chǔ)。俄羅斯的國家利益用不著我來闡釋，但我可以告訴你們，美國的國家利益是什么。我相信你們會發(fā)現(xiàn)我們擁有共同的基點(diǎn)。

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.首先，逆轉(zhuǎn)核武器擴(kuò)散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction.In 2009, our inheritance is different.You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror--we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries.But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint.We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.上一個世紀(jì)，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認(rèn)識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們了解，我們兩國之間發(fā)生任何戰(zhàn)爭，都將產(chǎn)生悲慘的結(jié)局。但我們確實(shí)有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現(xiàn)同樣的克制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全并避免使用核武器。This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century.The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion.In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests.Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 這就是21世紀(jì)核挑戰(zhàn)的核心問題。認(rèn)為擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認(rèn)為一旦確認(rèn)和鑒別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護(hù)自己，都?不切實(shí)際的幻想。在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的短時期內(nèi)，我們已經(jīng)看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進(jìn)行了核試驗(yàn)。如果不發(fā)生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今后20年不會出現(xiàn)核武器的進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散？

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons.That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers.And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴(kuò)散，最終爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)全世界不存在核武器的目標(biāo)。這與我們在《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。盡管我知道這個目標(biāo)不可能很快實(shí)現(xiàn)，但爭取實(shí)現(xiàn)這個目標(biāo)可以為防止核武器擴(kuò)散并避免其實(shí)際使用提供法律和道義的基礎(chǔ)。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation.Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT.And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.我們已經(jīng)為奠定這個基礎(chǔ)邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我為兩國談判達(dá)成一項(xiàng)新的條約取得了進(jìn)展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運(yùn)載系統(tǒng)的數(shù)量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據(jù)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》履行其職責(zé)的國家都有權(quán)獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強(qiáng)在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達(dá)到在四年內(nèi)保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標(biāo)至關(guān)重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs.Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon.And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges--ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負(fù)責(zé)。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應(yīng)該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我同意對彈道導(dǎo)彈問題──21世紀(jì)彈道導(dǎo)彈構(gòu)成的挑戰(zhàn)，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯(lián)合進(jìn)行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations--it's about the responsibilities of all nations.If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle.And that benefits no one.As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責(zé)任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》和聯(lián)合國安理會的信譽(yù)就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強(qiáng)食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規(guī)則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement.I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe.And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran.It has nothing to do with Russia.In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer.But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.成功地執(zhí)行這些規(guī)則有助于消除產(chǎn)生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的計劃。為了加強(qiáng)美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關(guān)計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統(tǒng)的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關(guān)。事實(shí)上，我希望與俄羅斯在導(dǎo)彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強(qiáng)我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導(dǎo)彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的驅(qū)動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。

Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰(zhàn)勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths.Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims.And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali;Islamabad and Kabul;and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands.They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate--particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.多年來，“基地”組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護(hù)所，在那里進(jìn)行訓(xùn)練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan.We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations.Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity.And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory.Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban.It's time to work together on behalf of a different future--a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present;a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.正是因?yàn)槿绱耍绹幸粋€明確的目標(biāo)：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進(jìn)其安全與繁榮。正是因?yàn)檫@個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經(jīng)貴國領(lǐng)土為我們的盟軍運(yùn)送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統(tǒng)治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。現(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該為實(shí)現(xiàn)另一種前途攜手努力 ── 我們不再進(jìn)行以往的大規(guī)模競賽，同時努力解決當(dāng)前的沖突，讓我們都為中亞的安全做貢獻(xiàn)。

Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists.We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis.We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security.We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development.In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success--and we need to partner together.現(xiàn)在，在阿富汗之外，美國還致力于爭取更多的機(jī)會孤立極端主義分子。我們正在幫助伊拉克人民建設(shè)更美好的未來，將伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我們正在尋求實(shí)現(xiàn)以色列和巴勒斯坦兩個國家在和平與安全的環(huán)境中共存的目標(biāo)。我們正在與世界各地的穆斯林進(jìn)行伙伴合作，以推進(jìn)教育、衛(wèi)生和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。在每一項(xiàng)努力中，我相信俄羅斯人民都與我們有共同的目標(biāo)，并將從成功中獲益──為此，我們需要結(jié)成伙伴關(guān)系。

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity.And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.現(xiàn)在，除了這些安全問題之外，我將談?wù)摰牡谌矫娴膯栴}是美國對全球繁榮的關(guān)注。今天有如此眾多的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和未來的工商界人士在場，我知道這是你們很關(guān)心的問題。

We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation.I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known.But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant--through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption--then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.我們在此會見，正值全球陷入這一代人最嚴(yán)重的衰退。我認(rèn)為，自由市場眾所周知是創(chuàng)造和分配全球財富的最強(qiáng)大的力量。但是，無論在什么地方，如果市場不受任何約束──因承擔(dān)過度的風(fēng)險，缺乏監(jiān)管或腐敗──那么一切都會受到威脅，不論我們居住在密西西比河(Mississippi)流域，還是伏爾加(Volga)河畔。

In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation.But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth.You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed.And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.在美國，我們現(xiàn)在正在采取前所未有的步驟，刺激經(jīng)濟(jì)回升，改革我們的監(jiān)管體制。但是，如同沒有任何國家能夠在全球危機(jī)中獨(dú)善其身一樣，沒有任何國家能夠單獨(dú)成為全球發(fā)展的動力。你們看，你們生活中發(fā)生了某種根本性的變化。雖然這場危機(jī)顯示出變化帶來的風(fēng)險，但是機(jī)會遠(yuǎn)大于風(fēng)險。Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago.A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world.An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global.An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford.That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods;when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate;when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched.想想有多少在今天可能、而在20年前卻不可思議的事。一位印度班加羅爾（Bangalore）的女青年可以通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)與世界上的任何人競爭。一位在北京創(chuàng)立公司的實(shí)業(yè)家可以讓生意走向世界。一位在莫斯科的新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院教授可以與哈佛或斯坦福的同行展開合作。這些對我們所有人有益，因?yàn)楫?dāng)印度出現(xiàn)繁榮，我們的商品能有新市場；當(dāng)新思維在中國扎根，它促使我們的商界創(chuàng)新；當(dāng)人與人之間建立起新的關(guān)系，它豐富開闊了我們所有人。

There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians.We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world.We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change.All of that, Americans and Russians can do together.美國人和俄羅斯人之間有著擴(kuò)大合作的巨大潛能。我們可以發(fā)展自由、公平的貿(mào)易，與世界更廣大地區(qū)融合；我們可以推動投資，給兩國創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會；我們可以在能源領(lǐng)域發(fā)展伙伴關(guān)系，不僅調(diào)動石油和天然氣等傳統(tǒng)資源，而且開發(fā)新能源，帶動增長，應(yīng)對氣候變化。對所有這一切，美國人和俄羅斯人都可以進(jìn)行合作。Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you.It's people;it's young people especially.And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed.That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law.As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development.People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe.Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea--that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century.然而，政府雖能夠倡導(dǎo)這些合作，但最終還要靠每一個人來發(fā)展合作，因?yàn)閷θ魏我粋€國家來說，21世紀(jì)的最寶貴資源是你們──是人；特別是年輕人。調(diào)動這項(xiàng)資源的國家將是一個成功的國家。而成功要基于在法治中運(yùn)作的經(jīng)濟(jì)。正如梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)所正確指出的，成熟和有效的法律體制是經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)發(fā)展的條件。人們在任何地方都應(yīng)享有不靠行賄而經(jīng)商或求學(xué)的權(quán)利，無論他們是在美國、在俄羅斯、在非洲、還是在拉丁美洲。這并不是美國的理念或俄羅斯的理念──這是人以及國家在21世紀(jì)的成功之路。

And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss--America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people.接下來我準(zhǔn)備講述的第四個問題是，保護(hù)本國人民權(quán)利的民主政府體現(xiàn)了美國的利益。

By no means is America perfect.But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time.Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied.The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power.Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government.Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable.If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President.Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights--people who looked like me.But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States.美國并非十全十美。但正是因?yàn)槲覀儓猿帜承┢毡榈膬r值觀，我們才有可能彌補(bǔ)不足之處，不斷努力改進(jìn)，假以時日即可愈益強(qiáng)大。由于倡導(dǎo)言論自由和集會自由，婦女、少數(shù)族裔和工人可以在自己的權(quán)利被剝奪的時候?yàn)楂@得全部的平等權(quán)利進(jìn)行抗?fàn)帯Ｓ捎趯?shí)行法治和司法平等，壟斷被打破，腐敗的政治機(jī)器被關(guān)閉，濫用權(quán)力的行為被制止。由于存在獨(dú)立的媒體，工商業(yè)和政府的各級腐敗行為被公之于眾。由于采取競選制度，我們可以改弦易轍，責(zé)成領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人忠于職守。如果我國的民主沒有發(fā)揮促進(jìn)這些權(quán)利的作用，那么我本人作為非洲裔的后代，就不可能以美國公民的身份向你們發(fā)表講話，更不可能以美國總統(tǒng)的身份站在這里。在我國建國之初，我還沒有什么權(quán)利——指當(dāng)年和我類似的人們。但正是因?yàn)榻?jīng)歷了這樣的過程，現(xiàn)在我可以作為美國總統(tǒng)站在你們面前。

So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work.The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive;governments which serve only their own power do not.Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others.Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners.And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia--nations that today live with great security and prosperity.因此，在世界各地，美國支持這些價值觀，因?yàn)樗鼈兪堑懒x的，也因?yàn)樗鼈兪怯行У摹v史的軌跡顯示，為民服務(wù)的政府生存壯大；為自身謀利的政府則非如此。代表民意的政府很少會導(dǎo)致國家墮落衰敗或恫嚇公民、挑起戰(zhàn)爭。那些促進(jìn)法治、接受監(jiān)督、容許獨(dú)立機(jī)構(gòu)的政府是更為可靠的貿(mào)易伙伴。在美國自身歷史上，民主國家一直是我們最持久的同盟，其中包括我們曾與之交戰(zhàn)的歐洲和亞洲國家──這些國家如今享有極大的安全與繁榮。

Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country.And we haven't always done what we should have on that front.Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies.We do so not because we agree with him.We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not.但讓我明確這一點(diǎn)：美國不能夠也不應(yīng)該謀求將任何政府體制強(qiáng)加于任何國家；我們也不會擅自認(rèn)為應(yīng)該由哪個政黨或個人主管國家。在這方面我們不是一向做得很理想。就在我們在這里聚會的今天，美國現(xiàn)在支持洪都拉斯民選總統(tǒng)復(fù)職，盡管他強(qiáng)烈反對美國的政策。我們這樣做并不是因?yàn)槲覀冑澩Ｎ覀冞@樣做是因?yàn)槲覀冏鹬剡@樣一個普世原則，即應(yīng)該由人民選擇他們自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，無論我們對這些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人贊同與否。

And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.由此引到我要討論的最后一個方面，即美國希望看到一個推動合作同時尊重所有國家主權(quán)的國際體制。

State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order.Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies.That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States.Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy.That's why we must apply this principle to all nations--and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine.America will never impose a security arrangement on another country.For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to;they must undertake reforms;they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission.And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.國家主權(quán)必須是國際秩序的根基。猶如所有國家應(yīng)該有權(quán)選擇自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一樣，國家也必須有權(quán)保障自己邊境的安全和制定自己的外交政策。這包括俄羅斯，也包括美國。任何割讓那些權(quán)利的體制都將導(dǎo)致政治混亂。因此，我們必須將這一原則用于所有國家──其中包括像格魯吉亞和烏克蘭這樣的國家。美國將絕不把安全機(jī)制強(qiáng)加于另一個國家。例如，任何國家要成為北約組織的一員都必須是基于其大多數(shù)公民的意愿；這些國家必須實(shí)行改革；它們必須能夠?yàn)楸奔s組織的使命貢獻(xiàn)力量。讓我明確表示：北約應(yīng)該謀求與俄羅斯的合作，而不是對抗。

And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples.As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests.But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world.That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands.That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge;a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed;a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.在更廣泛的層次上，我們需要增進(jìn)在所有國家和人民之間的合作與尊重。作為美國總統(tǒng)，我要不懈地為維護(hù)美國的安全和推進(jìn)美國的利益而努力。但是，沒有任何一個國家能夠獨(dú)自應(yīng)對21世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)或讓世界按自己的意志行事。美國現(xiàn)在認(rèn)識到這點(diǎn)，俄羅斯也是如此。正因?yàn)槿绱耍绹鶎で蟮氖且粋€能夠讓各國和平發(fā)展自身利益──尤其是當(dāng)這些利益相異時──的國際體制；一個使普世人權(quán)受尊重、踐踏人權(quán)行為受抵制的體制；一個我們將自己和其他國家一視同仁、所有國家都具有明確的權(quán)利與責(zé)任的體制。

There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting.Those days are over.The world is more complex today.Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet.Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build--not destroy.We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away;we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies.Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children.That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well.當(dāng)年羅斯福(Roosevelt)、邱吉爾(Churchill)和斯大林(Stalin)可以通過一次會議改變世界。但那個時代已經(jīng)結(jié)束。今天，全世界的情況更為復(fù)雜。在全球每一個角落，數(shù)十億人民已經(jīng)發(fā)出自己的聲音，并尋求以自己的方式實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮和自決。過去20多年來，我們親眼目睹了市場的發(fā)達(dá)、財富的擴(kuò)展和利用技術(shù)進(jìn)行建設(shè)——不是為了毀滅。我們看見老一代人的仇恨歸于消泯，人與人之間想像中的差異逐漸淡薄和消逝；我們看見人類的未來掌握在越來越多能夠決定自己命運(yùn)的人手中。現(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該看見，你們經(jīng)歷的過渡時期正迎來一個新時代，世界各國可以和平相處，各國人民也可以實(shí)現(xiàn)對尊嚴(yán)、安全和為子孫后代改善生活的渴望。這正是美國的利益所在。我相信，這也是俄羅斯的利益所在。

I know that this future can seem distant.Change is hard.In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper.But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time.One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire.When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony.When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few.我知道，這樣的未來似乎還很遙遠(yuǎn)。變革并非輕而易舉。正如新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院的那位學(xué)生在1993年所說的，現(xiàn)實(shí)的世界并不像書本上那樣理性。但是不妨想一想過去已經(jīng)發(fā)生的變革。一百年前，俄羅斯還在受沙皇的統(tǒng)治。整個歐洲仍然是帝國的天下。我出生的時候，種族隔離在美國部份地區(qū)仍屬當(dāng)?shù)睾戏ǖ男袨椤Ｎ腋赣H的原籍肯尼亞(Kenya)還是別國的殖民地。你們剛出生的時候，還不可能建立這樣一個學(xué)院，同時只有少數(shù)有條件的人知道因特網(wǎng)。

You get to decide what comes next.You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground;the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create.That is the source of power in this century.And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come.你們必須確定下一步怎么走。你們必須選擇變革引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)的方向，因?yàn)槲磥聿粚儆谠趹?zhàn)場上調(diào)兵遣將的人，也不屬于在地面上安置導(dǎo)彈的人；未來屬于有教養(yǎng)的、充滿想象力開創(chuàng)新天地的年輕一代。這才是這個世紀(jì)力量的源泉。考慮到你們這一代20多年來全世界發(fā)生的一切變化，不妨想一想你們在今后的年代可以有哪些開創(chuàng)性的作為。

Every country charts its own course.Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes.As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions;look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common.Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress.And it is all in your hands.Good luck to all of you.Thank you very much.(Applause.)每一個國家都需要規(guī)劃本國的道路。俄羅斯已經(jīng)走過了歲月的征程，正如一條洶涌澎湃的大河穿越深深的峽谷，在身后留下了人類歷史不可磨滅的印記。在你們繼續(xù)奮進(jìn)的道路上展望遠(yuǎn)大前程，只要我們拋棄歷史的障礙和疑慮，不再背負(fù)沉重的包袱；展望遠(yuǎn)大前程，╗要我們?yōu)榱藢?shí)現(xiàn)共同的愿望相互合作。我們?nèi)绻麛y手共進(jìn)，完全可以建成能夠保護(hù)人民，拓展繁榮和真正運(yùn)用我們的實(shí)力不斷進(jìn)步的世界。愿上帝保佑你們大家一切順利。多謝諸位。(掌聲)

第五篇：奧巴馬演講

奧巴馬演講

Hello, everybody.In the State of the Union, I laid out three areas we need to focus on if we're going to build an economy that lasts: new American manufacturing, new skills and education for American workers, and new sources of American-made energy.These days, we're getting another painful reminder why developing new energy is so important to our future.Just like they did last year, gas prices are starting to climb.Only this time, it's happening earlier.And that hurts everyone – everyone who owns a car;everyone who owns a business.It means you have to stretch your paycheck even further.Some folks have no choice but to drive a long way to work, and high gas prices are like a tax straight out of their paychecks.Now, some politicians always see this as a political opportunity.And since it's an election year, they're already dusting off their three-point plans for $2 gas.I'll save you the suspense: Step one is drill, step two is drill, and step three is keep drilling.We hear the same thing every year.Well the American people aren't stupid.You know that's not a plan – especially since we're already drilling.It's a bumper sticker.It's not a strategy to solve our energy challenge.It's a strategy to get politicians through an election.You know there are no quick fixes to this problem, and you know we can't just drill our way to lower gas prices.If we're going to take control of our energy future and avoid these gas price spikes down the line, then we need a sustained, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy – oil, gas, wind, solar, nuclear, biofuels, and more.We need to keep developing the technology that allows us to use less oil in our cars and trucks;in our buildings and plants.That's the strategy we're pursuing, and that's the only real solution to this challenge.Now, we absolutely need safe, responsible oil production here in America.That's why under my Administration, America is producing more oil today than at any time in the last eight years.In 2010, our dependence on foreign oil was under 50% for the first time in more than a decade.And while there are no short-term silver bullets when it comes to gas prices, I've directed my administration to look for every single area where we can make an impact and help consumers in the months ahead, from permitting to delivery bottlenecks to what's going on in the oil markets.But over the long term, an all-of-the-above energy strategy means we have to do more.It means we have to make some choices.Here's one example.Right now, four billion of your tax dollars subsidize the oil industry every year.Four billion dollars.Imagine that.Maybe some of you are listening to this in your car right now, pulling into a gas station to fill up.As you watch those numbers rise, know that oil company profits have never been higher.Yet somehow, Congress is still giving those same companies another four billion dollars of your money.That's outrageous.It's inexcusable.And it has to stop.A century of subsidies to the oil companies is long enough.It's time to end taxpayer giveaways to an industry that's never been more profitable, and use that money to reduce our deficit and double-down on a clean energy industry that's never been more promising.Because of the investments we've already made, the use of wind and solar energy in this country has nearly doubled – and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it.And because we put in place the toughest fuel economy standards in history, our cars will average nearly 55 miles per gallon by the middle of the next decade – something that, over time, will save the typical family more than $8,000 at the pump.Now Congress needs to keep that momentum going by renewing the clean energy tax credits that will lead to more jobs and less dependence on foreign oil.Look, we know there's no silver bullet that will bring down gas prices or reduce our dependence on foreign oil overnight.But what we can do is get our priorities straight, and make a sustained, serious effort to tackle this problem.That's the commitment we need right now.And with your help, it's a commitment we can make.Thank you.